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VOL. Vffi- 



Copyrighted, 1882 




Vol. IX JANUARY 1883 No. 1 


FRONTING the plaza in the ancient city of Isabel la Nueva, now- 
known as Santo Domingo, stands the venerable and weather-beaten 
cathedral. A solid building of cut stone, not in the light and grace- 
ful Gothic, but in the less aspiring Roman style, it has since its completion 
in 1540 defied alike the earthquake and the hurricane, the gnawing tooth of 
time, and the artillery of man. 

As you enter beneath the bold vaulted roof memories come thronging 
fast. Here was the first voice raised in the Western World in the cause of 
human freedom ; here the great Dominican Montesinos made the first 
denunciation of human slavery, and began the work so bravely carried on 
by Las Casas. Thus we may feel proud of Montesinos, for he reared the 
first Christian altar in our land, on the banks of the James, fourscore years 
before the English began a settlement in honor of the son of Mary Stuart. 

But the old cathedral has other memories. Within its walls, as is gen- 
erally conceded, lay for centuries the mortal remains of Christopher Colum- 
bus, the Discoverer of the New World. 

Santo Domingo, jealous of her great trust, claims to hold them still ; but 
the capital city of the neighboring island, Havana, no less strenuously 
asserts that since 1795 she has possessed them, and has in storied bust and 
monumental marble set forth the claim. 

All will admit that the remains of the wronged and illustrious Discoverer 
of the New World ought to be in a noble and honored tomb. He asked no 
elaborate pile, no masterpiece of sculpture, and none was raised. 

His tomb has been as obscure as his death. His remains were removed 
unheralded and unnoticed from Valladolid to Seville, from Seville to Santo 
Domingo. £vOV\l^ 

The time came, when amid the changes and vicissitudes of earthly 
things Spain was to yield up all her claim to Hispaniola which she had 
held from its discovery by Columbus. Before retiring from Santo Do- 


mingo, however, the Spanish authorities resolved to remove the ashes of 
Columbus. In 1795 the place where they were walled in was opened, some 
fragments of a leaden case, some pieces of bone were found. These were 
regarded as the remains of the great Discoverer, although there was no in- 
scription, no mark of any kind to authenticate them. 

With a laudable desire to honor Columbus, these were placed in a gilded 
case, officially locked, and carried to Havana, and are said still to lie in the 
cathedral of that city. 

A marble slab records that the remains of Columbus have there found a 
resting-place. This claim was tacitly admitted, in spite of the lack of abso- 
lute evidence as to their authenticity till the year 1877, when excavations in 
the same part of the sanctuary of the ancient cathedral led to the discovery 

of a vault containing a leaden case which bore 
inscriptions with the name and titles of Christo- 
pher Columbus. 

Santo Domingo recognized these as the real 
remains of Columbus, and maintained that in the 
hasty operations of 1795 the bones of some other 
member of the Columbus family were then taken 
to Havana, and that the remains of the Dis- 
coverer of America had never left their ancient 
cathedral walls. But while the civil and eccle- 
siastical authorities of the Dominican Republic 
were congratulating themselves on the honor 
which the discovery gave them, the event pro- 
duced a far different effect in the sister isle. In 
Cuba the reported existence of the remains of 
Columbus at Santo Domingo was received with little less than indignation. 
It was regarded as an attempt to deprive the city of Havana of one of its 
most prized and glorious possessions. 

Spain took up the cause of her colony, and Senor Lopez Prieto in 
Havana, 1 and Don Manuel Colmeiro 2 in an Informe addressed to the Royal 
Academy of History in Madrid, assailed the authenticity of the discovery in 
Santo Domingo. The controversy that arose was one of the warmest his- 
torical discussions of our time, and Archbishop Roque Cocchia was even 
accused of having conceived and carried out a stupendous fraud. 

For a time articles of greater or less length, all upholding the Spanish 


1 Informe que sobre los restos de Colon presente al Excmo S r Gobernador Oral. Don Joaquin 
Jovellar y Solar. . . . Don Antonio Lopez Prieto. Habana, 1878. 

2 Los Restos de Colon. Informe de la Real Academia de la Historia. Madrid, 1879. 


view of the question, circulated through the press in this country. It was 
the intemperate character of these articles that drew my attention to the 
question. I wrote to several editors and endeavored to ascertain the evi- 
dence in the hands of the writers, but not in a single case could I obtain 
the slightest response. One thing was clear, they did not emanate from 
any of the historical scholars of the country. They were merely the work 
of penny-a-liners. 

The next step was to collect, as far as practicable, the accredited docu- 
ments of the whole controversy and study the question on its merits. 

Let us then go back to the last days of the great man. Returning from 
his last voyage, Columbus, broken in health and spirits, reached Spain in 
1504. His great object was to seek a restoration of his rights and prop- 
erty. It was not till the month of May in the following year that he was 
able to set out for the Court, which was then at Valladolid. When he 
arrived there, Isabel was no more. From Ferdinand, who ruled Castile as 
regent for his daughter, he could obtain nothing. The impoverished Admi- 
ral lingered for a year in the city seeking redress. 

Courtiers naturally overlooked one no longer high in favor. We look in 
vain in correspondence of the time for any mention of the presence of the 
great Admiral at Valladolid. When Ferdinand went from that city to 
meet his poor daughter Jane, who was coming with her husband, Philip, 
Columbus was on his death-bed. He expired on May 20, 1506. His 
countryman, Peter Martyr, who had written proudly of him in the day of 
his prosperity, though at Valladolid, never alludes to Columbus in his let- 
ters of that period. 1 Even his son Ferdinand, in the life of his father, gives 
no details of his death, except that he received the sacraments with great 
devotion, and that his last words were : " Into thy hands, O Lord, I com- 
mend my spirit ! " 2 

There is no contemporary record at all of his death, or of his burial. 
An official document, dated twenty-seven days after his death, contains the 
phrase : " The said Admiral is dead." 3 

It is commonly stated 4 that his body was first laid in a vault in a church 
of the Franciscan Fathers, but it was removed to Seville before March, 
1509, and placed in the vault of the Carthusian monastery. 5 This was done 

1 Opus Epistolarum, Petri Martyris. Elzevir, 1670, pp. 167-175. 

2 Vita di Cristoforo Colombo descritta da Ferdinando suo Figlio. Londra, 1867, p. 361. 
' Navarrete, II., p. 316. 

4 There is as yet no proof of this. Harrisse : Les Sepultures, p. 7. 

5 Will of Diego Colon, March, 1509; Tejera : Los Dos Restos, p. 96; Colmeiros, p. 146; 
Roque Cocchia : Los Restos, p. 273 ; Tejera : Los Dos Restos, p. 6. 


by the family as a step toward carrying out Columbus' wish to be deposited 
in Santo Domingo. The coffins of his brother Bartholomew and of his son 
Diego were in time laid beside him. 

Steps had been taken to secure their removal to Santo Domingo, a 
royal order in the name of Queen Jane ' permitting their remains to be in- 
terred in the sanctuary of the cathedral of that city. But objections were 
raised, the project dragged along, and the bodies lay still in the Cuevas or 
vaults of the Carthusians. 

When Ferdinand, the surviving son of Christopher Columbus, made his 
will in May, 1539, they were still apparently there. He directs his body to 
be laid in the cathedral at Seville, but in case this was found to be impracti- 
cable, he asks to be laid in the vaults of the Carthusians. " I select it," 
he says, " in consequence of the great devotion which my father and brother, 
who were Admirals of the Indies, and I myself always felt for that house, 
and because their bodies have for along time been deposited there." 2 

No positive data have yet been found to fix the time of the removal of 
the bodies. When Ferdinand Columbus died he was interred in the cathe- 
dral of Seville. Of the remains of his illustrious father we hear no more till 
the year 1549, when, according to a document of Alonso de Fuenmayor, 
Archbishop of Santo Domingo, "the tomb of the great Admiral Christo- 
pher Columbus in which his bones lie, was greatly venerated and respected 
in our holy Church, in the main sanctuary." 3 

This makes the period within which the removal took place the decade 
between 1539 and 1549. At the last of these dates the cathedral had been 
completed nine years, and the family of Columbus may have awaited the 
termination of the architectural work and the formal consecration before 
removing the bodies from Seville to the sanctuary of the church on the 
banks of the Ozama. 

Although no allusion is made to Diego, the fact that his body was car- 
ried to Santo Domingo with his father's is stated positively by Loaisa, a 
writer of the next century, treating expressly of the Carthusian vaults at 
Seville. 4 

Other allusions to Christopher Columbus soon occur, according to docu- 
ments in the possession of Sefior Prieto. In 1559 Las Casas speaks of the 
cathedral as the resting-place of Christopher Columbus, but it is not till 
1655, nearly a century later, that there is the slightest indication of the part 
of the sacred edifice in which we must look for the tomb. There is no allu- 
sion to monument, mural tablet, bust, or inscription. Yet there seems to 

1 Los Restos, p. 276. 2 Harrisse : Fernand Colomb, p. 192. 

8 Cited by Lopez Prieto. Examen, p. 18. 4 Colmeiro, p. 160. 


have been something to mark the spot, for at the time when Cromwell's 
fleet menaced the island, Archbishop Francisco Pio requested the author- 
ities to cover the monuments in the cathedral, especially that of "the Old 
Admiral which is in the Gospel of my holy Church and chapel." ' 

Some years later, when the island had been visited by a severe earth- 
quake, Archbishop Juan de Escalante, in soliciting aid for his cathedral, 
alleges as one ground, " that on the right of the altar in the main sanctuary 
lies buried the illustrious Christopher Columbus." 2 

Somewhat later, in 1683, a Diocesan Synod was held. Then we begin 
to receive a little more light, and read : 

" This island having been discovered by the illustrious and most famous 
man in the world, Christopher Columbus, whose bones lie in a leaden case 
in the sanctuary at the side of the platform of the High Altar of this our 
Cathedral, with those of his brother Don Luis Colon, which are on the other 
side according to the tradition of the aged in this island." 3 

The little work, printed not in Santo Domingo but in Madrid, seems here 
to have omitted some words and misprinted one. No brother of the Ad- 
miral was laid there. Bartholomew, interred at first in Santo Domingo, 
was carried to Spain and laid in the Carthusian vaults at Seville ; while it 
was Diego's remains which accompanied his father's in the transfer to the 
island of Hispaniola. 

Yet the mention of Don Luis was not without foundation. There was a 
Don Luis, son of Diego and grandson of Christopher Columbus. He, too, 
bore the title of Admiral, and was Duke of Veraguas. Exiled to Oran, he 
died there, and, as though every one of the family was destined after death 
to cross the ocean, his body was carried to the Cathedral of Santo Do- 
mingo. 4 

These are the indications, few and vague, as to the burial-place of Colum- 
bus for more than a century and a half. Nowhere can we discover any allusion 
to monument or inscription. In our times 5 it has been said that King Fer- 
dinand ordered the erection of a monument, but if the order was really given 
there is no evidence that it was ever carried out, and we may well doubt 
whether the King of Arragon ever gave such an order after Jane ascended 
the throne of Castile, to which the New World owed homage. Others cite 
an inscription presumed to have been graven on his tablet or monument. 

1 Gloriosa Hazana, cited by Prieto, In forme, p. 37. 

2 Document cited by Prieto. 

3 Synodo Diocesana del Arzobispado di Santo Domingo, p. 13; Harrisse : Sepultures, p. 22. 

4 Cocchia : Los Restos, p. 52. 

5 By Washington Irving. 


This has been traced to a volume of poems on Spanish worthies, each em- 
bodying an epitaph, not one of which can be shown to have ever really been 
actually used. 1 

The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries give us merely the information 
that the remains of Christopher Columbus, in a leaden case, were finally con- 
signed to a vault within the sanctuary of the Cathedral at the right side of 


A, Platform of the Altar ; B, Entrance to Sacristy ; C, Tomb of Christopher Columbus ; E, Tomb of Diego Columbus ; 
F, Tomb of Luis Columbus ; G, Grave of Juan Sanchez Ramirez ; H, I, Graves of persons unknown ; K, Entrance 
to the Chapter House ; L, An Ancient Door ; M, Present Chancel Rail ; N, Epistle Stand ; O, Gospel Stand : P, Posi- 
tion of the old Chancel Rail. 

the platform of the high altar, and that a Louis of the same family lay on 
the other side. 

Nearly a century rolled away, and we hear nothing of the Discoverer of 
America till 1783, when a French gentleman, L. E. Moreau de Saint-Mery, 
engaged on a work devoted to the topographical and political description 
of Santo Domingo, sought more definite information, as in the language of 
the Synod of 1683, "nothing is said to direct us which is placed on the 

1 The Elegies of Castellanos, published in 1588. 


right, or which on the left." ' Securing the favor of Admiral Solano, he ob- 
tained from the chapter of the Cathedral such knowledge as they possessed. 

Two months before reparations and improvements had been made in the 
Cathedral. The sanctuary was enlarged so as to take in part of the body 
of the church, and it was filled in so that it was somewhat above the original 
level. In reply to Moreau de St. Mery, Peralta says, " The remains of 
Christopher Columbus are enclosed in a leaden coffin, surrounded with a 
case of stone, which is buried on the Gospel side of the sanctuary, and that 
those of Don Bartholomew, his brother, are interred in the same manner 
on the Epistle side of the sanctuary." 

So loose had tradition become that the body of Don Bartholomew was 
supposed to be in the possession of the Cathedral, although the name of 
Luis is given in the ancient synod to which they appealed. The mason 
work around the leaden boxes is spoken of as a stone case. These vaults, 
cases, or receptacles, were built out from the wall of the sanctuary, and rose 
little, if at all, above the floor of that portion of the Cathedral, and it was 
probably intended to mark each by an engraved slab. When the sanctuary 
was filled in, these vaults were left considerably below the new surface, so 
that evidently there was nothing at all to convey to a visitor any informa- 
tion as to their existence. Moreau de St. Mery certainly would not have 
taken all the steps he records to ascertain the spot had there been any slab 
or mark to designate it. 

Don Isidore Peralta wrote : " About two months ago, as some repairs 
were making in the church, a piece of thick wall was taken down, and built 
up again immediately after. This accidental event was the occasion of find- 
ing the stone case above mentioned, and which, though without inscription, 
was known, from uninterrupted and invariable tradition, to contain the re- 
mains of Columbus." 2 

The certificate of Don Jose Nunez de Caseres, Dean of the Chapter, gives 
other details : 

" There was found on the side of the choir where the Gospel is sung, 
and near the door which opens on the stairs leading to the Capitular Cham- 
ber, a stone case, hollow, of a cubic form, and about a vare in depth, en- 
closing a leaden urn a little damaged, which contained several human 
bones. I also certify that some years ago, on a like occasion, there was 
found on the Epistle side, another stone case, resembling the one above 
described ; and that, according to the tradition handed down and commu- 

1 Moreau de St. Mery: A Topographical and Political Description of the Spanish Port of Saint 
Domingo. Philadelphia, 1796, I., p. 127. 

2 Ibid, p. 128. 


nicated by the old men of the country, and by a chapter of the Synod of 
this holy cathedral Church, the case found on the Gospel side is reputed to 
contain the remains of Admiral Christopher Columbus, and that found on 
the Epistle side, those of his brother ; not being able to verify, however, 
whether the latter be really the remains of Don Bartholomew, or of Don 
Diego, son of the Admiral." (P. 129.) 

Without delaying to note the confusion as to Don Bartholomew, and the 
neglect of the evidence of the Synod that Don Luis was the one buried on 
the opposite side from the great Discoverer, we may infer from the silence 
that there was no inscription on the leaden case found on the Gospel side, 
and that when the vault on the other side was opened, the contents of the 
stone case were not examined for the purpose of identifying wmo really lay 
there. Moreau de St. Mery, after giving the certificates justly remarked : 

" Such are the only proofs of the inestimable deposit contained in the 
primatial church of Santo Domingo, and even they are immerged in a sort 
of obscurity ; since it cannot be positively affirmed, which of the two cases 
holds the ashes of Christopher Columbus ; unless by following tradition, 
we determine from the difference in the dimensions of the cases ; because 
that in which it is said the remains of Columbus are lodged, is thirty-two 
inches deep, while the other is only two-thirds as deep." (P. 131.) 

As Moreau de St. Mery was engaged on a work upon the island, which 
he finally published in Philadelphia, in 1793, in French, and " done into Eng- 
lish " by William Cobbett, he was anxious to obtain more definite informa- 
tion, and in 1787 he endeavored through a friend to pursue the inquiry, but 
in vain. 

" What a subject of reflection for the philosopher!" he exclaims. 
11 Scarcely are three hundred years past since the discovery of the New 
World, and already we hardly know what are become of the precious re- 
mains of the sagacious, enterprising, and intrepid discoverer? We see him 
expressing an anxious solicitude that his ashes may repose in the capital of 
the immense island which first established the truth of his opinions with 
respect to the existence of a western hemisphere ; they are transported 
hither posterior to the construction of the principal edifice, the cathedral, 
and yet, oh supine indifference for all that is truly noble ! not a mausoleum, 
not a monument, not even an inscription to tell where they lie." (P. I3 2 -) 

Spain had already lost one-half of the island ; erelong Republican France 
compelled her to yield the rest. The Lieutenant-General, Gabriel de Aris- 
tazabal, apparently in compliance with the wish of the Duke of Veraguas, 
who bore the expense of the translation of the remains, applied to Governor 
Joaquin Garcia, to the Archbishop of Santo Domingo, and to the chapter 


of the cathedral for permission to remove the remains of Christopher Colum- 
bus to Havana, in order to be deposited there till the King of Spain decided 
upon their permanent resting-place. 

From the official Act drawn up on the occasion it appears that on De- 
cember 20, 1795, in presence of the Regidor, Don Gregorio Savinon, the 
Archbishop of Santo Domingo, Lieutenant-General Aristazabal, Brigadier 
Cansi, Quartermaster Antonio Barba, Lieutenant-Colonel de la Rocha, 
and other persons of rank and repute, " a vault was opened which is in the 
sanctuary on the gospel side, main wall and platform of the high altar, one 
cubic yard in size, and therein were found some thin pieces of lead about 
one-third wide, showing that there had been a box of said metal, and pieces 
of bones, as it were, of shin bones, or other parts of some deceased person ; 
these were collected in a salver, which was filled with the earth, which from 
the fragments which it contained of some small ones, and its color, was seen 
to belong to that corpse, and the whole was placed in a gilt leaden case 
with an iron lock ; this was locked, and the key delivered to the said most 
illustrious Archbishop, and which box is about half a yard long and broad, 
and somewhat more than a quarter high. This was afterward placed in a 
small case lined with black velvet and trimmed with gold lace." A solemn 
high mass was celebrated, and the case was borne with military honors to 
the brigantine Descubridor, which conveyed it to Havana." 1 

From beginning to end of this Act there is no mention of the name of 
Christopher Columbus. With singular caution the writer avoids all names, 
and describes the remains simply as those of some dead person found in a 
vault on the right of the sanctuary between the main wall and the platform 
of the altar. 

Yet this is the sole evidence that the remains carried to Havana are those 
of Christopher Columbus. No presumption even in their favor can arise 
unless it be shown that there are no other remains in that part of the sanc- 
tuary. As Mr. Henry Harrisse, known by his bibliographical labors on our 
earliest period, and special studies on Columbus, well concludes : ''In the 
actual state of the question nothing, absolutely nothing proves that the 
bones preserved or supposed to be preserved in the cathedral of Havana are 
really the mortal remains of Christopher Columbus." 2 

The desolation of the island under the negro rule interrupted the line of 
archbishops, and it is only since the Dominican Republic has been estab- 
lished that the ancient cathedral has acquired some of its old dignity by 
the establishment of a provisional bishop, Monsignor Roque Cocchia, as 

1 Acta de la Exhumacion in Prieto's Informe, p. 20 ; Colmeiro, p. 171. 

2 Harrisse : Les Sepultures, p. 27. 


Vicar Apostolic. He is a member of the Capuchin order, given to histori- 
cal research, and before his elevation to the episcopal rank acquired a repu- 
tation by his " History of the Capuchin Missions." Years ago I sought his 
aid in tracing the early Capuchin Missions on the coast of Maine. His 
works showed extensive and careful research, and have never been im- 

In April, 1877, while he was absent from the city of Santo Domingo, 
the Rev. Francis X. Billini, rector of the cathedral, wished to reopen a door 
leading from the sanctuary to the sacristy on the epistle side, which had 
long been walled up with rough masonry. This door dated prior to the 
raising of the sanctuary and evidently went to the old level. In removing 
these stones, a niche was discovered containing a leaden case. The stones 
were replaced to await the Bishop's return, but as this was delayed, the 
rector proceeded to examine, and discovered a piece of sheet lead, with 
evidently lettering on it. This leaden plate was cleansed and deciphered by 
Don Carlos Nouel, who made out i( El Almirante Don Luis Colon, Duque 
de Veraguas y Marques de . . . ." (The Admiral Don Luis Colon, 
Duke of Veraguas, and Marquis of .... ), the rest was corroded 
and illegible. 

The vault was then closed till the Bishop's return. It was opened on 
September I, 1877, and found to contain a leaden case and human bones 
more or less preserved. This was done in presence of the clergy of the 
cathedral, several members of the Dominican ministry, the German, Ital- 
ian, Spanish, American, and Dutch consuls. 1 These were held to be the re- 
mains of Don Luis, the grandson of Christopher Columbus, and to be those 
referred to in the Acts of the Synod of 1683. Before the enlargement of the 
sanctuary this must have been just within the altar railing, and according 
to the Synod, the vault of Christopher was on the opposite side. On Sep- 
tember 8th, excavation was begun under the bishop's throne, at the oppo- 
site side of the sanctuary. Two graves were here found. In one the body 
had mouldered into dust ; in the other the bones and even the gold lace of 
the attire were recognizable. 2 The excavation was continued on the following 
day till a hewn stone was reached, which on being lifted showed a small 
empty vault. This was naturally supposed to be that opened in 1795. 
Excavation in the direction of the altar led to no result, and on the 10th it 
was continued toward the main wall, in presence of the Rev. Francis X. 
Billini, and the sacristan, J. M. Troncoso. In a short time a large rough 
stone was reached, broken on one side, showing a vault within and what 

1 Tejera : Los Dos Restos, p. 39; Acta del hallazgo ; Cocchia: Los Restos, p. 283. 

2 These were identified by the records as Don Isidore Peralta and Don Juan Sanchez Ramirez. 


appeared to be a case. The Bishop was summoned and repaired to the 
spot with the Italian consul and the director of the work, a Cuban gentle- 
man. When the Bishop had with some difficulty introduced his arm into 
the opening and removed part of the coating on the case some letters ap- 
peared. Deeming the discovery of real importance the Bishop closed the 
opening, and sent invitations to the President of the Dominican Republic 
and his Cabinet, the President of the Legislative Chamber, and other state 
officials, as well as the foreign consuls. When they assembled the little 
vault was opened, the case taken up and set on a music stand. When the 
exterior was cleansed, on the top appeared — D de la A P er A te : 

(Discoverer of America, First Admiral), on the sides and front C. C. A. 
The case on being opened contained human bones, and the inside of the 
lid bore the letters : 

Ill tre y Es do Varon D n Cristoval Colon 
(Illustrious and Renowned Man, Christopher Columbus). 

The bones were examined, and a ball of lead and two iron screws were 
found. It was then placed in a wooden box, which was locked up and 
officially sealed. 1 This second vault, though reached only in a circuitous 
way, was really part of the same construction as the empty one, the two 
being, as the American Consul, Paul Jones, assured Mr. Whitehead, sepa- 
rated only by a wall of masonry six inches thick. 2 The two vaults are of 

1 Acta del 10 de Setiembre de 1877 ; Cocchia, p. 287. 

2 Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, Vol. V., p. 134 ; Tejera : Los Dos Restos, 
p. 15. 


the same character and age, to all appearance laid at the same time. The 
Spanish Consul Sefior Echeverri, not only saw nothing to excite any suspi- 
cion of fraud, but claimed the remains for Spain, on account of an error or 
imposition practised in 1795. 1 The discovery was announced through the 
press, and Bishop Roque Cocchia, in whose cathedral these remains were 
found, communicated the fact to his flock in a pastoral letter. But if the 

people of the Dominican Re- 
public exulted in the discovery, 
the same feeling did not prevail 

The people of Cuba, and 
especially of Havana, resented 
it, and the King of Spain ap- 
pointed Sefior Antonio Lopez 
Prieto, an historical scholar of 
eminence in Havana, to proceed 
to Santo Domingo and investi- 
gate the matter with the Spanish 
consul. After some delay these 
two gentlemen examined the 
case at the College of San Luis 
Gonzaga on January 2, 1878. 
In the more thorough examina- 
tion of the box at this time 
there was found among the 
mould at the bottom of the case 
a small plate, which, on being 
cleansed, proved to be of silver, with two screw-holes, by which it had evi- 
dently been at one time affixed to the case by means of the iron screws. 
On this silver plate there were inscriptions on both sides. One side reads 
(as given on the next page) : 

U a p te de los r tos 

del p mer Al te D 

Cristoval Colon, Des r . 

(A Part [or as Sefior Tejera thinks Ultima, that is, Last Part] of the Re- 
mains of the first Admiral, D n Christopher Columbus, Discoverer.) 


1 Do existen depositadas las Cenizas de Cristobal Colon? por D. Jose de Echeverri. Santander. 
1878, p. 11. 


The other side had 

U Cristoval 
Colon. 1 

Sefior Lopez Prieto drew up a report in which his rich store of printed 
and manuscript matter enabled him to throw much light on the existence of 
the remains of Columbus at Santo Domingo. He addressed his report, or 
Informe, to Don Joaquin Jovellar, Captain-General of Cuba, and employed 
his talent to attack the authenticity of the remains found in 1877. 

The Spanish Government, also, as Mr. Harrisse assured us, on receiving 
intelligence of the discovery at Santo Domingo, forbade the copying of any 





documents in the national archives ; and in 1878, Sefior Manuel Colmeiro, 
an able and accomplished writer, drew up an Informe, which the Real 
Academia de la Historia of Madrid presented to the King of Spain, on this 
subject. This report was issued by Government. The question was thus 
elevated from the rank of a mere historical question into an affair of State, 
where the honor and credit of a great and noble nation was concerned. 

No one can respect Spain or its illustrious Academy of History more 
than I do, and I acknowledge personal obligations to the Academy. There- 
fore, in studying the question the arguments of the Academy's advocate, 

1 Acta del dia 2 de Enero de 1878, Cocchia, p. 305. 


Senor Colmeiro, and those of Sefior Lopez Prieto have been examined with 
every effort to ensure perfect and absolute impartiality. 

Both of these writers seek to uphold the claim of Havana, and to impeach 
the discovery made in Santo Domingo in 1877. They adduce arguments 
to uphold the authenticity of the Havana relics. As to Santo Domingo, 
the events were public, attested by many, and apparently beyond doubt. 
They could assail them only by showing that the vaults and cases found 
were supposititious — a pure fabrication. 

To carry out this theory, they assail the character of Archbishop Roque 
Cocchia. He is represented to us more or less directly as an impostor, 
the conceiver and perfecter of a prodigious fraud. Such a charge against 
a person in dignity, of unblemished reputation, should have the clear- 
est and weightiest proof. It remains to be seen whether such proofs are 

The casual discovery of the remains bearing the name of Don Luis, 
is treated by them as a mere pretence. The object of the Bishop is directly 
alleged to be a wish, on his part, to contribute to the canonization of Colum- 
bus, and so make Santo Domingo an American Jerusalem ; it treats him as 
one of" the authors and accomplices of the pious fraud." Senor Colmeiro, 
after maintaining that the Cristoval Colon, whose remains, according to 
Moreau St. Mery, lay on the right of the altar platform, was not the Dis- 
coverer of America, but a grandson of his, quotes one who says of the sec- 
ond case found : " The other came forth in silence from the known spot in 
which it was and might now be sought in vain, neither to the right of the 
platform of the high altar nor anywhere else in the Cathedral. It was con- 
summated in the laboratory of an evident transfusion of persons. A devout 
and well-intentioned hand transported it to the sanctuary, under the spot 
occupied by the bishop's throne, the same probably occupied till 1795 by 
the remains of the discoverer." 1 

For all this he gives no proof whatever. In an historical discussion in 
this country it would scarcely be permitted to make such charges without 
some proof of the bad character of the accused. Nor does it comport with 
our ideas of high Spanish honor to make unsupported charges of this nature 
against one whose profession precludes him from seeking reparation in the 
courts of law or the field of honor. 

In the controversy which now forms a literature of its own, and in which 
Archbishop Roque Cocchia, Messrs. Prieto in Havana, Colmeiro in Madrid, 

1 A writer in a Caraccas newspaper ! Colmeiro, pp. 118, 136; compare Tejera : Los Dos Restos, 
p. 12; and the clear refutation in the Informe presentado a la Sociedad Literaria, " Amigos del 
Pais." Santo Domingo, 1882. 


Harrisse in Paris, Tejera in Santo Domingo, Echeverri in Spain, Belgrano 
and others in Italy have taken part, the advocates on the Spanish side adopt 
a system which we, at a distance, and with nothing to bias us in favor of 
either side, cannot recognize as just or sound, for at the great bar of histori- 
cal criticism both sides must be held to the same rules of evidence. 

But they insist on everything being taken for granted in regard to the ex- 
cavations of 1795, and they not only impeach all the evidence of that of 1877, 
but they even assail the good faith of all concerned, and fail to produce even 
presumptive proof. 

The vault found in 1795 must, according to them, be regarded as un- 
questionably ancient; but that found in 1877 requires proof of its age, Se- 
nor Prieto stating, " my opinion is that it has not the antiquity supposed." 
There was no inscription of any kind with the remains taken up in 1795, 
but they must be conceded to be those of Christopher Columbus, while 
those found in 1877 are false because they have an inscription. Those con- 
cerned in the examination in 1795, we are required to believe, acted in per- 
fect faith, free from all pious fraud, and endued with unerring accuracy, 
while they insist on our regarding all concerned in the affair of 1877 as im- 
postors and authors of a pious fraud. 

This course cannot be admitted. What one side is required to prove, 
the other is under equal obligation to support by evidence. A charge of 
fraud must be sustained by evidence, or by such a train of circumstances as 
to admit of no other alternative. There cannot be a discrimination made 
between the two parties. The discussion has taken a very wide range, and 
many collateral points have been strenuously contested, although they had 
no direct bearing on the main question. 

All that relates to Columbus has been more thoroughly sifted and stud- 
ied, and in this respect the discussion has been beneficial. Much that has 
hitherto passed for history must now be consigned to the department of 
rhetoric and belles-lettres. 

To sum up all. The Havana remains are without a shadow of proof. 
They are simply as the Act declares them, the remains of some deceased 
person, found in a vault at the right of the high altar. To identify them 
with Columbus, it must be shown that his bones, and no other, were ever 
deposited there. 

Admitting that the remains of Columbus were in the sanctuary till 1795, 
the Act of that year does not prove their removal, but leaves the strong 
probability that they were left there, because we naturally expect some 
inscription with his remains. As the proof of their removal fails, their dis- 
covery in that place by more careful examination must be regarded as prob- 


able ; and an alleged discovery cannot without violence to good sense be at 
once stigmatized as a fraud. 

The exploration of the sanctuary shows three stone vaults, two on the 
right, one on the left, and no others, and especially none of the small size 
that would be made for the reception of a case containing merely the fleshless 
bones of one previously interred elsewhere. The three whose remains were 
thus committed to the sanctuary of the cathedral, so far as we can learn, 
were Christopher Columbus, his son Diego, and his grandson Luis. Dona 
Maria de Toledo, widow of Diego, and Vice-queen of the Indies, mother and 
guardian of Luis, appears in the documents alone in connection with the in- 
terment of these members of the Columbus family in the cathedral of Santo 
Domingo. It was she who obtained Royal Cedulas from Charles V. for 
the removal of the bodies of her husband and his illustrious father, and pur- 
sued the matter till the obstacles raised were overcome. After the period 
of the removal of the remains of Christopher and his son Diego, her way- 
ward son died in Oran, and his removal to the spot she had secured with 
such difficulty seems natural. But when she passed away no other of the 
family seems to have claimed sepulture here. The interment of a second 
Christopher Columbus there is the dream of J. J. de Armas of Caraccas, who 
does violence to the whole context of Moreau de St. Mery : and there must 
be positive proof of his bones being encased in lead and placed there before 
we can believe the case of 1877 to be his, falsified so as to pass for that of 
his grandfather. 

Three vaults, and only three, have been traced, and two graves of mod- 
ern date easily identified. These vaults contained cases bearing the names 
of Christopher Columbus and Don Luis. The inference does not seem 
rash that the third, empty when found in 1877, once contained the case of 
Diego, and that his were the remains removed to Havana in 1795. 

The authenticity of the case is attacked mainly on the ground that the 
inscriptions do not show them to be contemporaneous with the removal. As 
the case may have been renewed at the period of one of the examinations, 
this would not be sufficient to show that the contents were not genuine. 

The main objections are that the lettering " D de la A " implies a use of 
the word America, not recognized then in Spain, the term "The Indies" 
being universally used. This is the strongest point, but the use of the word 
is not absolutely without examples to support it. 

Another objection is the spelling of the name of Cristoval, which it is 
insisted should have the letter h. This point is a very weak one, and Senor 
Colmeiro in his volume gives two examples not only of the time, but in the 
Columbus family where the h is omitted. These are the first and second 



inscriptions on the tomb of Ferdinand Columbus, in both of which it is 
spelled as it is on the case. 1 

We do not find their arguments convincing that the rude lead box is a 
fabrication, simply from the fact that the initial of America is given and 
Cristoval spelt without an h. 

Yet the charge of fraud rests mainly on this ; and until the fact of fraud 
is made out by strong circumstantial evidence, we must acknowledge the 
cases to be apparently genuine. 

Hence it seems to me that the Spanish advocates have failed to prove 
the Havana remains to be those of Christopher Columbus ; and that they 
have failed, so far at least, to make out anything like a strong case in sup- 
port of their charge of imposture made against the alleged discovery in 

The weight of evidence, as the question now stands, seems to be in 
favor of the view that the remains of Christopher Columbus were then 
really discovered. 


1 Colmeiro, pp. 194, 195. 



There is nothing more useful and entertaining than the lives of great 
and excellent men, and yet it often happens that through the neglect of 
contemporaries, biographical materials are wanting. Unfortunately, this 
neglect sometimes causes injustice, and thus it is in the present case. One 
can but wonder that the life of De La Warr, the founder of the first per- 
manent English settlement in America, has never been attempted. A 
man of the highest social position and character ; whose determination 
planted that colony amidst the most discouraging circumstances ; whose in- 
fluence prevented its abandonment, in the face of the saddest disasters, and 
who gave his fortune and his life to the cause. To retrieve this neglect, so 
far as it may lie in my power, I shall attempt to collect in one view some- 
thing of what can now be gathered from various authors, who occasionally 
mention the name and actions of Sir Thomas West, third Lord De la Warr, 
hoping that this short account, though very imperfect, may do some justice 
to the memory of that noble person. 

The oldest will written in English, preserved at Somerset House, is the 
will of Lady Alice West, widow of Sir Thomas West, and daughter and 
heir of Reginald Fitz-Herbert. It was proved September I, 1395. Her 
son, Sir Thomas West, Knight, third Baron West, married Joan, daughter 
of Sir Roger La Warr, who, assisted by John de Pelham, captured the 
King of France at the battle of Poictiers, September 19, 1356. Joan La 
Warr, through her mother, Alianore, daughter of John Lord Mowbray, de- 
scended from the Royal Houses of England, France, Scotland, and Nor- 
mandy, and from her, by her marriage with the third Baron West, de- 
scended Sir William West, who having served with great distinction in the 
English army at the siege of St. Quintin, in Picardy, was knighted at 
Hampton Court, February 5, 1568, and created at the same time Lord De 
la Warr. He died at Wherwell, December 30, 1595, leaving by his wife 
Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Strange of Chesterton, three daughters and 
one son, Sir Thomas (born 1555) knighted in 30 Elizabeth, succeeded his 
father as second Lord De La Warr in 1595. " In 1601, he was one of the 
peers on the trials of the Earls of Essex and Southampton, February 19th, 
in Westminster Hall ; and when they were pronounced guilty, the Earl of 
Essex, before he left the lords, asked ' pardon of the Lord de la Warr, and 
the Lord Morley, for bringing their sons into danger, who were un- 


acquainted with the whole matter.' He died March 24, 1602, and by Anne, 
his wife, daughter of Sir Francis Knollys, Knight of the Garter, and Treas- 
urer of the Household to Queen Elizabeth had issue " thirteen children. 

Genealogy is an important groundwork for history, and I would like to 
give more of it here, in order to show how many of Lord De la Warr's con- 
nections and relatives were his aiders and abettors in planting Virginia ; 
but I must confine myself in the present article to the founder's immediate 

Lady Mary Boleyn, sister to Queen Anne Boleyn, first cousin to Queen 
Catherine Howard, and aunt to Queen Elizabeth, married, in 1 52 1 , Sir 
William Cary (or Carey), Esquire of the Body to Henry VIII., he died 
about 1527, leaving two infant children, Henry Cary (afterward first Lord 
Hunsdon) and Katherine Cary. The descendants of these two children, 
and their connections, were among the most active agents of colonization. 
Katherine Cary married Sir Francis Knollys aforesaid, by whom she was 
mother to eleven children, many of whom, together with their descendants, 
were friends to the English Colonies. Her daughter, Anne Knollys 
(Knowles), married Sir Thomas West, second Lord De la Warr, by whom 
she had thirteen children, viz. : 

1. Walsingham West, died young. 

2. Elizabeth West, born September 11, 1573. Her sponsors in 

baptism were Queen Elizabeth, the Countess of Lincoln, and 
the Earl of Leicester. She married, February 12, 1593-4, 
Herbert Pelham, Sr. , Esq. His second wife. 

3. Helena West, married Sir William Savage of Winchester, 


4. Sir Robert West (died in life of his father), married Elizabeth, 

daughter to Sir Henry Coks of Broksborn, Cofferer to 
Queen Elizabeth. 

5. SIR THOMAS WEST, who succeeded his father as third Lord 

De La Warr. 

6. Lettice West, married Henry Ludlow of Tedley, in the County 

of Southampton, Esq. 

7. Penelope West, born September 9, 1582, married Herbert 

Pelham, Jr., Esq., son of Herbert Pelham, Sr., Esq., by his 
first wife. Many of their children and descendants were 
interested in colonization. Their son, Herbert Pelham, was 
the first treasurer of Harvard College, N. E., and their 
daughter, Penelope Pelham, was second wife to Governor 
Richard Bellin^ham of Massachusetts. 


8. Anne West, married John Pellet, son and heir of Sin Benja- 

min Pellet. 

9. Catherine West, said to have died unmarried. 

10. Captain Francis West, came to Virginia in 1608 ; for many 

years a member of the Council there ; in 1622 Admiral of 
New England, and 1627-28 Governor of Virginia. He 
owned lands at Westover on the James River. 

11. Colonel John West, for many years a member of the Council 

in Virginia and in 1635-37 Acting Governor of the colony. 
The House of Burgesses (March 1659-60) passed an act 
acknowledging " the many important favours and services 
rendered to the countrey of Virginia by the noble family of 
the West, predecessors to Mr. John West, their now only 
survivor, etc." (The ancestor of many Virginians.) 

12. Captain Nathaniel West, who it seems died in Virginia in 


13. Elizabeth West (the second of the name), married Sir Rich- 

ard Saltonstall of the N. E. Colony. (His second wife.) 

The fifth child and third son, Sir Thomas West, third Lord De la Warr, 
was born about 1580, and, in the lifetime of his father, when twenty years 
of age, was knighted. On the death of the Queen, March 24, 1602-3, he 
was one of the twenty-five lords, privy counsellors, who sent a letter, dated 
at the Palace of Whitehall, March 28, 1603, to the Lord Eure, and the rest 
of the commissioners for the treaty of Breame ; notifying them of the acces- 
sion of King James to the throne, and ordering them to make the best con- 
ditions they could, in such points as they had in charge, with the imperial 

In 1602 he married Cecilie, daughter of Sir Thomas Shirley of Wiston 
in Sussex, Knight, and sister, I am quite sure, to the celebrated travellers, 
"Sir Anthony, Sir Robert and Master Thomas Shirley." She bore her 
husband seven children ; 1, Sir Henry West, fourth Lord De la Warr ; 2, 
Jane ; 3, Elizabeth ; 4, Anne, who married Christopher Swaly, D.D., pre- 
ceptor to Henry, Prince of Wales ; 5, Cecily, married, first, Sir Francis 
Bindlose, Knight, second, Sir John Byron, first Lord Byron ; 6, Lucy, 
married Sir Robert Byron ; and 7, Catherine West. 

These statements show Lord De la Warr's position in society, and the 
natural advantages which he had for carrying out any reasonable under- 
taking in which he was determined to succeed. I will now refer to the ser- 
vices rendered by him to colonization. 

On March 7, 1588-9, Sir Walter Raleigh made an assignment from 


his Patent to Sir Thomas Smith, Richard Hakluyt, and others. Prospectors 
continued to go out from time to time, and their reports finally led to a re- 
newal of the efforts for colonizing this continent. On April 10, 1606, 
King James I. set his seal to an ample Patent. On November 20, 1606, 
James issued the Code of Laws which he had busied himself in forming 
for the intended Colony. On December 10, 1606, his Majesty's Council 
for Virginia issued their orders for the expedition, and their advice for the 
colonists on landing. Saturday, the 20th of December, in the year 1606, 
the fleet fell down from London under the command of Captain Chris- 
topher Newport, and April 26, 1607, they landed in Virginia. The colony 
did not prosper ; the laws were unfortunate. The officers did not work in 
harmony, and some time prior to April 15, 1609, the King's Council for the 
Company made an entire change in the form of government, new officers 
being appointed to supersede those in Virginia. " Sir Thomas West, 3d 
Lord De la Warr, ' religious, wise, and of a valorous minde,' distinguished 
for his virtues as well as rank, received the appointment of Governor and 
Captain-General for life; " Sir Thomas Gates (of the first charter) next in 
command, and Sir George Sommers (of the first charter), Admiral. These 
changes gave the enterprise a new life. Many noblemen, knights, gentle- 
men, merchants, wealthy tradesmen, and the most of the incorporated trades 
of London were induced to take shares of stock. A fleet of ten vessels 
was secured to carry emigrants and supplies to the Colony. Early in May, 
1609, Sir George Sommers was at Plymouth, with the Swallow, the Vir- 
ginia, and a Pinnace ready to sail : but waiting for Sir Thomas Gates, who 
on the 15th of May sailed from Woolwich with seven sail (Sea Adventure, 
Diamond, Falcon, Blessing, Unity, Lion and a Catch), reaching Plymouth 
May 20th, where they were delayed until the 2d of June, and then we set sail 
to sea ; but cast by South West winds we put into Faule mouth, and there 
stayed until the eighth of June." 

In the meantime, May 23, 1609, the King assigned them a more ample 
Patent, called the Second Charter, and Lord De la Warr, the Governor of 
the Colony, was named as one of the King's Council for the Company. 

" Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Sommers, who were appointed by 
Commission to reside in the Countrie," sailed June 8, 1609, from Faule- 
mouth with ten vessels and "the better part of 500" colonists. The Pin- 
nace soon returned, the Catch was lost at sea and the Sea Adventure was 
wrecked on the Bermudas. The remaining seven vessels having suffered 
great losses in colonists by the calenture and in provisions, etc. , by "a 
Hericane," arrived in Virginia about August 11, 1609, where they found 
"a few poore houses," " about seaven acres of corn," and, as variously stated, 


from eighty to one hundred and eighty persons ; who, having been but re- 
cently saved, by the opportune arrival of Captain Argall, from a prospect of 
starvation themselves, were evidently in no condition to protect and succor 
these people " in their sick and miserable estate." We have here no exact 
account of the death-rate by sea or land, as it was a matter for conceal- 
ment ; but in " six weeks," we are told, " neere halfe " of about 220 were 
killed by the Indians at the Falles and in Nansemand, and " in James 
Towne at the same time and in the same moneths, 100 sickned and halfe 
the number died." To add to the general distress, the Lieutenant-Gen- 
eral was shipwrecked and did not arrive. There was no legal commander, 
so that there was great confusion. The colonists finally selected Captain 
George Percy to govern them. On the 4th or 5th of October, 1609, leaving 
the Swallow and the Virginia, the rest of the fleet returned to England. 
They left less than three hundred colonists, almost entirely dependent for 
subsistence on the natural resources of the country, at enmity with the sav- 
ages, and with the winter already upon them. At first, with savage strategy, 
Powhatan sent Percy venison and pretended peace, until he " cruelly mur- 
thered and massacred Capt. RatclifTe and about thirty others in an ambush." 
He then destroyed the hogs, refused all trade, and " laied secret ambushes 
in the woods." In a little less than eight months about three-fifths of the 
colonists had died of disease or starvation, or had been killed by the In- 
dians. From April, 1609, to the arrival of Lord De la Warr in June, 1610, 
was really a starving time in Virginia. They were somewhat relieved by 
Argall in July, and by being divided and dispersed abroad in August and 
September, but these divisions gave the Indians the better opportunity to 
murder them, and during the warm weather the mortality was fearful at 
Jamestown. The suffering for food, comforts, etc., was naturally greater 
in the winter than in the summer. The abuse that has been heaped upon 
the early martyrs to colonization in Virginia is unpardonable. 

On the return voyage two of the ships perished upon the point of 
Ushant. The rest of the fleet came laden with nothing but bad reports 
and letters of discouragement. From the beginning the Fates seem to 
have been against this fleet, and "upon these events many adventurers, 
which had formerly well affected the businesse, when they saw such unex- 
pected tragedies withdrew themselves, and their monies from adventure. 
Notwithstanding it lessened much the preparations, yet it hindered not the 
resolution of that noble Lord, appointed Lord Governor — the Lord La 
Warre — to goe in his own person." On February 21, 1609-10, Lord De la 
Warr went to Temple Church, where the Rev. Wm. Crashaw delivered an 
earnest missionary sermon before the Virginia Company of London, from 


the text, Daniel xii., 3d verse, "They that turn many to righteousness 
[shall shine] as the stars forever and forever." In his peroration, the 
preacher addressed Lord De la Warr : " And thou, most noble Lord, whom 
God hath stirred up to neglect the pleasures of England, and with Abra- 
ham to go from thy country and forsake thy kindred, and thy father's house 

to go to a land which God will show thee Remember, thou 

art a General of English men, nay a General of Christian men ; therefore 
principally look to religion. You go to commend it to the Heathen, then 
practise it yourselves ; make the name of Christ honourable, not hateful, 
unto them." The preacher also spoke of the great honour gained by his 
ancestors, "but by this action thou augmenteth it," and "the Blessing of 
Almighty God was invoked on his undertaking." 

April 1, 1610, Lord De la Warr left Covves in his own good ship, 
the De la Warr, and with two other vessels, the Blessing and the Her- 
cules, sailed for Virginia, carrying under his absolute command one hun- 
dred and fifty colonists and a full supply of provisions for four hundred 
men for twelve months, to the relief of the colony. But the colony, 
although reinforced by those who had been shipwrecked on the Bermudas, 
for reasons over which they had no control, could not exist any longer, 
and, June 7, 1610, it was determined to abandon the country. Accordingly 
"that night they fell down with the tide to Hogg Island, and the next 
morning the tide brought them to Mulberry Island, where they met the 
long boat of Lord De la Warr, in which he had sent Captain Edward Brew- 
ster with letters to Sir Thomas Gates, instructing him to return to James- 
town." Gates, " the very next daye, to the great griefe of all his company 
(only except Captain John Martin) as winde and weather gave leave re- 
torned his whole company with charge to take possession againe of those 
poore ruinated habitations at Jamestown, which we had formerly aban- 
doned ; himselfe in a boate proceeded downeward to meete his Lordship, 
who making all speede up, arrived shortly after at James Towne," reaching 
there on the 10th of June, " being Sonday, and in the afternoon went 
ashoare," where "he first fell on his knees and remained for some time in 
silent prayer ; he then repaired to the church where he first heard a sermon 
made by Mr. Buck, Sir Thomas Gates, his preacher ; after the services he 
caused his commission to be read, upon which Sir Thomas Gates delivered 
up to him his owne commission, both patents and the Counsell seale." The 
Governor then delivered " some few wordes " of reproach, warning, advice 
and good cheer. " We have no way to judge the future save by the past," 
and there was nothing in the past experience of the colony to give hope for 
the future. The colony had been abandoned, the enterprise had proved a 


failure ; " none had enjoyed one day of happiness ; " none of the old colony 
(only except Captain John Martin) wished to return ; there was " found 
scarcely the print of twenty hundred groats disbursed, which had truly cost 
the adventurers above twenty thousand pounds ; " over seven hundred colo- 
nists had been sent out, and in three years over five hundred of these had 
died, " with cruel diseases and swellings, flixes, burning fevers, and by 
warres, and some departed suddenly ; but for the most part they died of 
mere famine ; " some had left the colony and others had been sent to Eng- 
land " to answer some misdemeanors." Jamestown was " ruinated," it was 
perfumed by the odor from the dead bodies of the English, and " surrounded 
by the watching, subtile, and offended Indian." As Lord De la Warr 
wrote to Salisbury, "if it had not have been for the most happy news of 
Sir Thomas Gates, his arrival, it would have been sufficient to break my 
heart." For years the expeditions went to Virginia via the tropics, the 
emigrants being crowded together in the " hot holes " of the small vessels 
of the period ; when the voyage was made in warm weather the calenture 
was bred among them. De la Warr reached Virginia in the summer ; his 
people were suffering with the calenture, and in a few months many died. 
It is apparent that the Governor deserves far more credit for determining, 
under such discouraging circumstances, to persevere in his undertaking to 
plant a colony in America, than he would have done if there had been no 
previous effort. With nothing but failure and misfortune to look back on. 
with disaster and, disease around him, kneeling down on the bank of the 
river, in silent prayer, he found his only solace from on high ; he placed his 
only hope on the strong arm of the Almighty, and went most resolutely to 
work to plant his colony. " Can there be a better beginning than from 
God, whose wisdome is not questioned and whose footsteps in all succeeding 
ages have been followed ? " 

Under Lord De la Warr's guidance, the prospect at once brightened. 
On June 15th, Sir George Sommers, writing to Salisbury from Jamestown, 
says : "They are now in good hope to plant and abide there, for greater 
care than ever is taken." 

On June 12th, the Governor organized his government ; on the 19th, 
Sir George Sommers and Captain Argall were sent to the Bermudas, 
from thence they •• would fetch six months' provisions of flesh and fish, and 
some live hoggs." During this voyage, Argall entered the present Dela- 
ware Bay and named a cape for the Governor. On the 7th of July, 1610, 
the Governor and his Council in Virginia wrote a letter to the Company in 
London, giving a relation of recent accidents, a brief description of the 
country, and stating the various items of men, provisions, physic, etc., 


thought necessary for the present welfare of the colony. Sir Thomas Gates 
and Captain Newport, being sent in the Blessing and the Hercules for 
these necessaries, carried this and other letters from Lord De la Warr 
to England, where they arrived about September, 1610," and found Vir- 
ginia everywhere evil spoken of, some of those who left Virginia in the 
Swallow about the first of 1610, having reached England and given sad 
accounts of the condition in which they left the colony. The abandon- 
ment of the undertaking was seriously debated by the Company ; and was 
only given up after earnest deliberations over the letters from Lord De la 
Warr, and consultations with Sir Thomas Gates. The damaging accounts 
had then to be met, and November 8, 1610, Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Maurice 
Berkeley, Sir George Coffin, and the celebrated lawyer, Richard Martin, 
entered a book at Stationers' Hall, praising the soil and climate of Virginia, 
confronting the scandalous reports by referring to the letters from the Gov- 
ernor and to Sir Thomas Gates in person. This publication is styled " A 
True Declaration of the Estate of the Colonie in Virginia," &c. Referring 
to Lord De la Warr it says : " Shall their venemous tongues blast the repu- 
tation of an ancient and worthy Peere, who, upon the ocular certainty of 
future blessings, hath protested in his letters that he will sacrifice himself e 
for his countrie in this service, if he may be seconded ; and if the Company 
doe give it over he will yet lay all his fortttnes tip on the prosecution of the 

" R. Rich, gent, one of the voyage," who possibly returned with Gates, 
wrote an account of the colony in verse, published at London in 1610, in 
which, referring to Lord De la Warr, he says : 

,s And to the Adventurers thus he writes, 

Be not dismayed at all, 
For scandall cannot doe us wrong, 

God will not let us fall. 
Let England know our Willingnesse, 

For that our work is good, 
Wee hope to plant a nation, 

Where none before hath stood." 

As soon as the Company determined not to give up the enterprise, they 
went to work to supply the items called for by De la Warr. The Her- 
cules was returned the latter part of 16 10. The next supplies were sent 
in three vessels in charge of Sir Thomas Dale and Captain Newport, who 
went down the Thames the latter part of February, and left Land's End, 
March 17, 1610-11. In order to enable Gates to follow "in Maie next," 
His Majestie's Council for Virginia, February 28, 1610-11, issued a circular 


letter asking assistance. In this letter they say: "The eyes of all Europe 
are looking upon our endeavors to spread the Gospell among the Heathen 
People of Virginia, to Plant our English nation there and to settle at in 
those Parts." 

Governor De la Warr, while in Virginia, " reduced chaos to order," 
brought about the harmony necessary to success ; organized a regular sys- 
tem of labor ; built Forts Henry and Charles near Southampton River, and 
another fort near The Falles ; repaired and remodelled the church at James- 
town, which he caused to be kept " passing sweet and trimmed with divers 
flowers" — never failing for a day to implore the favor of God, to look 
principally to religion, and to practise it themselves," following, possibly 
for the first time in the Colony, the "Advice for the Colony on Land- 
ing" : "Lastly and chiefly, the way to prosper and achieve good success 
is to make yourselves all of one mind for the good of your country and 
your owne — and to serve and fear God the Giver of all Goodness, for every 
plantation which our Heavenly Father hath not planted shall be rooted out." 

" When he had settled the colony within itself, his next care was to put 
them upon a proper footing with regard to the Indians, whom he found 
very haughty and assuming on account of the late miserable state of the 
English ; but by some well-timed and vigorous steps he humbled them, 
showed he had power to chastise them, and courage to exert that power ; 
and after having awed them into a very peaceable disposition, and settled 
his colony in a very growing condition, he retired home for the benefit of 
his health, which by his constant attention to business and the air of an 
uncultivated country had been impaired." 

March 28, 161 1, leaving his colony in charge of Captain George Percy, 
the Governor sailed in the De la Warr for the Island of Mevis for the bene- 
fit of the warm baths, the colony then having about two hundred persons, 
with provisions for ten months. " Being crossed with southerly winds, he 
was forced to the Western Isles, where he spent eight days on the Island 
of Fyall, deriving great benefit from the fresh dyet, especially oranges and 
Limons." From thence he resolved (although his body still remained feeble 
and weak) to return back to his charge in Virginia ; but he was advised 
not to hazard himself before he had perfectly recovered his strength, " which 
by counsell he was persuaded to seeke in the natural ayre of his own coun- 
try, and so he came for England. In which accident, I doubt not that men 
of reason and of judgment will imagine there would more danger and preju- 
dice have happened to the colony by his death in Virginia then by his 

After Dale arrived (May 12, 161 1) he wrote (May 25, 161 1) to "the 


Counsell" that "he found howe careful his Lordship hath been in what 
either his forces, or own abilitie of bodie enabled him unto. And well I 
perceaved his zeale how it is enflamed to His Right Noble Worke." 

Governor De la Warr arrived in England in June, 1611, meeting Sir 
Thomas Gates at Cowes, on his way to Virginia with three vessels con- 
taining men and supplies, and three " carvils " containing " 100 kyne and 200 
swine." He delivered a relation before the Lords and Counsell of Vir- 
ginia, and afterward, June 21, 161 1, before the General Assembly of the 
Company, which was printed by William Hall, London, 161 1. June 22, 
1611, he wrote to Salisbury: " Is weak from the effects of his long sick- 
ness ; but no whit discouraged from proceeding with the business he had 

The hope of the Company had centred in Lord De la Warr, and the gen- 
eral confidence reposed in him had enabled them to send extraordinary 
supplies to the colony ; so his unexpected return " wrought a great dampe 
of coldnesse in the hearts of all." The prospect was very gloomy, many 
withdrew their support, and many wished to abandon the project. The 
faith in De la Warr was shaken, but it was not destroyed ; and, finally, his 
representations delivered in council and confirmed by oath induced the 
Company to renew their exertions. " That Noble Lord assured them, that 
notwithstanding his ill health, he was far from shrinking, or giving over the 
enterprise ; that he was willing to lay all he was worth on its success, and 
to return to Virginia with all convenient expedition." The confidence of 
many was restored, and it was determined not to give over the enterprise. 
" Lord De la Warr did not forget the Colony ; but considering himself as 
nearer the Fountain-head, thought it his duty to turn the spring of the royal 
favour more copiously upon the Province which he super-intended." March 
12, 1611-12, King James I. granted the Company a third charter, increasing 
the bounds." 

In 1611-12 there were sent with colonists and supplies, the Sarah, 
the John and Francis, and the Treasurer; in 1613, the Elizabeth; in 
1614, the Elizabeth; in 161 5, the John and Francis and the Treasurer; 
in 1616, the Susan; in 1617, the George, a Pinnace, and the George; 
and in 161 8, the Neptune and the Treasurer. Lord De la Warr was part 
owner of several of these vessels, and they were fitted out partly at his in- 
dividual expense ; some of them were wholly employed in the relieving of 
the colony. From 161 2/ for several years, the planting of an English col- 

1 In 16 12, we are told that Captain Samuel Argall was ready with two ships, and the Lord Gov- 
ernor himself was preparing to go in his owne person. Argall left England July 23, 1612, in the 
Treasurer, a vessel partly owned by Lord De la Warr, with instructions to resist the French encroach- 


ony in Virginia was bitterly opposed by Spain. In 1612, John Rolfe intro- 
duced the cultivation of tobacco in Virginia. The first planting of tobacco 
is second only in importance to the planting of Virginia. For what would 
Virginia be without her " to-back-er" '? May 17, 1614, the celebrated 
lawyer, Richard Martin, representing the Virginia Company of London 
before the House of Commons, said that, " since Lord De la Warr became 
Governor, Virginia had become a settled plantation, and all it now needed 
was the fostering care of England." This is the earliest official allusion to 
Virginia as a settled plantation that I have noted. April 5, 1614, Master 
John Rolfe and Pocahontas, the great king's daughter, were married. In 
16 16 they were taken to England by Acting Deputy Governor Sir Thomas 
Dale, marshal, and were introduced to the king and queen by the Gov- 
ernor of Virginia and Lady De la Warr. In 161 3, Captain Argall, in the 
Treasurer (a vessel owned by Lord De la Warr, his cousin, the Earl of War- 
wick, and their noble associates), taught the French in New England, in a 
very positive manner, that they were occupying British territory. 

While the Governor was in England, " nearer the fountain-head," ad- 
vancing the interests, and encouraging the permanent settlement of the 
colony, he was represented in Virginia by Lieutenant- or Deputy- 

December 27, 1617, the Governor was preparing to go again in person 
to Virginia. I think the colony was regarded as in a promising condition 
at the time. Sir Thomas Dale, in June, 1616, reported that he had " left 
the Colony in great prosperity and peace." The colony is said to have 
been prosperous under Yardley in 1616-17 ; and Argall is said to have 
found it very prosperous when he arrived in May, 1617 ; which was the 
latest news De la Warr had from the colony. The complaints against 
Argall did not reach England until August, 161 8. Indeed, it seems the 
colony was considered so flourishing and so well established that steps 
were taken soon after, June, 1616, for founding a college in Virginia, and 
" the King had ordered collections to be taken up in each diocese of Eng- 
land for that purpose." There was no longer any apparent necessity for 
the old military laws, and I believe the Governor's intention in going over 
was to organize, in the colony which he had planted and established, a 
regular civil government, a House of Burgesses, to take steps toward 
establishing the college, etc., etc. The data for the period prior to April, 
1619, is meagre ; but as the Virginia Company was still under the same old 

merits, etc. It is not improbable that Lord De la Warr intended going over with Argall, at least as 
far as Virginia, at this time, but was detained in England resisting the Spanish pressure at that time 
ljeing brought to bear on James I. to have the colony removed from the so-called Spanish territory. 


officers, and as Lord De la Warr did not live to carry out his intentions, it 
is natural to suppose that his successor was instructed to carry them out. 
As long as De la Warr lived I believe the Company worked together in 
harmony ; but about a year after his death, as the result of an election, 
factions arose among the members and continued until they broke up the 

March 16, 1618, Chamberlain writes that Lord De la Warr, had set out 
for Virginia; other accounts state that he left England in April, 1618. He 
sailed in the Neptune with men and supplies for his colony. " He touched 
at the Terceras where he was feasted and well used ; but the sickness and 
death of him and of most of them that landed make it suspected that they 
had ill measure." " The inquisition, taken at Andover, in the county of 
Southampton (England), on April 3, (17 Jas. I.), recites, that he died on June 
7, 1618." The news of his death reached Virginia in August, and England 
in October, 1618, casting a great shadow over the colony and Company. 
John Pory, writing on October 25, 1618, says that he "died in Canada." 
Canada " was the name then frequently applied to New England. Purchas 
(V., 1757) says he died in or near the bay which bears his name. 

In the statement of the sums adventured, as audited up to 1620, Lord 
De la Warr is the largest subscriber on the whole list of over eight hun- 
dred, including the leading men and companies of Great Britain. He ad- 
ventured £S°° (forty shares). Besides the shares taken he spent large sums 
of his own and his wife's fortune in settling his colony, and consequently, 
at his death left his estates burdened with many debts and only ;£io per 
annum to maintain his wife and seven children : but in consideration of the 
services rendered by the Governor, King James I. granted his widow a 
pension of ^500 per annum, for thirty-one years, to be paid out of the 
customs of the Plantation. 

From the time Lord De la Warr first undertook the enterprise, he was 
determined X.o plant and' establish a colony in Virginia. When he was ap- 
pointed Governor it gave the enterprise a new life ; when the ships returned 
in 1609 " laden with nothing but bad reports and letters of discouragement," 
it hindered not his resolution. When he reached Virginia and met the 
wretched colonists abandoning the colony, and saw the heart-breaking state 
of affairs, leaning on the strong arm of the Almighty, he went most reso- 
lutely to work ; when he returned to England " sick and weak," and found 
so many anxious to give up the undertaking, he was " no whit discour- 
aged," but " was willing to lay all he was worth on the success of his enter- 
prise," and this, it seems, he did do. During his administration the en- 
croachments of France and Holland were resisted, almost insurmountable 


obstacles and discouragements were overcome, and an English colony was 
established in a country claimed by Spain. The hopes of the officers in 
Virginia, and of the Company in England, were realized. 

" He planted an English nation , 
Where none before had stood." 

" For nine years together he was indefatigable in doing everything that 
could tend to the peopling, the support, and the good government of this 
settlement, and he died in the pursuit of the same object, in his voyage to 
Virginia, with a large supply of people, cloathing, and goods." But Lord 
De la Warr did not provide for any history of the colony; and as "The 
pen is mightier than the sword," his position in history has suffered accord- 
ingly — even his name is not always given in the lists of the governors of Vir- 
ginia. I have nothing to say against most of the daring men who aided 
in the various preceding ineffectual attempts to plant a permanent colony in 
Virginia ; I only wish to do justice to Lord De la Warr, whose determination 
and influence, planted and established the first permanent English colony in 
the present United States y thereby y at the cost of his fortune and his life, 
giving us a country which might otherwise have fallen to France y Holland, 
or Spain. 


This sketch is compiled chiefly from the following Authorities. Burke's Peerage, etc. (1868), 
Collins (1768), New England Register (April and July, 1879, etc.), Family and Public Records. 

Hazard's (E.) Collections, Vol. I. 

Hening's Statutes at Large, Vol. I. Richmond, 1809. 

Virginia Company of London (Neill). Albany, 1869. 

Calendar of State Papers, Colonial (Sainsbury). London, i860. 

Relation of Virginia, by Henry Spelman. London, 1872. 

A True Declaration of the Estate of the Colonie, etc. London, 1610. 

A New Life of Virginia, etc. London, 1612. Purchas, His Pilgrimes. 

A Declaration of the State of the Colonie, etc. London, 1620. 

A True Discourse, etc., of Virginia (Hamor). London, 1615. 

Colonial Records of Virginia. Richmond, Va., 1874. 

Rice's Reprint of Capt. John Smith's Works. Richmond, 1819. 

Massachusetts Hist. Col., Vol. III., 4th series. 

Early Settlement of Virginia, etc. (Neill). Minneapolis, 1878. 

An Account of the European Settlements in America (Edmund Btirke), Vol. II. London, R. 
and J. Dodsley. MDCCLVIL 

Belknap's American Biography, Vol. II. Hakluyt Soc. Pub., Vol. VI. 

I have also had reference to most of the available authorities, and have consulted most of the 
histories of the colonies, of the United States, and of Virginia. 


The landing of an exploring party of Pilgrim Fathers upon the mainland 
in the vicinity of Plymouth on December 21, 1620, is an established fact. 
The exact place of their landing is not so positively known. Original 
records say nothing whatever in regard to the actual point for which the 
shallop steered from Clark's Island; " Mourt's Relation" observes very 
simply, 4< we sounded the Harbour, and found it a uery good Harbour for 
our shipping, we marched also into the Land, and found divers corne fields, 
and little running brookes, a place very good for scituation." Mr. Sidney 
Howard Gay, in his critical article in the Atlantic Monthly, already men- 
tioned, suggests that any one with a map of Plymouth before him, " will 
hardly escape the conclusion that the harbor they sounded was the harbor 
all about them surrounding Clark's Island ; that the land they ' marched 
into ' was the nearest mainland right opposite, straight across the harbor — 
now Duxbury and Kingston." Mr. Gay argues with fairness that men " in 
a great hurry " would not have gone six miles out of their way, three miles 
up the harbor to the present site of Plymouth and three miles back, when 
they could have learned all they wanted to know about the coast by sailing 
a much shorter distance. This is a very reasonable view, and suggests a 
candid reconsideration of the grounds of belief in the traditional landing at 

One objection to Mr. Gay's view has been briefly stated in connection 
with the Blaskowitz map [VIII. 800], but it may be more fully stated here. 
A comparative study of the oldest and newest maps of Plymouth Harbor, 
with special reference to soundings, aided by a few personal explorations in 
a sail-boat or in a row-boat around Clark's Island and across the flats toward 
Duxbury or Kingston, will convince any inquiring mind that the Pilgrim ex- 
plorers could not have found a good harbor for their shipping on that side 
of the Bay. The points in favor of the Plymouth side are equally obvious : 
deeper soundings, better anchorage for the Mayflower, and decidedly the 
best channel leading shoreward. It is a point which has never been suffi- 
ciently emphasized in Plymouth history, that the main reason for leaving 
what to the Pilgrims appeared a goodly and well timbered land at the end 
of Cape Cod, was not the lack of a good harbor for shipping, for at the 


Cape, according to the Pilgrim journal, " iooo. saile of Ships may safely 
ride." It was rather the lack of a good harbor-channel, affording easy pas- 
sage between ship and shore. The Pilgrim journal says of Cape Cod, " the 
discommodiousness of the harbour did much hinder vs, for we could neither 
goe to, nor come from the shore, but at high water, which was much to our 
hinderance and hurt, for oftentimes they waded to the middle of the thigh, and 
oft to the knees, to goe and come from the land." Elsewhere the journal 
says, 4< We could not come neere the shore by three-quarters of an English 
mile, because of shallow water, which was a great preiudice to vs." It is 
not at all probable that the very men who made these observations were in 
such a hurry as to forget the main object of their explorations which had 
been continued for an entire month along the Cape Cod coast, or that, out 
of regard for their own convenience, they should have tossed the plummet 
only once or twice off Clark's Island and then sailed for the nearest main- 
land, without a thought of finding the very best ship's channel for the May- 
flower, which, with her precious freight of human life, they were preparing to 
pilot into " a uery good Harbour." The whole question of the superiority 
of Plymouth over Cape Cod must have turned upon this vital point of easy 
access to the shore in winter weather, for in all other respects, in extent, 
depth, good anchorage and good fishing, Cape Cod Harbor far surpassed 
that of Plymouth. Faithful explorers, as the Pilgrims certainly were, would 
in all probability have quickly discovered that the main channel of Plymouth 
Harbor led to the present site of Plymouth. 

Another objection to Mr. Gay's view, that " the exploring party did not 
go within miles of Plymouth Rock," is the fact that their record distinctly 
says they " found corne fields, and little running brookes, a place very 
good for scituation," and, accordingly, returned to their ship " with good 
newes." This form of statement indicates a special discovery. Bradford, 
in his " History of Plymouth Plantation," says it was a place " fitt for situa- 
tion ... ye best they could find." The Pilgrim explorers had a definite 
object in view, not only in sounding the harbor, but in marching into the 
land. For a month they had been ranging up and down Cape Cod, trying 
to find a good site for their village community. Their object was local, not 
general. On the First Expedition they marched a long distance, but pri- 
marily to see if the country was fit " to seate in." Local settlement was 
plainly the idea in their report of the Second Expedition, wherein they 
describe " Cornhill " as a place healthful, secure, defensible, with good corn 
land already cleared, with a convenient harbor for boats, although not for 
ships; the fresh water, however, was in ponds and would have to "be 
fetched vp a steepe hill." How definite these observations! These men 



had lived in the townships of old England and knew precisely what they 
wanted in choosing a good site for local settlement. The idea of finding 
" a farre better seate " and a " good harbour," over against Cape Cod, was 
the animating purpose of the third and last Expedition, which resulted in 
finding " a place very good for scituation." The identification of this local- 
ity with the site of Plymouth is usually based upon the allusion in " Mourt's 
Relation" to the ''little running brookes," upon the supposition that the 
Town Brook and the numerous springs of Plymouth are especially meant ; 
but to the mind of the writer this evidence is not so conclusive as the men- 
tion of the Indian " corne fields," in connection with the "place very good 
for scituation." That this was the Indian Mark of Patuxet, a kind of Corn- 
hill like that discovered in Truro, but with better fresh and salt water privi- 
leges, is evident from the record of further explorations after the Mayflower 
had been piloted from Cape Cod harbor into that of Plymouth on December 
26, 1620. 

Presumptive evidence is strongly in favor of the idea that when the 
first exploring party from the Mayflower "went a land" in the long- 
boat, the following Monday, December 28th, they followed the guid- 
ance of those who had been there before them, and who, however decided 
their own views as to the best situation, would naturally wish the appro- 
bation of their fellows. The comers " marched along the coast in the 
woods, some 7 or 8 mile," and the only locality they distinctly mention is a 
place where formerly " had beene some Inhabitants, and where they had 
planted their corne." This corn land, this deserted Indian Mark, must 
have been Patuxet, or the site of Plymouth, for it is a noteworthy fact that 
the exploration of the side of the Bay toward Kingston and Duxbury did 
not occur until the day following the visit to the corn land, when, as the 
journal says, " wee went againe to discover further." This would indicate 
that attention had not been especially called to the above side, for otherwise 
explorers from the Mayflower would naturally have gone there in the first 
instance. The journal says that on Tuesday, December 29th, "some went 
on Land, and some in the Shallop, the Land we found as the former day 
we did, and we found a Creeke, and went vp three English myles, a very 
pleasant river at full Sea, a Barke of thirty tunne may goe vp,but at low 
water scarce our Shallop could passe." This creek was Jones River, so 
named in honor of the captain of the Mayflower. The stream flows 
through the region of Kingston, which was evidently new to the explorers. 
Their journal says they had a great liking to plant in this place, but they 
concluded it was too far from their fishing, "our principall profit," and, 
moreover, it was too densely wooded and too much exposed to attack from 


the Indians. There was "so much land to cleare " in that quarter that 
they "thought good to quit and cleare " out. Some proposed that they 
should settle upon Clark's Island for greater safety ; so they crossed over 
and examined the place more critically than the original explorers appear 
to have done. But this tract also was too densely wooded, and there was 
no good supply of fresh water. It is important to observe that here also, 
as on Jones River, the difficulty of clearing sufficient corn land was recog- 
nized by the explorers. But some were very favorably inclined toward 
Clark's Island, because it was so defensible. 

On Wednesday, December 30th, the question of choosing a site for 
an English town appears to have been narrowed down to " two places." 
One was probably Clark's Island, for they finally determined "by most 
voyces, to set on the maine Land, on the first place, on an high ground, 
where there is a great deale of Land cleared, and hath beene planted with 
Corne three or four yeares agoe, and there is a very sweet brooke runnes 
vnder the hill side, and many delicate springs of as good water as can be 
drunke, and where we may harbour our Shallops and Boates exceeding 
well, and in this brooke much good fish in their seasons : on the further 
side of the river also much Corne ground cleared, in one field is a great 
hill, on which wee poynt to make a platforme, and plant our Ordinance, 
which will command all round about, from thence we may see into the Bay y 
and far into the Sea, and we may see thence Cape Cod." This command- 
ing site, this tract of cleared land, well-watered but high and dry, healthful 
and defensible, was the place chosen by the sovereign will of a majority, by 
Englishmen voting, in open air, to found an English Town upon an Indian 
Mark. 1 This was the laying of the corner-stone of Local Self Government 
in New England. It was the foundation of the Town of Plymouth. It was 
" on the first place " on high ground, on cleared land, unmistakably the 
original " place very good for scituation." 

But did the Pilgrim Fathers actually land upon Plymouth Rock ? That 
is a question. Under ordinary circumstances, seafaring men do not steer 

1 Some idea of the extent of the cleared land in this old Indian Mark of Patuxet may perhaps be 
gathered from the statement in the journal that " our greatest labour will be fetching of our wood, 
whicli is halfe a quarter of an English myle, but there is enough so farre off ! " Neither the Black 
Forest nor the Odenwald could furnish a better picture of a Teutonic Village with a setting of wood- 
land, than does Mourt's Relation in describing Plymouth. But this is not an isolated example of an 
Knglish Town settling itself comfortably upon Indian corn-fields. Salem, Charlestown, Dorchester, 
Boston, and a host of others, did precisely the same thing. The relation of English local coloniza- 
tion to old Indian localities in America would form a very interesting study. The first clearings were 
almost everywhere made by Indian squaws, girdling trees with stone axes and afterward burning the 
dead timber, a most efficient method for pioneers. 



their boat toward rocks. But, in some respect, the landing at Plymouth 
was peculiar. The inner coast is not at all f< stern and rock-bound." Ply- 
mouth Rock, itself a Pilgrim and a stranger, lay upon a tranquil and sandy 
shore, within a natural breakwater or outer beach, upon which the surf 
breaks. Under such circumstances, it would not only be entirely safe but 
highly convenient for the explorers, coming in the shallop or in the long- 
boat, to steer alongside a massive boulder, jutting out into the water, a 
boulder with a flat top, once about nine feet square, and most admirably 
suited for a natural wharf. Plymouth Rock was the only rock along that 
low-lying, sandy shore, and it would naturally have caught the steersman's 

fan. S^jouL 


eye, as the shallop or long-boat came up the channel. There was in all 
probability no better place to land at any point on the Plymouth shore than 
upon this projecting and conspicuous rock, at the foot of "high ground," 
which of itself alone would have attracted the first explorers of the channel. 
Presumptive evidence is strongly in favor of the rock as a convenient and 
practicable landing-place for men coming in December weather, with colds 
and coughs, and with the experience of Provincetown behind them. They 
would very naturally seek to get ashore dry-shod. Natural inclination, 
under such circumstances, would set toward the best landing-place which 
nature afforded. The harbor current leads up to Plymouth and the stream 
of local tradition is as clear as the Town Brook. Such existing evidence 
cannot be disputed in any off-hand way. Considering the premises and the 


local tradition, the balance of probability is strongly in favor, not only of a 
first landing on or near Plymouth Rock, December 21, 1620, but of subse- 
quent and repeated landings. It would of course be unreasonable to sup- 
pose that every time the Pilgrims came ashore, in their first explorations 
which ranged along the coast for several miles, they made Plymouth Rock 
a stepping-stone ; but the writer is strongly inclined to believe that this 
vicinity was not only the original landing-place upon the main-land, but 
that it became a regular and general landing-place, a kind of natural wharf 
for boats passing to and fro between ship and shore, flis ground for this 
view is the argument from " survival," from the solid, long-enduring, 
highly significant fact that Plymouth Rock is to this day imbedded in a 
good, substantial wharf, constructed as early as 1 74 1, and from the very fact 
of its then construction affording presumptive evidence that the locality was 
previously and always a good landing-place. The wharf, the tradition, and 
the harbor-current connect not only the Rock and the shallop, but the Rock 
and the Mayflower. In the light of Plymouth-Rock-Landing, all other 
traditions, even those about Mary Chilton and John Alden, and about a 
landing of men, women, and little children upon " the ice-clad Rock," can 
all stand together for what they are worth. 

But the idea of any general disembarkation of the Mayflower's company 
at any one time must be given up. Whatever tradition may say, students 
of original sources of Plymouth history, sources antedating all traditions, 
know that there never was and never could have been any such landing, 
under the circumstances of an unbuilt town, of grievous sickness, of winter's 
cold, of the existence of convenient shelter on board the Mayflower, an- 
chored in Plymouth Harbor all winter. Common humanity and common 
sense forbid any such interpretation of the landing of the Pilgrim Fathers 
as would lead to the inevitable exposure of women and children to unne- 
cessary hardship and suffering. The only landings at first spoken of in 
" Mourt's Relation," " written," says Dr. Dexter, " from day to day, on the 
ground," are the landings of able-bodied men who explore the country by 
day and return on ship-board at night. After deciding where they would 
settle and build their "Towne," the same practice of going to and fro be- 
tween ship and shore continued for weeks, although there was a \\ Rande- 
vous,'' a bivouac or " court of gard," on shore dating from December 
30th, when it was determined in open air Town Meeting, " by most voyces," 
where to build the Town itself. On December 31st, the journal says, 
" it was stormie and wett, that we could not goe ashore, and those that 
remained there all night could doe nothing, but were wett, not having dai- 
light enough to make them a sufficient court of gard, to keep them dry." 


But the "gard" itself, the " watch," a martial survival, reinstitutcd by 
Captain Standish around nightly camp-fires upon Cape Cod, never left its 
post even in the foulest weather, after the idea of an English Town had 
been rekindled on shore, where a " Randevous was established, and a place 
for some of our people, about twentie." On January 1st, " the storme still 
continued, that we could not get a-land, nor they come to vs aboord ; this 
morning Goodwife Alderton was delivered of a sonne, but dead borne." 
Does any fair-minded man really believe that three days later, on January 
4th, in midwinter, this good woman, with her female friends and all their 
children, were taken out in the long-boat or the shallop and landed upon 
Plymouth Rock to stay all day, or to picnic in the woods, and then, at 
nightfall, to return with the Pilgrim Fathers, who certainly " came aboord 
againe " that evening, all except twenty who staid " to keepe the court of 
gard." Yet Mr. Gay says, " all on that day landed upon the Rock ; " " on 
this day, for the first time, the women seem to have left the ship at Plymouth.'' 
Mr. Gay believes that the traditions perpetuated by Elder Faunce and by 
the families of John Alden and Mary Chilton point to a general landing 
upon some particular day, for he says, " There certainly was a day when 
all the passengers of the Mayflower left the ship, and landed upon Plymouth 
Rock." He finds chronological support for these assertions in the following 
passage from " Mourt's Relation," which probably applies only to able- 
bodied men, and not at all to the women and children : " Munday the 25. 
day [Jan. 4] we went on shore, some to saw, some to rive, and some to 
carry, so no man rested all that day ; " but it is important to notice that all 
except twenty returned to the ship that night. 

The whole truth about the landing at Plymouth may be summed up in 
few words : the landing was general but gradual. There was no particular 
day when all the passengers disembarked. Some went at one time and 
some at another, and doubtless there was a constant returning to the ship 
throughout the entire winter. For days at a time during stormy weather 
men staid on board. When the thatch of the Common House, the " gen- 
erall randevoze," was burned on January 24th, Bradford says, " some were 
faine to retire abord for shilter." Bradford speaks of " schuch of ye pas- 
sengers as were yet abord," who showed kindness to the sailors who in their 
turn fell sick with the scurvy. " Mourt's Relation " for February 14, 162 1, 
says that day was " very wett and rainie " and " though we rid in a very 
good harbour, yet we were in danger, because our ship was light, the goods 
taken out and she vnballasted." The long-boat and the shallop brought 
the " common goods " on shore February 8th, but individuals remained, and 
of course their personal effects remained with them. In fact there is posi- 


tive evidence that disembarkation from the Mayflower was not completed 
until March 31, 1621, " Wednesday, a fine warme day,— this day with much 
adoe we got our Carpenter that had beene long sicke of the scurvey, to fit 
our Shallop to fetch all from aboord." 

There is no satisfactory evidence that Plymouth Rock was ever the ob- 
ject of general veneration before the time of the American Revolution, 
when it was first " dug up " from the sands of Time by a " grateful Poster- 
ity." On the contrary, it would appear that Posterity itself had formerly 
lent a helping hand to Father Time in burying the Rock from public notice ; 
for, in spite of the earnest protestations of Elder Faunce in 1741, — who, 
aged ninety-five, was apparently the only man cherishing any authentic 
tradition of the landing of the Pilgrims — in spite of his tears, be it noted, 
the utilitarian sons of the Fathers persisted in building a wharf of sand and 
earth upon " the soil where first they trod," and there the wharf actually 
remains to this day, with what is left of Plymouth Rock raised high and dry 
above its former water level. The soil may be called " holy ground," but 
it is made ground. It is, however, folly to condemn people for lack or ex- 
cess of sentiment. History must take men as they are. As a matter of 
fact, this wharf, built all around Plymouth Rock by men of good judg- 
ment and common sense, however uncultivated their emotional nature, is 
the very best historical evidence for believing that the locality was always a 
good landing-place. The endurance of the wharf to this day and the reluc- 
tance of the present owners to give it up for purposes of aesthetic restoration 
is a most solid and convincing argument from " survival " that the ancestors 
of " grateful Posterity " regarded Plymouth Rock landing in a very util- 
itarian light. The wharf supports the tradition : and the tradition dignifies 
the wharf with historic meaning. 

In raising from its sandy bed that granite boulder, brought from afar by 
some giant iceberg or some glacier to that low-lying, rockless coast, where 
it proved perhaps a convenient stepping-stone and a general landing-place 
for our English forefathers, landing in boats from an English ship, which 
sailed from Plymouth in Old England to Plymouth in New England — in 
raising this rock of prehistoric ages, the revolutionary townsmen, by their 
disturbing force, cleft it horizontally in twain. But they hailed the disrup- 
tion as a favorable omen of separation from England. The lower portion 
of their Fathers' Rock they let fall into Mother Earth, into fancied oblivion, 
but the upper portion, representing no longer connection with Mother 
Country and a world-uniting sea, though typifying the idea of local inde- 
pendence, was dragged by twenty yoke of oxen, guided by a triumphal 
procession, into the market-place of New Plymouth, where it was made to 


support an American liberty-pole, upon which were affixed the following 
patriotic verses by a local bard : 

" To wake the sons of Plymouth to oppose 
The daring insults of our country's foes, 
This monumental pole erected stands, 
Raised by a few, but patriotic hands : 
Friends to their country and their country's right, 
In which truth, honor, justice, all unite. 
For these our famed forefathers firmly stood, 
And purchased freedom with heroic blood. 
Let not their sons desert the glorious cause, 
But still maintain our Liberty and Laws. 
Nor from what's right and just like cowards fly; 
We'll rise like heroes, or like heroes die ! " 

It was a memorable event in the local annals of Plymouth, an event 
worthy of special note upon the margin of a British map of the Plymouth 
coast when, in 1775 , the ''large rock " upon which the Pilgrims landed was 
" transported to a more public situation," to the Town Square, that village 
forum where the Revolutionary spirit was locally kindled long before the 
patriotic flame had caught the nation. The American Revolution brought 
the buried rock and a slumbering tradition to historic life and light. Dr. 
James Thacher, who served as surgeon in the Continental army throughout 
the struggle for independence, says : •' The citizens of Plymouth, animated 
by the spirit of liberty which pervaded the province, and mindful of the 
precious relic of our forefathers, resolved to consecrate the rock on which 
they landed to the shrine of liberty." But without the moving spirit of 
independence, Plymouth Rock, which had hitherto been " buried in sand," 
would never have been raised from its gross and material surroundings to 
be a worthy votive-offering, typifying an immortal idea. The stone which 
the wharf-builders rejected became the corner-stone of a nation. For New 
Plymouth, for New England, and for the whole country, this severed frag- 
ment of Plymouth Rock came in due time to represent the idea of American 
independence, past, present, and future. The removal of the Rock was 
itself a local declaration of independence in 1775. And the local spirit be- 
came national. At a Plymouth Town Meeting, held May 21, 1776, the 
townsmen agreed upon the following instructions to the Honorable James 
Warren and Isaac Lothrop, Esq., their representatives: "That you, with- 
out hesitation, be ready to declare for independence of Great Britain, in 
whom no confidence can be placed, provided the Honorable, the Conti- 
nental Congress shall think that measure necessary ; and we, for our parts, 
do assure you that we will stand by the determination of the Continental 


Congress in this important and, as we think, very necessary measure, at 
the risk of our lives and fortunes." Thus the declaration of 1775 passed 
into the spirit of 1776, when, in a single day, a great nation upon the At- 
lantic seaboard was raised into independent life. 

The spirit of English liberty which raised Plymouth Rock from its igno- 
ble grave to be the head of the corner in the upbuilding of American local 
independence, is to be sought deep down in American local history. As 
specimens of the rich historic ore that can be discovered by mere surface 
mining in the town records of Plymouth, the following may suffice in a 
somewhat reduced form : 

Resolved, January 29, 1730, That the sum of fifty pounds be raised to support the charge of 
our agency in England, in the defence of our privileges. — Voted unanimously in 1754, that the Excise 
Bill is disagreeable to the Town, as it appears unequal and unjust, and has a direct tendency to de- 
stroy the natural rights and privileges of every individual in the Government, and that Thomas Fos- 
ter, Esq., Representative for the said Town of Plymouth, be and hereby is instructed, at the next 
session of the General Court and at all times after, to use all possible and proper means to prevent 
the said Excise Bill from passing into a Law. — At a Town Meeting assembled and held at the Court 
House in Plymouth, Monday, the 14th day of October, Anno Domini, 1765 [the year of the Stamp 
Act] James Warren was chosen Moderator, and sworn. A vote was called whether the Town would 
give instructions to their Representatives how to act at the Great and General Court in the present 
critical juncture of affairs, more especially in what is relative to the Stamp Act. Passed in the affirm- 
ative unanimously. 

Instructions to Thomas Foster, Esq., Representative of the Town of Plymouth, were presented 
at an adjourned meeting, October 21, 1765, and accepted unanimously. You, Sir, represent a peo- 
ple who are not only descended from the first settlers of this country, but inhabit the very spot they 
first possessed. PI ere was laid the foundation of the British Empire in this part of America, which 
from a very small beginning has increased and spread in a manner very surprising and almost incredi- 
ble, especially when we consider that all this has been effected without the aid or assistance of any 
power on earth. That we have defended, protected, and secured ourselves against the invasions and 
cruelty of savages, and the subtility and inhumanity of our inveterate and natural enemies the French, 
and all this without the appropriation of any tax by Stamps or Stamp Acts laid upon our fellow sub- 
jects, in any part of the King's dominions. This place, Sir, was at first the asylum of Liberty, and we 
hope will ever be preserved sacred to it. Though it was then no more than a forlorn wilderness, in- 
habited only by savage men and beasts, to this place our Fathers, whose memories be revered, fled to 
enjoy these privileges to which they had an undoubted right, but were deprived of by the hands of 
violence and oppression in their native country. We, Sir, their posterity, the freeholders and other 
inhabitants of this Town, legally assembled, possessed of the same sentiments and retaining the same 
ardor for liberty, think it our indispensable duty on this occasion to express to you our sentiments of 
the Stamp Act and its future consequences to this country, and to enjoin it upon you, as you regard 
not only the welfare but the very being of this people, that you, consistent with our allegiance to the 
Government of Great Britain [N. B.] exert all your powers and influence to oppose the execution of 
the Stamp Act, at least until we hear the success of our petition for relief. We have at all times an 
abhorrence of tumults and disorders. We think ourselves happy in having good and wholesome laws 
sufficient to preserve the peace of the province unless provoked by some imprudent measures. 

The law-abiding spirit of a liberty-loving people ! Here is something 


deeper, more fundamental in American history than even Plymouth Rock 
and the landing of the Pilgrim Fathers. Here is the same underlying spirit 
which made men who had fled from English tyranny declare themselves 
" loyal Subjects of our dread sovereign Lord King James," and frame a 
compact, equal laws, ordinances, acts, and constitutions, the very idea of 
each and all of which was based upon the common law of England. All 
this and the American Revolution were but the outcropping of that old red 
sandstone of Germanic self-government which underlies all dividing seas 
between Germany, England, and New England. Our people simply reas- 
serted old Saxon right and might to tax and rule themselves by customary 
law, the right which Hermann and the Cheruscans asserted manfully against 
the tax-gatherers and legions of Rome ; the right which Widukind and the 
heathen Saxons reasserted against Charles the Great and his advancing 
bishops ; the right which Luther and the German princes declared against 
the Church of Rome ; the right which William of Orange and the Nether- 
lands maintained against the power of Spain ; the right declared by John 
Hampden and the English people against the Crown ; the sacred right of 
Liberty, which makes reformations and revolutions possible. 

It was this old historic spirit of Liberty which moved the American peo- 
ple and the townsmen of Plymouth. The Declaration of Independence and 
the removal of Plymouth Rock were only surface upheavals caused by un- 
derlying historic forces. Just as Nature, by the operation of her own laws 
restores, in some measure, the disruptions of earth caused by the earth- 
quake and the volcano, so History, by a healing principle within itself, re- 
stores the damaging effects of revolution and reformation without losing 
their healthful results. But the restoration of Plymouth Rock was not ac- 
complished in a day. For nearly two generations, from 1775 until 1834, 
the sundered fragment of the Rock was left in the market-place of that an- 
cient "Towne," built, as the original record says, "with two rowes of 
houses and a faire streete." Here in the Town Square, itself an historic sur- 
vival, for the name, like that of Plymouth, was taken from Old England, 
here in the very midst of Old English local institutions, the Town House, 
the Market, and the Parish Church, this symbol of disruption continued for 
nearly sixty years to assert ideas of historic separation and local independ- 
ence for Pilgrim Fathers and Sons. These ideas gained massive strength 
by the accretions of time and tradition, of memorial sermon and public ora- 
tion, local pride, New England reverence, and national respect. Pilgrims 
from all parts of the country, from the Old World as well as from the New, 
came with staff and scrip to Plymouth Rock and Burial Hill as to a Holy 
Sepulchre. Generation after generation of men, women, and children stood 


upon the Rock and fancied they were landing there like Pilgrims from the 
Mayflower. The effect of all this upon the popular imagination is beyond 

Meantime the sons of the Pilgrims increased and multiplied. They were 
scattered throughout New England, and they were migrating westward 
with the great Aryan race of which they were but a single Teutonic clan. 
In all American history there is perhaps no better example of the perpetu- 
ity of clannish ideas than may be seen among descendants of the Pilgrims 
and their admiring children by adoption. The Pilgrim Society, now num- 
bering something over fifteen thousand members, represents the present 
organization of this growing clan, which has various offshoots in the New 
England societies of our larger cities, where Forefathers' Day, or the feast 
of the Pilgrims' Passover, is the day they celebrate. The tribes of Israel 
were not more firmly bound together in the traditions of their escape, with 
their first born, from Egypt and their passage of the Red Sea, than are New 
England men in the traditions of their Fathers and of Plymouth Rock. To 
be descended from, or to be associated with, whether by marriage or adop- 
tion, even remote kindred of those who came over in the Mayflower, is, for 
a New England man, as great an honor as for an Englishman to be able to 
trace his lineage to those who came over with William the Conqueror, or to 
those who sailed the seas with a Saxon pirate. 

The historic germ of the Pilgrim Society was no doubt the Old Colony 
Club, formed as early as 1769, by Plymouth people, who, on the 22d of De- 
cember of that year, in Old Colony Hall, first celebrated " the landing of 
their worthy ancestors." They began the celebration very properly and in 
good old Teutonic fashion by a preliminary feast in a tavern, upon the very 
spot where the first licensed public-house was erected. Feasts and taverns, 
by the way, are good connecting-links between Old England and New Eng- 
land, and it is curious to note that just above Plymouth Rock to-day stands 
" Plymouth Rock Hotel." It is perhaps not generally known that the im- 
mediate occasion of the Pilgrims' landing and settling at Plymouth was the 
fact of their "victuals being much spent, especially our Beere." The Old 
Colony Club, wishing to avoid " all appearance of luxury and extravagance 
— in imitation of our ancestors," took for their first dinner " a large baked 
Indian whortleberry pudding, a dish of succotash, a dish of clams, a dish of 
oysters and a dish of codfish, a haunch of venison, a dish of sea-fowl, a dish 
of frost-fish and eels, an apple pie, a course of cranberry tarts, and a cheese 
made in the Old Colony." Upon such a substantial basis, New England 
societies and Pilgrim celebrations have been built up. The Pilgrim So- 
ciety, which is but a national form of the Old Colony Club, was organized 


in 1820, " to commemorate and to honor the memory of those intrepid men 
who first stepped on Plymouth Rock." Of course the Society is made up 
of " lineal descendants " of the Pilgrims and of others who hold " their 
memory in respect and honor." The objects of the association, besides the 
celebration of Forefathers' Day, are to perpetuate the memory of the Pil- 
grims " by durable monuments to be erected at Plymouth." 

The corner-stone of Pilgrim Hall was laid in 1824. Ten years later, on 
the 4th of July, Plymouth Rock was removed to a conspicuous place in 
front of this memorial building, this museum of Pilgrim relics, this Caaba 
of Plymouth. Although removed still farther in distance from its original 
bed, Plymouth Rock was now on its way back toward the world-uniting 
sea. A symbol of disruption, it had long stood in the market-place of the 
village at the foot of an American liberty-pole. It was a step backward 
toward historic unity when Plymouth Rock was taken from the forum of 
independence and relegated to an historical museum of antiquities, many 
of which were believed to have been brought over in the Mayflower. It 
imparted an archaeological interest to Plymouth Rock to find it associated 
with such old world curiosities as the sword of Captain Miles Standish, who 
before he fought in Flanders against the Spaniard, had fought in South- 
eastern Europe against the Turk, and who there perhaps wrested from 
some infidel this blade of Oriental workmanship, with its mysterious double 
inscription, which no man could decipher, nay, not the most learned of Pil- 
grim Sons, who went with it to the German University of Gottingen and 
puzzled all the scholars there, and afterward to Berlin, the world's centre of 
learning, where the great Baron von Humboldt was unable to translate it. 
There was but one intelligible thing upon the sword-blade, the Arabic fig- 
ures 1 149, which might perhaps indicate that it had belonged to the time 
of the second Crusade and had changed hands once before. The decipher- 
ment of the inscription was reserved for a wandering Jew, a native of Pales- 
tine, James Rosendale,(the name is cosmopolitan, English, German, Jew- 
ish), who lately travelled through this country with a party of Arabs, and 
made a pilgrimage to Plymouth, just as Christians used to go on pilgrim- 
ages to Jerusalem, or as Mohammedans still journey to Mecca. The Jew 
said, and the Arabs agreed, that one of the inscriptions was in mediaeval 
Arabic, which he readily translated, " With peace God ruled his slaves and 
with the judgment of his arm he troubled the mighty of the wicked and the 
evil of the wicked. " This sentiment, the latter portion of which is especially 
applicable to the modern Turk, is said to be a common one upon Arabian 
arms. The other inscription the Jew said was in Cufic Arabic — in the 
archaic characters of Cufa, in the province of Bagdad — which he could not 


translate, but which he copied for further study. He believed the second 
inscription synonymous with the first, just as the three records upon the 
Rosetta Stone, in Greek, Demotic, and Hieroglyphic, mean the same thing. 
This Cufic inscription upon the favorite sword of Captain Miles Standish, 
the strong right arm of defence for Plymouth Colony, would carry a reflect- 
ing mind back to a time earlier than King Richard and the Norman Cru- 
saders, earlier than Haroun al Raschid and the rise of the Saracen power. 
Plymouth Rock and the Caaba of Mecca are after all not so far apart. 

Of course early visitors to Pilgrim Hall did not know or care for this, 
but they wondered all the same over that Oriental cimeter, with its curved 
blade and unintelligible inscription on each side, suggesting that Miles 
Standish had been in far-off lands and had fought in old wars. Then, too, 
visitors gazed with interest upon the patriarchal arm-chairs of Elder Brew- 
ster and Governor Carver ; they turned with curiosity the pages of books 
written by John Robinson or printed by Elder Brewster in Leyden, and 
reflected with some pride that the leaders of the Pilgrims had the learning 
and arts of their time, that they vied with the scholars of Holland in dispu- 
tation and in the use of the printing-press. But their handwriting was Old 
English. Their deeds and parchments were drawn up after Old English 
forms. There was a portrait of Edward Winslow, the original of which was 
painted in London in 165 1, after his final return to his mother country, 
where he became one of the commissioners of Oliver Cromwell. There 
were also other Winslow portraits, — " a very reputable family," wrote Gov- 
ernor Hutchinson ; " very handsomely dressed," plain people would say. 
Evidently the Pilgrims and their descendants were as fine folk as any of 
their class in Old England. And clearly they were not behind their age in 
the matter of household art. It matters little whether or not all those do- 
mestic articles came over in the Mayflower ; the types and patterns are for 
the most part Old English. Look at the knives and forks, the dishes and 
pewter plates, the pots and kettles, the cradles, clocks, and spinning-wheels, 
and the sampler wrought by the daughter of Captain Miles Standish. There 
is an unwritten and suggestive chapter of history in such specimens of 
household art. The commonest utensils, domestic or agricultural, are as 
truly connecting links with the past as the survival in common English 
speech of such homely Keltic words as dad, lad, lass, babe, clout, button, 
flannel, gown, gusset, darn, mop, crock, griddle (seen in grid-iron as well 
as in griddle-cakes), gruel, bran, basket, flask, kiln, mattock, welt, rail, 
tackle, mesh, barrow, and other familiar terms, showing that the early 
Britons were not utterly " exterminated " by the invading Saxons. With- 
out realizing, perhaps, the full historic significance of the articles of furniture 



and everyday use which came over in the Mayflower and the ships that fol- 
lowed her to New England, visitors of Pilgrim Hall have been reading for 
many years the Pilgrim story as told by object-lessons, just as, throughout 
the entire period of the middle ages, the Biblical story, from creation down, 
was told by pictures upon the walls of churches. 

Pictorial art has played a most important role in quickening the histori- 
cal imagination of visitors to Pilgrim Hall. The very year Plymouth Rock 
was removed from the Town Square to the front of this historical museum, 
Henry Sergeant, of Boston, generously presented to the Pilgrim Society 
his great picture, thirteen by sixteen feet, representing the traditional idea 
of the landing of men, women, 
and children in midwinter upon 
the " ice-clad rock of Plymouth." 
This and other graphic, though 
somewhat spectacular represen- 
tations carried the fancy of every 
beholder back to the shore of 
the sea. With fancy quickened 
by the aid of art, and by the 
sight of the original manuscript 
of Mrs. Plemans' ode on the 
Landing of the Pilgrim Fathers, 
the modern Pilgrim turned with 
renewed interest, as he left Pil- 
grim Hall, to the contemplation 
of its historic corner-stone. Ply- 
mouth Rock was not built into 
the wall of Pilgrim Hall as the 
black stone which the angel 
Gabriel brought to Abraham is 
built into the wall of the Caaba at Mecca. Plymouth Rock used to lie upon 
the ground, in front of the steps leading to the Hall. The sacred relic was 
inclosed w 7 ithin a heavy railing of upright iron bars, the tops of which were 
made to resemble boat-hooks and harpoons, presumably in commemoration 
of Plymouth fisheries. Around the bars hung a funereal festoon of cast- 
iron drapery, bearing the names of the forty-one men who signed the Pil- 
grims' Compact in Cape Cod Harbor. Provincetown and Plymouth were 
thus linked together, but why was the rock divided — why was it separated 
from the place where the Pilgrims landed ? The modern Pilgrim, musing 
upon the strange displacement of an historic monument from its historic 



base, invariably wandered down to the shore of the sea and tried to plant 
his feet upon the place where the top of the Rock ought to have been. 

The Pilgrim Society, moved by the growing interest in the original 
basis of Plymouth Rock and in the spot where the Pilgrims actually landed, 
resolved, in the year 1850, " that it is expedient to erect a monument upon 
or near the rock on which the Pilgrims landed, and to make other improve- 
ments in its vicinity." Although it had been the intention of the Pilgrim 
Society, from its very organization in 1820, to erect a monument to the 
memory of the Pilgrims, yet, until this vote in 1850, no active, definite 
measures were taken to that end, beyond the erection of Pilgrim Hall and 
the collection of Pilgrim relics. The above vote, after protracted negotia- 
tions with architects, led to the formation of a double plan for commemo- 
rating the landing of the Pilgrims. One plan for the erection of a granite 
canopy over the bed of Plymouth Rock, and the other for a larger, more 
sightly monument upon elevated ground overlooking the Bay and the scene 
of the original landing. Out of the larger plan grew the idea of the pres- 
ent " National Monument to the Pilgrims," with its colossal statue of Faith, 
which, standing upon a Rock and supported by four allegorical figures 
representing Morality, Law, Education, and Freedom, will stand for all 
time looking out over shore and sea, with the Bible in one hand while the 
other points heavenward, like the classic statue of Vesta. The National 
corner-stone to the National Monument to the Pilgrims, which is not yet 
complete, was laid in 1859. The same year was laid the foundation-stones 
of the canopy over the bed of Plymouth Rock, which foundations neces- 
sitated the reduction of the rock to smaller size, so as to accommodate 
the canopy ; but the fragments were broken up and sold for relics. Instead 
of restoring at once the top of the rock to its own rock-bed, and leaving 
the boulder exposed to the sunshine and rain, to which it had been accus- 
tomed for thousands of years before the forefathers of the Pilgrims landed 
in Britain, the Pilgrim Society allowed the construction of this colossal, 
pretentious canopy of granite, which overshadows the Rock itself; of this 
baldacchino, which reminds the beholder of the canopy over the altar of St. 
Peter's ; of this mausoleum, under the leaky roof of which now lie Pilgrim 
bones, taken from the kindly shelter of mother earth upon Cole's Hill, to 
which some day they will probably be returned, just as Plymouth Rock 
has been restored to its original bed. 

The idea of restoring Plymouth Rock developed very naturally in the 
mind of Mr. J. Henry Stickney, 1 of Baltimore, from the success of his res- 

1 Mr. J. Henry Stickney is the descendant of William and Elizabeth Stickney, who came from 
Stickney, Lincolnshire, among the earliest colonists of Boston, where, according to the records, they 


torations of Pilgrim Hall. This gentleman, a native of Massachusetts, 
but not of Plymouth, is an earnest admirer of the Pilgrim Fathers and a 
member of the Pilgrim Society. He early contributed to the National Monu- 
ment, but became more especially interested in the historical antiquities of 
Plymouth through occasional business visits to the town ; for at one time he 
carried on an extensive iron-trade with a well-known Plymouth firm, and 
many cargoes of coal and of iron from the Baltimore furnaces were landed at 
that port in the vicinity of Plymouth Rock. Mr. Stickney long ago noticed 
the insecurity of Pilgrim Hall, the repository of so many valuable Pilgrim 
relics, which, if destroyed by fire, would be an irreparable loss to Plymouth 
and to the country. It occurred to him, moreover, that if this building 
were made fire-proof, descendants of the Pilgrims would there deposit other 
memorials of historic interest, which are now scattered in various house- 
holds, and exposed to injury or destruction. Obtaining the consent of the 
Pilgrim Society, Mr. Stickney suggested the removal of the local Circula- 
ting Library, which had ensconced itself in Pilgrim Hall, crowding the 
books of Elder Brewster and the historical museum into contracted space, 
besides inconveniencing modern Pilgrims, who do not visit Plymouth to see 
the latest novel or the novel-seeking throng. The building was then made 
fire-proof, the floors and roof being reconstructed with iron girders and Tiel 
blocks. The window-spaces of the upper hall were rilled, and light was ad- 
mitted from above, with pleasing effect in this Doric temple consecrated 
to the antiquities of Plymouth. The Doric porch was raised to proper 
height, and in the pediment was placed a sculptured group, in demi-relief, 
representing the Landing of Pilgrims. 

The interior of the building has been tastefully fitted up, the walls col- 
ored with Pompeian red, and the pictures hung with reference to good 
light and their relative value for historical purposes. The old pictures have 
been cleaned, their frames retouched, and new portraits of the Winslow 
family have been added. 'The original Winslow portrait has been forwarded 
to Plymouth by the Massachusetts Historical Society. The relics them- 
selves have been carefully classified. Those illustrating Pilgrim history 
have been retained in the main room of the museum, together with the pic- 
tures, but miscellaneous articles relating to other subjects have been rele- 
gated to the basement or lower hall. Pilgrim relics have been arranged in 
glass cases, and, to a certain extent, by groups ; for example, the Standish, 
Alden, Winslow, and White families have each their own case. In one of 

were members of the First Church in 1637. Mr. Stickney, of Baltimore, was born in West Brook- 
field, Mass. He received his early training in the Hopkins Academy at Hadley, and his business edu- 
cation in Boston. He removed to Baltimore in 1834, where he engaged in the iron business. 



the ante-rooms, the Library of the Pilgrim Society has been gathered to- 
gether. Pilgrim Hall restored represents for Plymouth an historical renais- 
sance. In the words of the Old Colony Memorial, December 2, 1880: "A 
new era has thus commenced in the history of Pilgrim Hall, the results of 
which will make it one of the most interesting museums in the country, as 
year by year its attractions are increased. The Old Colony is full of an- 
tique articles which belong to the Pilgrim or Revolutionary era, and now 
that, by Mr. Stickney's great liberality, a place has been provided where 
they may be safely stored, there is but little doubt that the collections will 
receive numerous and valuable additions, and Pilgrim Hall become one of 
the most attractive spots to visitors to these Pilgrim scenes." Some idea 

of the present popularity of 
this historical museum may 
be derived from the fact that 
during the past year Pilgrim 
Hall had thirty-five thousand 

The removal of Plymouth 
Rock in the year 1880 from 
the front of Pilgrim Hall to 
its old and proper place by 
the sea was, in one sense, 
the completion of the work 
of restoration which Mr. 
Stickney has quietly accom- 
plished in connection with 
Pilgrim Hall. That work 
consisted mainly in putting 
things in their right places and in laying for the whole museum a solid 
and enduring basis. But, in another sense, this restoration of Plymouth 
Rock represents the laying of a new corner-stone in Plymouth history. 
It represents deeper foundations than those of Pilgrim Hall or of Revo- 
lutionary Plymouth, and it stands for the upbuilding of local history 
upon the basis of a past which antedates the spirit of disruption, asserted 
in 1775 by the Town, and in 1776 by the United States. A new era of 
historical restoration has begun for Plymouth and the Pilgrim Fathers, not 
an era of destructive criticism, but an era of constructive truth built upon 
foundations of historic fact, good judgment, good taste, and the common 
sense of most. And, from a material point of view, the restoration of Ply- 
mouth Rock represents the beginning of a new series of restorations and 



local improvements, to which Mr. Stickney's generous example has given a 
decided impulse. By his aid the unsightly wharf will probably be pur- 
chased, and will then be levelled to the sea. The environment of Plymouth 
Rock is to be made a thing of beauty and a joy forever. It is to be hoped 
that the Canopy which now overshadows the Rock may at some time be re- 
moved to Cole's Hill, where it will serve for a monument, if such a thing is 
desirable. Mr. Stickney has also purchased houses and land adjoining Cole's 
Hill, so that the oldest known English burying-ground in New England 
will soon become one of the best of Plymouth monuments. It will be made 
a sightly terrace looking down upon the Rock and out upon the high sea, 
commemorating the Pilgrim choice of " an high ground, where there is a 
great deal of land cleared," and where some day perhaps Pilgrim bones will 
be restored to their mother earth. 

Public sentiment, which in the last century recognized the propriety of 
digging up Plymouth Rock from its grave of sand and transporting the 
emblem to a more public situation, now generally recognizes the propriety 
of restoring the Rock to its old place. Years ago, Mr. William S. Russell, 
in his '■' Pilgrim Memorials," said of the Rock, " we trust it will, at no dis- 
tant day, be once more transported and reunited to its kindred stock." 
Mr. Stickney never saw this passage until long after the restoration of the 
Rock, but Mr. Russell's words illustrate the spontaneous change in local 
sentiment since 1834, when it was thought quite proper to place the Rock 
in front of Pilgrim Hall. The work of restoration is now advancing at 
Plymouth in various ways. A local committee of the Pilgrim Society, 
upon the authority of that body, has recommended to the Town Fathers 
" the more general use of Pilgrim names or names of local history, in the 
nomenclature of the streets." Mr. William T. Davis has been investigating 
for several years the " Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth," and his results, 
first printed in the Plymouth Free Press, were some time since announced 
in book-form by a Boston publisher. The " Plymouth Reminiscences " 
and " Ancient Records of Plymouth," printed in the Old Colony Memorial, 
by Mr. William T. Hollis, are also valuable contributions to local history, 
consisting largely of extracts from the unpublished Town Records of Ply- 
mouth, in which the writer himself has delved. Work upon the National 
Monument to the Forefathers is progressing slowly but surely toward com- 
pletion, like the Washington Monument and the finished Cathedral of 
Cologne. The corner-statue of " Education," at the base of the central 
shaft has just been erected, together with a bas-relief upon its pedestal, 
representing the Pilgrims signing the Compact. This contribution to the 
monument is due to the generosity of Mr. Roland Mather, of Hartford, 


Conn. The corner-statue representing " Morality " was presented by the 
State of Massachusetts, and the bas-relief below, picturing the " Embarka- 
tion of the Pilgrims," was given by the State of Connecticut. The colossal 
statue of " Faith," which rises above these lower figures, was the gift of the 
Ames family. Two other corner-statues, "Law" and "Freedom," are 
yet to be placed at the foot of the central shaft or main pedestal. 

Improvement is noticeable from year to year upon Burial or Burying 
Hill, the highest of " high ground " in historic Plymouth, the old Fort Hill, 
which represents the same idea as the Hill Forts of Greek and Roman 
cities, or as the castled heights and citadels of mediaeval towns. Here in 
the summer of 1622, having learned of the terrible massacre of four hundred 
persons " in ye south collonie of Virginia," the Pilgrims " builte a fort with 
good timber, both strong & comely, which was of good defence, made with 
a flate rofe & batllments, on which their ordnance were mounted, and 
wher they kepte constante watch, espetially in time of danger. It served 
them aliso for a meeting house, and was fitted accordingly for that use." 
Here is the place where the National Monument to the Forefathers should 
have been erected, for this is indeed " holy ground." Up this hill, to wor- 
ship God, the Pilgrims used to march three abreast, having assembled at 
beat of drum " in front of the captain's door," each man with his musket, 
and all " led by a sergeant without beat of drum, behind comes the Gover- 
nor, in a long robe ; beside him on the right hand comes the preacher with 
his cloak on, and on the left the captain with his side-arms and cloak on, 
and with a small cane in his hand ; and so they march in good order, and 
each man sets his arms down near him." 

This account of how the Pilgrims ascended that Holy Hill was written by 
Isaack de Rasieres, the diplomatic agent of the Dutch settled in New Neth- 
erlands, whom Bradford describes as " a man of fair and genteel behavior," 
who visited Plymouth in 1627. He came " with a noyse of trumpeters, 
and some other attendants." Just as his own description of Pilgrim church- 
going represents the continuity at Plymouth of the good martial order of 
the Old World, so this ambassador " from ye Dutch plantation," coming 
with noise of trumpets and letters " written in both Dutch & French " 
represents the continuity at Plymouth of international intercourse, which 
was first developed in municipal forms, notably by the cities of Italy, 
France, Holland, and the Hanseatic League. What a striking reminder 
of the old Teutonic world, and of united Christendom, is the title " Eedele, 
Eerenfeste, Wyse, Voorsinnige Heeren" addressed to the Governor and 
Council of New Plymouth from the Director and Council {Raed) of New 
Netherlands, "In Christi Jesu onsen Heere, — Amen!" Plymouth and 


America no longer need proofs and symbols of their historic independence, 
for they have secured their freedom before all the world ; we need rather, 
in these days, signs and indications of union with the great past, upon the 
experience of which our nation is really building to-day as upon a corner- 
stone. It was right and proper that our Revolutionary Fathers and our 
Pilgrim Forefathers should wrest themselves from the tyranny of the Old 
World, but it is equally right for their children to clasp hands with the 
English and with all good Teutons over common and quickening memories 
of an illustrious past, from Hermann. to Cromwell and Washington. Dis- 
ruption is sometimes necessary in order to achieve civil or religious inde- 
pendence, but, with independence achieved, a generous union is vital to the 
highest progress of nations in both Church and State. 

The historical reconstruction of Plymouth has been going on for many 
years in quiet but influential ways. Aside from the contributions by early 
local antiquaries, of whom Judge Davis was chief, should be mentioned 
the publication of Baylie's " Historical Memoir of New Plymouth " (1830) ; 
Thacher's "History" (1832); Young's "Chronicles" (1841) ; Russell's 
" Guide " (1846) ; Hunter's " Founder of New Plymouth " (1849) (a pio- 
neer work on the English antecedents of the Pilgrims, by a scholarly Eng- 
lishman); Bartlett's " Pilgrim Fathers " (1853), another English work ; Hun- 
ter's " Scrooby Church " (1854); Shurtleff's "Colonial Records" (1855); 
Bradford's " History of Plymouth Plantation," edited by Mr. Charles 
Deane, and first published by the Massachusetts Historical Society (1856); 
Dexter's " Mourt's Relation " (1865) ; Scott's " Pilgrims not Puritans nor 
Persecutors," an English tract (1866) ; and a host of other writings. Mr. 
Dexter's recently published work upon " Congregationalism," with its 
superb bibliography, is but a suggestion of the grand proportions which 
Plymouth history will one day assume when fully restored. Meantime, as 
a contribution to the subject, it would be fitting for the English Govern- 
ment to restore to Plymouth and Massachusetts the Bradford manuscript 
which was carried off from the New England Library, in the tower of the 
Old South Church in Boston, by some pilfering British soldier at the time 
of the American Revolution. This matter has been ably presented and 
fully discussed by Mr. Deane, in his editorial preface to Bradford's " His- 
tory of Plymouth Plantation," published from a copy taken in England. 
The matter has been examined anew and in a fresh light by Professor Justin 
Winsor, in a paper read before the Massachusetts Historical Society, Nov- 
ember 10, 1 881. The retention of this valuable manuscript in England, 
after repeated requests for its restoration, deserves to be made an interna- 
tional grievance, like the Alabama Claims. This is not a matter of dollars. 


It is the unjust detention of a primal source of New England history in 
the library of the Bishop of London, at Fulham on the Thames, four miles 
from Hyde Park Corner. If one of America's adopted citizens should be 
unjustly imprisoned in Ireland, his release would be demanded by the 
united voice of public opinion and of the National Government. Is the hon- 
orable record of one hundred " Englishmen which came over this great 
ocean " unworthy of rescue ? The History of Plymouth Plantation should 
be restored to its proper place like Plymouth Rock. 

But while England should thus make restitution to New England, the 
daughter-colonies should acknowledge more fully than has yet been done 
their historical obligations to their mother land. The best of New England 
institutions really rest upon Old English foundations. It should never be 
forgotten that the Pilgrim Fathers did not differ from the Church of England 
in fundamental questions of religious faith. John Robinson said : " I believe 
with my heart before God, and profess before the world, that I have one 
and the same faith, hope, spirit, baptism, and Lord, which I had in the 
Church of England, and none other; that I esteem so many in that Church, 
of what state or order soever, as are truly partakers of that faith (as I ac- 
count many thousands to be), for my Christian brethren, and myself a fellow 
member with them of that mystical body of Christ scattered far and wide 
throughout the world." As Plymouth Colony, in Religion and Law, in 
Church and State, in Town, Parish, and Common School, was built upon 
an English substructure, it is no sacrifice of American independence to 
admit the fact. 

Johns Hopkins University, December 6, 1882 





{Translated for The Magazine from the Carta de Indias, 
Madrid, 1877.] 

Letter of Cristobal Colon to the Cath- 
olic Kings, setting forth some observa- 
tions on the art of Navigation, Granada, 
February 6, 1502. 

Most High and Mighty Kings & Lords : 
I desire to be the cause of pleasure 
and entertainment to your Highnesses, 
and not of pain and disgust ; but since 
the pleasure and delight attach to new 
things of any interest, I shall speak 
of each in compliance with your com- 
mands as they come to my memory; 
and assuredly they will not be judged by 
their carelessness of expression, but by 
my good intentions and desires, that in 
all things I may be of service to your 
Highnesses to state only that which has 
occurred to myself ; and although my 
strength fail me and my fatigue over- 
power me, my will, as the most obliged 
and indebted of persons, shall not be 
wanting in my soul. 

Navigators and others who trade by 
sea always have a superior knowledge of 
particular parts of the world in which 
they move and have common intercourse, 
and for this reason each one of them is 
better informed concerning that which he 
sees daily than any others who may go 
thither from year to year ; and for this 
reason we receive with pleasure the re- 
lations which they themselves make of 
what they have seen and gathered, as 
certainly we gain most perfect instruction 
from that which we learn by our own ex- 

If we consider the world spherical as 
many writers have declared it their opin- 
ion to be, or science causes us to believe ; 
otherwise on its authority it must not be 
supposed that the temperature is equal in 
any parallel, since its diversity is as great 
on the sea as on the land. 

The sun diffuses its influence and the 
earth receives it according to the con- 
cave surfaces on mountains which are 
framed in it, and even the ancients have 
written enough on this subject as Pliny 
also who says that under the north [see 
note 1] the temperature is so mild that 
the people who live there never die ex- 
cept from vexation and disgust with life, 
and that they suffocate and destroy them- 

Here in Spain we find a variety of tem- 
perature so great that there is no need of 
testimony from any early age of the 
world. We see here in Granada the 
mountains covered with snow all the year 
around, an evidence of great cold, while 
at the foot of the same mountain chain 
are the Alpuj arras, where the temperature 
is always mild without excessive heat or 
cold ; and as it is in this province, so it 
is among others in Spain which it would 
be prolixity to name. I say that on the 
sea the same thing happens, especially in 
proximity with the land, and this is better 
known to those who constantly trade 
there than to those who trade in other 

In the summer, and certainly in Anda- 
lusia, every day the sun is high, and the 
land and sea breezes blow alternately, and 
that which comes from the west is soft 
wind and lasts till evening, and in the 
same manner that this wind holds some 
time in this region, so other winds blow 



in other parts and regions in summer and 

Those who constantly go from Cadiz 
to Naples know already that when they 
pass the coast of Catalonia what wind 
they will find there according to the sea- 
son, and also those who go to the Gulf 
of Narbonne. Those who wish to go from 
Cadiz to Naples, if it be winter time, go 
in sight of the Cape of Creo in Catalonia 
by the Gulf of Narbonne ; there the wind 
is very troublesome and sometimes ves- 
sels must yield and are obliged to run 
before it as far as Berueria and for this 
reason they oftener go to Cape Creo to 
keep close to the wind and reach the 
shelter of the Pomegas of Marsella, or 
the Islands of Eros, and never leave the 
coast until they arrive at their destina- 
tion. If they have to go from Cadiz to 
Naples in the summer time, they sail by 
the coast of Berueria as far as Cerdena 
or in the same manner as has been said 
of the other north coast. Some men are 
designated from their voyages who have 
so often made them that they know well 
these routes and the changes of wind 
which may be expected according to the 
season of the year in which they are. 
Commonly to these men is given the 
name of the greater pilots, as on the 
land to the commander of an army ; so 
much so that one who knows perfectly 
the road takes his command to Font- 
arabia would not know it from here to 
Liberia. The same upon the sea, some 
are pilots of Flanders and others of the 
Levant, and of the country he most fre- 

The trade and travel from Spain to 
Planders is greatly prosecuted ; and great 
mariners are engaged in it. In Flanders, 

in the month of January, all the ships are 
despatched to return to their countries 
and in this month it rarely happens that 
there is not a stretch of wind either from 
the northeast or north-northeast. These 
winds at this time of year do not blow 
gently, but strong and cold, and are 
even dangerous : the distances from the 
land and the character of the earth are 
the cause which occasion this. These 
winds are not steady even though the 
weather may not have this fault ; those 
who sail with them are persons who take 
their chances, and most often arrive with 
their hands in their hair. If the easterly 
breeze fail them and any other wind blow 
hard, they must make the ports of France 
or England until another tide allows them 
to leave those ports. 

Sea-faring men are covetous of money 
and eager to return to their homes, and 
venture everything without waiting for the 
weather to settle. As it was in my cham- 
ber on another occasion, I shall inform 
your Highnesses of what is but for the 
security of this navigation ; which should 
be undertaken when the sun is in Taurus 
and be abandoned in the heaviest and 
most dangerous season of the winter. If 
the winds favor the crossing is very slack, 
no departure should be made until the 
voyage seems assured ; and this can be 
best judged of when the sky is very clear 
and the wind blows from the north star 
and holds north always rather stiffly. 
Your Highnesses know well what hap- 
pened the year ninety-seven, when they 
suffered so in Burgos from the duration 
of the severe weather and the wind which 
followed, to escape which they went to 
Soria ; and all the court having left on 
Saturday, your Highnesses remained to 



leave on Monday, and that to a courier 
sent to me that night I replied in a written 
answer which I sent to your Highnesses 
that day, that the wind would begin to 
blow the next day, that the fleet ought 
not to sail, but to hold on until the wind 
strengthened, and should leave on Mon- 
day, and that on Thursday it would be as 
far as the Island of Huict, and if it did 
not put in there it would be in Laredo the 
next Monday or else the science of navi- 
gation was lost. This writing of mine, 
with the desire to await the arrival of the 
Princess, induced Your Highnesses to 
change their intentions not to go to Soria 
and to test the judgment of the sailor ; 
and on Monday a ship appeared off La- 
redo which did not go into Huict because 
it holds but few ships [see note 2]. 

There are many opinions, and there 
always have been on land and sea, as to 
the course to be pursued in similar cases, 
and to-day there are many other discov- 
ered islands ; and if that route is already 
known, those who have to trade back and 
forth there, with the perfection of instru- 
ments and construction of ships, will have 
a better knowledge of the land and winds 
and seasons most favorable to take ad- 
vantage of, and have hope for the security 
of their lives. 

May the Holy Trinity defend your 
Highnesses, for we have desire and need 
to keep your Highnesses with all their 
great estates and lordships. 

From Granada the sixth of February 
fifteen hundred and two. 

. S. A. S . 
X M V 

Note i. — Pone eos montes [Riphaei] ultroque 
Aquilonem, gens felix (si cradimus) quos Hyper- 
boreos appellavere, annoso elegit sevo, fabulosis 
celebrata miraculis. Ibi creduntur esse cardines 
mundi, extremi que siderum ambitus semestri 
luce et una die solis aversi : non, ut imperiti dix- 
ere, ab oequinoctio verno in autumnum. Semel 
in anno solstitio oriuntur iis soles, brumaque se- 
mel occidunt. Regis aprica, felici temperis, 
omni aftiatu noxio carens. Domus iis nemora 
lucique et deorum cultus viritim gregatimque dis- 
cordia ignota et segritudo omnis Mors non nisi 
satietate vitse, epulatis delibutoque, senio luxu, 
ex quadam rupe in mare salientibus. Hoc genus 
sepulturae beatissimum. — Plin., Hist. Nat., lib. 
IV., cap. XXVI. 

Note 2. — In January of the year 1497 the 
Catholic Kings were at Burgos, as is proved by 
the date of some ordinances which they sent 
thence, and by the relation of Galinder de Carva- 
jel, which also shows that " in the month of 
March came the Princess Margurite and wedded 
with the crown prince Don Juan, el lunes de 
Cuasimodo, 3 de abril" with great festivity. — 
( Carta de Indies, p. 658. ) 

:Xpo FERENS./ 


[Translated for The Magazine from the Cartas de Indias. 
Madrid, 1877.] 

Among the signatures of Cristobal 
Colon hitherto published, as well those 
by Fray Antonio de Remesal, who was 
the first to make it known in his Historic 
General de las Itidias occidentales, and 
particularly in chapter 7, " Guatemala," 
etc. (lib. iv., chap, ii., page 163), as by 
Don Martin in his Coleccion de las viages 
y Descubrimientos que hicieron por la mar 
los EspagTwles, etc., and by the his- 
torian of the Admiral, Washington Irving, 
there occur important differences which 
deserve notice. Remesal, not supposing 
that future ages would take such interest 
in this subject, printed in the page above 
mentioned the signature which, accord- 



ing to what he says, he had seen in a 
letter of the discoverer of the New World, 
without any explanation, and merely 
''because some curious person might de- 
sire to exercise his ingenuity in its inter- 
pretation," and also without fixing or 
giving their true value to certain charac- 
teristic details decisive of its authenticity, 
without explaining its omissions or giving 
a justification of its punctuation, which 
he considered as equal in all the initials 
of the ante-signature, and taking the lib- 
erty also of figuring the word represent- 
ing the name of Cristobal, translating and 
writing them in this manner 

S. A. S. 
X. M. A. 

Christo ferens. 
In the fifteen autograph letters of the 
great mariner which Navarrete found in 
the archives of the Lord Duke de Ver- 
agua, and in those coming from other 
quarters, which he printed jointly with 
them in volumes I. and II. of his Colec- 
cion, he said nothing, and Washington 
Irving was equally silent in regard to the 
rubric which the discoverer placed on the 
left side of his signature ; omitting like- 
wise one of the stops between which is 
placed the first S of the two which are 
in the second line of the initials of the 
ante-signature, and although that which 
precedes the S. of the first line in many 
cases (stops which the Anglo-American 
writer did not forget to place), and like- 
wise suppressing in it the oblique line, 
the direction of which is from outside 
inwardly, which encloses the word FER- 
ENS, which Washington Irving showed, 
although without accompanying it with 
the corresponding stop. But the most 

striking variation, which can alone be 
ascribed to thoughtlessness on the part 
of Navarrete, is to be observed in the 
manner of writing the Xpo, in the ab- 
breviation of which he made use of cap- 
ital letters, while Irving, more true to the 
original, only placed the letter X in this 
class and the po in small letters, and 
prolonged the upper right stroke of the 
versal to supply the dark abbreviation 
sign, as in the letter ; the signatures re- 
sulting in the following form : 

According to Nav- 


S. A. S. 



According to Wash- 
ington Irving. 


.S. A. S. 

X M Y 


That the celebrated Spanish Indian- 
ographers omitted these particulars there 
is no doubt, since in some of the fifteen 
letters found which we have had the 
pleasure to examine, thanks to the good 
will of Senor don Cristobal Colon de la 
Cerda, the present Duke of Veragua, 
and in which, besides the rubric that pre- 
cedes the signature in the facsimile B, 
the two points and rays are .clearly seen. 
But it is difficult to explain a similar 
error in a person so minutely precise as 
the author of the " Coleccion de Viages" 
who asserts that the signatures of Colon 
written in other ways to be apocryphal, 
such, for instance, as the one in which 
the initials X. M. Y. were punctuated, 
and the Latin I in place of the Greek Y, 
and those which present separately and 
not in continuation of the initials the 
XPO FERENS, as is established in the 
document, evidently not authentic, dis- 
covered in the Library of the Cara de 



Corsini at Rome, with the title of Codi- 
cillus more militarii Cristophori Columbi, 
upon which is placed datum Valledoliti 4 
Mai, 1506, and which shows this signa- 
ture : 


S. A. S. 


Besides these peculiarities, we have ob- 
served in the Admiral's manner of signa- 
ture, that only in the olograph writings 
the complementary rubric of the signa- 
ture is made use of, and not in those 
which are wanting in this particular, as 
any one may satisfy himself who will 
compare the facsimiles A and B (in the 
Cartas de Indias), noting also that in 
each of these documents he placed the 
two stops which precede the Xpo FER- 
ENS as in the second facsimile B, and 
in a letter preserved by the General 
don Eduardo Fernandez San Roman, 
while in those which the Lord Duke of 
Veraguas was obliging enough to show 
us he appears to have omitted it, although 
this cannot be affirmed with certainty 
when it concerns documents "much in- 
jured by time, the ink obscured or faded 
out, and the -margins creased or torn," 
as, according to Navarrete (Vol. I., p. 
477), were the letters which by his dili- 
gence were discovered in the archives of 
the descendants of the Admiral. Be- 
tween the one and the other of these au- 
tographs it is likewise to be considered 
that in the familiar letters the sign of 
abbreviation appears distinctly, and that 
in those written to the Kings the prolon- 
gation of the arm of the X ; from which it 
is to be deduced that the great mariner 
did not confine himself to any fixed rules 
as to this stop, as sometimes, also, he 

subscribed for the Xpo FERENS by the 
title of the office he was at the time fill- 
ing, as may be seen in the document 
where he treats of the establishment of 
his family estates, famous from the suit 
which was pleaded February 22, 1498, 
which the aforesaid Navarrete gave to 
light in this manner : 


X M Y 

El Almirante. 

Now, in the instruments of August 3, 
1499, in the names of the Catholic kings, 
he made to the trader, Pedro de Salcedo, 
conceding to him the exclusive privilege 
for life of cutting hard wood in the Island 
of Hispaniola, he signed his name in this 
manner : 



X M Y 

V I R E Y 

But ordinarily he signed, as has been 
shown, with the Xpo FERENS. Of the 
fifteen autographs mentioned as in the 
archives of the Duke de Veragua, pub- 
lished by Fernandez Navarrete, "four 
addressed to his great friend, Fray Don 
Gaspar Gorricio, monk of the Monastery 
of Santa Maria de las Cuevas de la Car- 
tuja de Sevilla, and eleven to his son and 
heir, Don Diego Colon," all are signed 
in the same manner, except one done 
in Seville, February 25, 1505 (fifteen 
months before the death of the Ad- 
miral), in which he suppressed the in- 
itials, and only signed with capital and 
small letters, as we make them, in this 
manner : 

Xpo Ferens. 



It seems easy to comprehend the sig- 
nificance of these words written " partly 
in Greek and partly in Latin," as Don 
Nicolas de Azara wrote from Rome to 
Don Juan Bautista Mufioz on the 12th 
of February, 1 784. 

But is it known what it was if the ini- 
tials preceded the Christo Ferens.- Wash- 
ington Irving says that to read them we 
must begin by the lower letters, combin- 
ing them with those above ; Juan Bau- 
tista Spoterno conjectures that they sig- 
nify oh Xristus, Sancte Maria, Josephus, 
oh Salvame Xristus, Maria, Josephus ; 
and in the North American Review for 
April, 1827, the substitution of Jesus for 
Josephus is suggested. Such a substitu- 
tion should not, in our judgment, be ac- 
cepted, because of the redundancy it 
implies, since Jesus and Christus are 
synonymous, and Josephus would com- 
plete the invocation, now quite common, 
of Jesus, Maria, and Jose. Were we to 
share this opinion, we should also substi- 
tute Salve for Salvame. 


' Jlfo FEfi. FATS'/ 


[Translated for The Magazine.] 

Funeral sermon in eulogy of his Ex- 
cellency, Sefior Don Cristoval Colon, 
Admiral-in-Chief, Vice-Roy, and Gov- 
ernor-General of the West Indies, their 
discoverer and conqueror, delivered on 

occasion of the removal of his remains 
from the Metropolitan Church of Saint 
Domingo, to the Cathedral of our Lady 
of the Conception, at Havana, by Doctor 
Don Jose Augustin Caballero, Master of 
Philosophy in the Royal and Councillor 
Seminary College of San Carlos and San 
Ambrosia, on the morning of January 
19th, in the year 1796. 

To the Most Illustrious Governor of 
this city of Havana : 

Illustrious Sir ! If I made the sacrifice 
of my health and of some of my occupa- 
tions when I undertook to prepare a 
funeral eulogium upon the ever-famous 
Admiral Don Cristoval Colon, now that 
Your Excellency has deigned to request 
a copy for publication, I sacrifice all the 
force of my talents, and lose all my tran- 
quillity of mind. The first sacrifice was 
an homage cheerfully and justly rendered 
to my friend Sefior Don Diego Jose Perez 
Rodrigues, Canon of this cathedral ; this 
second is a polite deference to the most 
flattering desire and persuasions of Your 
Excellency. From one and the other I 
might derive an incontestable right to 
claim a double indulgence. But when 
Your Excellency, to the courtesies with 
which you honored me in your official 
letter of January 29th following, added 
the request to print my sermon, no doubt 
that the world may not be ignorant of 
the smallest detail of the demonstrations 
made by Havana in honor of the obse- 
quies of the discoverer of the Americas, 
Your Excellency felt obliged to tender 
to me his protection — a condescension 
which, on the part of Your Excellency, 
is a simple expression of his generosity, 
will be to me an honor and an advantage. 
An honor ? — who would not feel it such 



with the stamp of Your Excellency's il- 
lustrious name? An advantage ? — I en- 
tertain a confident hope that the critics 
who will bite at my sermon when they 
hear it will blunt their teeth. . . . 

I have the glory of being the author of 
the first work which goes forth from the 
press under the powerful auspices of 
Your Excellency ; and I pray you to ac- 
cept and protect it also, should any ma- 
lign influence assail it again. Your Ex- 
cellency will exculpate and excuse my 
faults, now that I have only to accede to 
Your Excellency's desire in placing the 
copy in your possession, my hand trem- 
bles in this act as that of Theophilus 
when he laid upon the altars of the Capi- 
tol his works. 

I remain Your Excellency's most obe- 
dient servant and chaplain, 

Dr. Jose Augustine Caballero. 

Putasme vivent ossa ista ? Ezekiel, 
chap, xxxvii., verse 3. 

"Answer me, can these bones live?" 
How different, illustrious Christobal 
Colon, Grand Admiral of the Indies, how 
different the entry made by thee this 
morning through the streets and squares 
of Havana, from that made by thee in 
the delicious island of Guanahani, in the 
year 1492 ! How distinct the purposes 
of the one and the other ! How dissim- 
ilar their object ! There intoning a joy- 
ous service of thanks, surrounded by tri- 
umphal symbols, with military music and 
displayed banners, thou wast the first to 
tread the uncultivated shores of this new 
territory ; here in the midst of funereal 
pomp, the national colors furled, with 
muffled music, and subdued dignity, thou 
art brought on strange shoulders into the 

interior of the sanctuary. There thou 
wast stirred with the desire of realising thy 
conjectures and proving the correctness 
of thy profound meditations upon the 
existence of a new world ; here thou 
bringest the right which belongs to 
Americans exclusively, to preserve thy 
remains and guard them from any insult 
that other envious nations might other- 
wise inflict upon them. There, in fine, 
thou earnest to spread the knowledge of 
the Gospel and extend the dominion of 
the Catholic kings ; here thou comest 
honorably to receive the praise which 
thy noble soul deserves. Holy God ! 
Immortal God ! Blessed be thou that by 
a chain of unexpected good fortune thou 
dost avail to say of the bones of the cele- 
brated Columbus, that they manifest to us 
a wonderful contrast of glory and humilia- 
tion, of weakness and of power ! But 
why is this? Is it not true, gentlemen, 
that man, even the most noble and dis- 
tinguished, must be changed to dust ? Is 
it not true that this very dust can lift 
itself to the topmost height of honor ? 
We should search if we would undeceive 
ourselves the origin of true greatness, we 
shall find these apparent contradictions 
reconciled, and a justification of the cere- 
monies we are holding to-day over the 
ever-living bones of the famous Columbus. 
[Here we rest the case, leaving such as 
may desire to know more of this memor- 
able discourse to consult the original ; 
simply remarking, that there is little proof 
that the bones in which the orator took 
so much interest were those of the great 
navigator, and that the eloquent Dr. Jose 
Augustine Caballero falls into a very com- 
mon error in supposing that Columbus 
believed in the existence of a new world.] 





And now having given a Relation of 
the PVench Establishment at the Mouth 
of the River of Missis sipi, it behoves us 
to do the same Justice to the English 
Settlement in Carolina, the last letters 
from whence bring this Account. That 
the River of Port-Royal becomes every- 
day better known, and more inhabited ; 
and they who have sail'd up that River 
report, That all the Country adjoining is 
wonderfully beautiful ; that the English 
who are settl'd there reap great Advan- 
tages by their Commerce with the Indians, 
who are debonaire and affable, well shap'd 
and industrious not having any thing of 
the Rudeness of the other Savages, and 
that they look upon the English as their 
Protectors against their neighbours, and 
readily trust their Lives and Fortunes in 
their Hands, especially with those who 
can speak their Language, which consists 
of about Five hundred Words or there- 
abouts, and is easily learnt. This good 
Correspondence renders ail those very 
happy that settle upon that River, where 
they have not only all things necessary, 
but all manner of Superfluities of Fish, 
Fowl, and Fruit to their Hearts desire. 
There are Easterly Breezes which rise 
every Day, which continue Three or Four 
Hours and sometimes all Day long ; these 
Winds blowing directly contrary to the 
Current of Port Royal keep back the 
Water, and make the River seem always 
equal so that Vessels go up with as much 
ease against the Stream, as they sail down 
with the Current. 

To settle Colonies with Security, says 
an able Politician, Four things are re- 

quir'd. First, That they should be as 
near one another as possible, that they 
may be sooner succour' d in case of re- 
volt, or if they should be surpriz'd by an 
Enemy. Secondly, That they should be 
in Countries able to maintain the Fami- 
lies which are design' d thither. Thirdly, 
That the Country produce such Effects 
as may be useful to the State which settles 
the Colony. In the last Place, That it 
should be so situated that the State may 
draw Succour from it, either for War or 
Trade. All which good Qualities are to 
be met with in that Plantation which the 
English are now settling upon the River 
of Port-Royal. And it were to be wish'd, 
that all the S. Nicholas's Clerks, and other 
Sons of Mercury, with their Daughters 
of Joy that trouble England, would be so 
good natur'd as to go and live honestly 
together in this Place, where they might 
enjoy so much ease and Abundance, 
without venturing their Necks and Left- 
Cheeks for the Blessings of this Life. — 
From State of Europe, August, 1700, p. 

Captain Daniel, arriving at Port Royal 
from Carolina, brought an Account, That 
Captain Moore, the Governour of that 
Plantation after a long March with 500 
Men from Charles-Town in Carolma, to 
a Colony of the Spaniards CalPd S. 
Austin's about Three Hundred Miles 
distant from his own Quarters, attack' d 
and made himself Master of the Town, 
the Inhabitants deserting it, and with the 
best of their Effects retiring to a Castle 
that was encompass' d round with a wide 
and deep Moat, wherein they had stor'd 
up Provisions for several Months and 
where they defended themselves with so 



much Courage, that it was impossible for 
him to take it by storm ; which was the 
reason that he sent Captain Daniel to 
Port Royal for Two or Three Mortars 
and some shells, Keeping the Castle 
block'd up in the mean time. If this 
Expedition suceed, it will very much con- 
duce to the security of Carolina ; there 
being no other place that can give 'em 
Disturbance, except a small Settlement 
of the French, call'd the Palisadds, about 
200 miles farther up in the Country to 
the Westward. The same Pacquet also 
brought another account. That about 
Nine or Ten English Privateers had 
attack'd a place upon the Continent 
called Foulou, about Ten Leagues from 
Carthagena, which they took, plunder' d 
and burnt. From thence they sail'd to 
Caledonia, row'd up the River Darien, 
and ingratiating themselves with the 
Indians, were by them conducted to the 
Gold Mines at Sancta Cruz de Ca?ia, near 
Sancta Maria where 'they arriv'd after 
Twelve Days March : after they had 
march' d Nine Days March, they fell in 
with an Out-Guard of the Spaniards, of 
whom they took Nine; but the t'other 
escaping gave Notice at the Mines of 
their approach, so that the Richest of the 
Inhabitants fled with their «Money and 
Jewels. However, the English took the 
Fort and possess'd themselves of the 
Mine, where about Seventy Negro's re- 
main'd, whom they set to work, during 
the one and Twenty Days that they con- 
tinu'd there; in which time they got 
about Fourscore Pound of Gold Ore, 
besides several pieces of Plate which 
they found bury'd in the Ground by the 
Inhabitants. At their return they burnt 
the Town, and brought away the Negrds. 

Two of the Sloops row'd towards Cuba, 
landed near Trinidada took the Town 
burnt a great part of it, and brought off 
a considerable Booty. — From State of 
Europe, February, 1703, p. 81. 

The same Success attends the affairs 
of the English in America, where they 
get the better of the French every day, 
and make themselves Masters of their 
best Plantations. They have taken 
within this little while the Island of 
Orleans, the City of Quebeck, made a 
Bishoprick in 1674 by Pope Clemejtt X. 
The chief Inhabitants were sent Prison- 
ers to Boston, and the Booty which they 
got in the City was valued at two hun- 
dred thousand pound Sterling. They 
have also taken eight Merchant Men 
richly laden, coming from America, and 
bound for France. We also understand 
that the English Colonies in the East 
Indies have made a Peace, with die 
Great Mogul, which has considerably 
advanced the Company's Actions. — From 
State of Europe, January, 1691, p. 31. 


The portrait of lord de la warr 
— Under the date of June 28, 1882, 
the present British Minister at Washing- 
ton says: "The original portrait is at 
Buckhurst Park, in the county of Sussex, 
the seat of the present Earl De La Warr. 
It was painted by ' Hilliard,' and I am 
not aware that it has ever been engraved, 
and as far as we know, no engraving of 
Thomas West exists." Our engraving 
follows the original with care, and may be 
depended upon as correct. 



Election rock — This Rock on Clark's 
Island, Plymouth Harbor [vm. 801], 
is an immense boulder something near 
12 x 30 feet. It forms a very fine speci- 
men of those pilgrims of the early geo- 
logical age which travelled from the 
northwest to the southeast, and which 
are found in such wonderful profusion on 
Martha's Vineyard, where they are of 
such an enormous size. It bears an in- 
scription, taken from "Mourt's Relation," 
" On the Sabbath day wee rested," it 
being added in new style, " 20 December, 
1620." Whether or not the Pilgrims 
landed on this island or the island which 
has been washed away, we have no means 
of determining. Tradition does not help 
much in this respect, as this island was 
fixed upon as the island, at a time when it 
was not understood that the harbor once 
contained two islands. It is certain, how- 
ever, that they landed and kept the 
"Sabboth," which fact will be remem- 
bered with respect when time has done 
its work and " Election Rock," itself has 
been eaten away. 

The statue of william pitt stood 
at the intersection of Wall and William 
Streets. It was set up in recognition of 
"the services he rendered America in 
promoting the Repeal of the Stamp Act." 
It was of fine white marble, in the Roman 
style, and Pitt was represented holding 
in his right hand a scroll partly open, 
reading " Articuli Magna-Charta Liber- 
tatum." The south side of the pedestal 
bore a Latin inscription ; and the work 
was designed by Wilton, being a compan- 
ion to that erected in Charleston, S. C. 
[vm. 214]. It was set up September 7, 

1 770, amid the applause of the people. In 
1776 the head, which was fixed on by a 
pin, was taken off or knocked off, either 
by the Americans or British ; and, in 
1787, it was removed because it was 
in the way. It was carried to the Cor- 
poration Yard, and afterward to the 
arsenal. Later it did duty in front of 
Riley's Museum, corner of West Broad- 


way and Franklin Street. It was pur- 
chased finally by Mr. Samuel F. Mackie, 
who presented it to the New York His- 
torical Society. It now stands with the 
Nineveh marbles in the refectory — a 
ghostly, expressionless, melancholy thing, 
waiting for some public-spirited person to 
accomplish its restoration, which is en- 
tirely feasible. Who will do the work ? 



The o'callaghan collection was dis- 
persed at public auction by Bangs & Co. 
during the week beginning with Decem- 
ber 4th. The catalogue contains a great 
many good titles, and the sale proved 
quite satisfactory. CastelPs " Short Dis- 
coveries' 1644, said to contain the first 
English account of New Netherland, 
brought $72 ; the Darien Tracts, $125 ; 
De Vries, 1655, went for $110 ; Champ- 
lain of 1620 brought $55, the edition 
of 1632, $130, and another with fac- 


simile of original map, $40. The Jesuit 
Relations, including reprint, translations, 
and originals, brought $1,068.45. The 
sale realized upward of twelve thousand 
dollars, which was more than the sum 
for which the collections were offered at 
private sale. This library was formed 
with especial reference to the history of 
New York, and everything bearing upon 
the Colony and State was secured in all 
cases when it lay in the collector's power. 
Many books of no great value were in- 

cluded in the collection, but the average 
was high, and the sale excited very great 
interest. The catalogue, which is well 
worthy of preservation, was compiled by 
Mr. E. W. Nash. Dr. E. B. O'Cal- 
laghan (V. 77) was born at Mallow, 
Ireland, February 29, 1797, and died in 
New York, May 29, 1880. His name 
will ever stand indissolubly connected 
with the history of the State of New 

Gen. nixon's pay-warrant — Conti- 
nental pay-warrants not being common, 
the following is given as a specimen. It is 
one of Brigadier-General John Nixon's, of 
Massachusetts, who distinguished himself 
at Bunker Hill, Long Island, and Saratoga. 

The United States of America, to 
Brigadier-General John Nixon, D r 
To four months Service in the 

army to viz 1 from the 9 th of 

Nov r 1776 to the 9 th of > 500 dolls. 

March 1777 both Days In- 
clusive @ 125 p Month, 
Boston March 9 th 1777. 

Jn° Nixon, B.G. 

To Ebenezer Hancock Esq. Deputy 
Paymaster General to the Forces of the 
United States of America. 

Pay to Brigadier General John Nixon 
five Hundred Dollars in full of the above 
for which this shall be your sufficient 

Given at Head Quarters ) W. Heath, 
Boston March 26 th 1777. \ M.G. 

Boston, March 27, 1777. 

Received above Contents in full. 

6 4 


A colonial arithmetic — The article 
in the N. Y. Evening Post, of November 
19, 1882, on early Dutch Schoolmasters 
here, reminds me of an old MSS. arith- 
metic which a youth at Gravesend, L. I., 
began in 1754. Inside the covers are 
some of the usual maxims quaintly ex- 
pressed, viz.: " Carefully mind to mend 
in every line." "Game not in School- 
time when you ought to write." " Avoid 
ill company and Sloth, By which to Ruin 
men are brought." Examples follow, from 
Multiplication to the Rule of Three. On 
one page we have the " Rule of Bartar," 
in 1760, which is "for exchanging of 
ware one Commodity for Another." "This 
rule," the boy has it, " shows the Mer- 
chants how they may Proportion their 
Goods, so that Neither of them may sus- 
tain Loss " ; and an example cited runs : 
" Two merchants A and B bartar. A hath 
320 Dozen of Candles @ 4/6 p Dozen, for 
which B giveth him 30^" in cash and 
y e Rest in Cotton @ 8d. p lb. I demand 
how much Cotton B must give A more 
than y e 30^ in cash." Under "Single 
Fellowship," we have an example suggest- 
ing the French and Indian War, as fol- 
lows : " Three sloops privateers joined 
in a cruise and Took a French prize worth 
463^5 y e first sloop had 200 men, y e 2 nd 
had 300 and y e 3 d had 40 men. I de- 
mand each sloop's shair according to 
their number of men at that rate. 

The First ( 171:9: 7 

Facit y e Second \ 257:4: 5 

y e Third ( 34:5:^ 

For neatness, good penmanship and 

correct work, this old book of " sums," 

would compare favorably with similar 

productions of the modern school-boy. 

J. s. 

Qualifications for a colonial house- 
keeper — Wanted at a Seat about half a 
day's journey from Philadelphia, on which 
are good improvements, and domestics 
A single Woman of unsullied reputation, 
an affable, cheerful, active and amiable 
disposition ; cleanly, industrious, perfectly 
qualified to direct and manage the female 
concerns of country business, as raising 
small stock, dairying, marketing, combing, 
carding, spinning, knitting, sewing, pick- 
ling, preserving, etc., and occasionally to 
instruct two young ladies in those 
branches of ceconomy, who, with their fa- 
ther, compose the family. Such a person 
will be treated with respect and esteem, 
and meet with every encouragement due 
to such a character. — Penn Packet, Sep- 
tember 23, 1780. 


Penn and the liquor traffic — Some 
of the papers in parts of the country hav- 
ing given publicity to a charge reported to 
have been made by a Methodist minister 
of Philadelphia, to the effect that Penn 
paid the Indians for their land with run), 
Josiah W. Leeds refutes, in the col- 
umns of the Friends' Review, that ill- 
considered and misleading statement. 
He cites from the Pennsylvania archives 
the various treaty deeds from 1681 to 
1697, by which it appears that, although 
a great variety of useful goods, merchan- 
dise, and utensils are specified, only two 
ankers (twenty gallons) of rum, together 
with a barrel and a half of beer, occur as 
any part of the consideration given by 
Penn, or his deputies, to the Indians for 
their land. He further points out that, 
in order to a correct estimation of 
the matter, it is necessary to bear in 



mind that beer, in that day, was the com- 
mon drink, as coffee is now ; that there 
was then no public opinion against the 
use of rum ; while Penn's extreme solici- 
tude as to the introduction and sale of 
strong liquors to the Indians " exhibited 
a sense of his moral responsibility as pro- 
prietor and legislator, which was far in 
advance of his time." This is clearly 
shown by citations from the colonial 
records. The reply concludes with this 
terse and sincerely uttered saying of 
Penn : " It were miserable indeed for us 
to fall under the just censure of the poor 
Indian conscience, while we make pro- 
fession of things so far transcending." 

Philadelphia, Pa. 

Indian captives — Captain William 
Moore of the Brig Africa, who arrived 
here on Sunday last from New Orleans, 
brought with him one George Cahoon a 
Lad of about 15 or 16 years old, who says 
that he was (with the whole Family) taken 
about ten years ago, from Cumberland 
County in Virginia, by the French Iro- 
quois Indians, that his father's name was 
also George Cahoon, and that three of 
his brothers and three of his sisters were 
still with the Indians when he was pur- 
chased by a French Officer and carried to 
the Mississippi ; the said Lad is now by 
choice going to Trois River in Canada, 
attending on two young Gentlemen, sons 
of the Surveyor General of New Orleans. 
— New York Mercury, July 27, 1767. 

Washington's favorite hostelry — 
Died July 7, 1818, at Wilmington, Dela- 
ware, Capt. Patrick O'Flinn, in the 70th 
year of his age — a soldier of the Revolu- 

tion, and, indeed, an honest man. He 
kept a public house in that borough dur- 
ing the time that Congress sat in Phila- 
delphia — it was always the stopping place 
of General Washington, who generally re- 
mained a night with Capt. O'Flinn, and 
made it a constant rule to invite the 
Captain (who was of uncommon and re- 
tired habits) to spend the evening with 
him. It was remarked on a certain occa- 
sion by one of the gentlemen in Washing- 
ton's suite (Col. Lear), that in all his 
journeys with the President, he had never 
seen him so much at home, in a public 
house, as in Capt. O'Flinn' s, or ever met 
with a man with whom he discoursed 
more familiarly than with him. There 
were few men with whom Washington was 
familiar. The Editor of the Register, ac- 
customed from a child to respect the vir- 
tues of Capt. O'Flinn, offers this little 
tribute to his memory. — Nile? Weekly 

Register, xiv., 344. 


A slight mistake — The National Ad- 
vocate of New York, September 2, 1818, 
in an account of artillery practice by the 
Ninth N. Y. State Artillery, at Hoboken, 
stated that the prize sword was awarded 
to John Kerdolf In the issue of Sep- 
tember 5th, the editor announced that 
there was a mistake in the name of the 
artilleryman who won the sword ; that 
"his name is Joseph Gawley." 


Penn-yan and wilkes-barre — A new 
paper has been issued from a town in the 
State of New York, bearing the uncouth 
name of Penn- Van ; the word being 
coined to recognize and perpetuate the 
fact that it was settled by Penn-syl- 



vanians and Yan-kees. There is a re- 
spectable town in Pennsylvania, called 
Wilkes-barre, which we learn was thus 
named in honor of the famous John 
Wilkes, and of Colonel Bane, one of the 
most intrepid asserters of the rights of 
the American Colonies in the British Par- 
liament. — National Advocate, August 6, 
1818. Petersfield 

Description of john c. calhoun — 
Mr. Calhoun, we presume, is over sixty 
years of age, though his appearance would 
not indicate him to be over fifty-five. He 
looks well and healthy. He is about five 
feet eleven inches high, of an erect but 
not full form. His chin rather protrudes ; 
his mouth is wide ; his lips are thin and 
compressed ; his nose is aquiline ; his 
forehead full ; his head large and square ; 
his hair is strong, close, and shaggy. His 
whole physiognomy gives indication of 
thought, firmness of purpose, and self-re- 
liance. — New Orleans Delta, November 
8, 1845. w - K. 

The fownell tombstone — The old- 
est tombstone in the old burial ground at 
Charlestown, Mass., where lie the remains 
of many of the first inhabitants, bears the 
following inscription : 

IOHN Fownell 

Sonne of Iohn 

Fownell aged 

18 yeares. Dyed 

The II Day of April 


The stone, which stands near the top of 
the hill, an ancient moraine forming the 
burial ground, within a few feet of the 
Harvard monument, is of a compact, 
greenish graywacke, upon which the 

weather during these Jong generations 
has had no noticeable effect. The stone 
is evidently good for at least a thousand 
years of severe New England weather, if 
not two thousand. 

Faithful rowse — The memorial of 
this person is found in the same place. 
It bears the following inscription : 

Here lies y e Body of Faithful Rowse. 
Aged 75 Years. Died May y e 18 th 1664 

According to the Book of Estates, 
Faithful Rowse was a saddler. 

Samuel webb — This interesting me- 
morial, also found in the old burial 
ground, is of blue slate, carved in an or- 
nate manner, being noticeable from the 
fact that a semicircle of the stone was 
knocked out by a large cannon ball, 
fired probably during the siege of Boston 
in 1775, though possibly it was directed 
by the British on the Charles River at 
the Americans on Bunker Hill. The 
stone is now badly cracked by the 
weather and a piece has fallen off, but 
forty years ago it was in a tolerable con- 
dition. The inscription is as follows : 

Here Lyes Buried 

y e Body of 


Who Departed this 

life October 10 th Anno 

Dom 1 1739. -^tat s Suse 50. 

The pemaquid cemetery — The oldest 
gravestone in this cemetery bears date 
1695, inscribed " H. M.," undoubtedly 
standing over the grave of Sergeant Hugh 
Murch, an enlisted man from Newbury, 
Mass. Coffin, in his " History of New- 
bury," says, citing Judge Sewall's diary : 

" 1695. Sept. 9. Twenty-four men 



at Pemaquid, going to get wood, are 
shot, four of whom are dead. Sergeant 
Hugh Murch (of Newbury), George's son, 
was killed at the first shot." 

The starltng tombstone — The old- 
est known gravestone on the island of 
Monhegan, lying about a dozen miles off 
the coast of Maine, bears the following 
inscription : " Phebe Starling, died March 
4, 1784, aged 1 month." The grave- 
yard is on the slope of a hill near the 
lighthouse. There were other and earlier 
burial places, but they are not now 
known. * 

nor throw Poverty or any Disease y l we 
know of." 

The above copy of a deposition was 
used in a trial for witchcraft in Boston in 
1692. S. P. Mayberry 


Deposition of Thomas Burnam jun 
aged 48 years, who testifieth & saith y t 
some years sine one Sumor one of my 
cowes was uery often milked & Some-times 
tow of them in my yard by my house : & 
thinking, to catch y e milker : y t took 
paines & watched & one with me & those 
nights y* I watched my cowes ware not 
milked & I arose one night a Litele be- 
fore Day & stood in my baren corn neare 
whare my cowes Lay & sone I saw a fe- 
male stand in y e midele of y e yeard, whare 
was Rachell Clenton, which as I thought 
uanished a way & a nother night I a rose 
before Day & walked in y e Street & just 
one y e breaking of Day came sudingly to 
my yeard where my Cowes Lay & that 
cow that was most comonly milked, Stood 
& a parson a milking which presently 
glanced from y e cow in y e Lickenesse of a 
gray Cat & run up y e back side of my 
house scraching upon y e shingells a 
bought fourty foot & so oner y e top of my 
house & furthur saith not, Except y l y e 
spring following y e same Cow was found 
Dead on y e Comon not mired nor cast 

Aberdein— The name " Charles Aber- 
dein " and " Charles Edward Robert 
Aberdein " is written in a copy of a 
pocket volume entitled " Chronologia, 
or the Tablet of Memory ; or, Historian's 
Assistant." ' It contains, also, in writ- 
ing : 

" Aberdein Charles, taken prisoner by 
the Americans Sept r 11 th , 1778." 
" Edw d Barnard his Book." 
Under the title " Eminent Men ": 
" Garrick David born 17 died 17 JE" 
"Johnson D r Sam. born 17 died 1784." 
C. Aberdein was probably an officer of 
the British forces during the American 

William R. Cutter 
Lexington, Mass. 

1 More fully: "Chronologia. | The | Tablet 
of Memory ; | or, | Historian's Assistant. | Shew- 
ing I every memorable event in history, | from | 
the earliest period | to | the present year 
M,DCC,LXXIII ; | classed under distinct heads, 

I alphabetically digested, | with their dates. | 
Comprehending | an epitome of English History; 

I a I chronology of eminent men | and [ a Genea- 
logical Account of the Descent of | His Present 
Majesty George III. from Egbert, | the First 
Sole Monarch of England. || London : | Printed 
for John Wheble, Paternoster | Row, 1773 " 
Pp. 164 (complete), with a preface and full table 
of contents. Frontispiece, a plate representing 
" History resisting Time from destroying a 
Column of Books containing events from y e Crea- 
tion to y e present Time " (S. Wale del.; I. Coll- 
yer sculp.). Motto, " Sparsa Colligit." The 
Column of books, in plate, is surmounted by a 
bust of George Rex III, 



Old bibles — While the readers of 
The MaCxAZIne are determining the value 
of the "very old Bible," the title-pages 
of which are given by K., of Charleston, 
S. C, in the September number, it would 
gratify your humble correspondent im- 
mensely to have a price fixed on a Bible 
belonging to him, the same being in good 
condition, printed on old English black- 
letter type, and containing the following 
titles : 

" The Bible. Translated according to 
the Ebrewe and Greeke, and conferred 
with the best translations in diuers lan- 

" With most profitable annotations vpon 
all the hard places, and other things of 
great importance, as may appeare in the 
Epistle to the Reader. And also a most 
profitable Concordance for the readie 
finding out of any thing in the same con- 

" Imprinted At London by Robert 
Barker, Printer to the Kings most excel- 
lent Maiestie. 1606. Cum Priuilegio. 

" The New Testament of our Lord 
Iesvs Christ. Conferred diligently with 
the Greeke and best approoued Transla- 
tions in diuer Languages. Imprinted at 
London by Robert Barker, Printer to the 
Kings most Excellent Maiestie. 1606. 
Cum Priuilegio. 

" Two right profitable and fruitfull Con- 
cordances, or large and ample Tables 
Alphabeticall. The first containing the 
interpretation of the Hebrue, Caldean- 
Greeke, and Latine wordes and names 
scatteringly dispersed throughout the 
whole Bible, with their common places 
following euery of them : And the second 
comprehending all such other principall 
wordes and matters, as concerne the 

sense and meaning of the Scriptures, or 
direct vnto any necessary and good in- 
struction. The further contents and vse 
of both the which Tables (for breuitie 
sake) is expressed more at large in the 
Preface to the Reader : And will seme as 
well for the translation called Geneua, as 
for the other authorized to be read in 
Churches. Collected by R. F. H. 

" Imprinted at London by Robert Bar- 
ker, Printer to the Kings most excellent 
Maiestie. 1606. Cum Priuilegio Regime 

It will be seen that this Bible was print- 
ed before the King James version ap- 
peared, and it is also one of the celebra- 
ted " Breeches " edition. 

Clark Jillson 


Virginians — When Sir Thomas Gates 
and Sir George Somers arrived in Virginia, 
May 23, 1 6 10, they found only sixty per- 
sons alive ; three of these died within a few 
days, leaving fifty-seven. I am anxious to 
secure a complete list of these, if possible, 
and ask corrections and additions to the 
following : Saml. Collier, John Dods, 
Anthony Gosnold, Jr., John Lagdon, 
Capt. John Martin, George Percy, Esq., 
Nathaniel Powell, James Read, Thomas 
Webbe, Jeffrey Abbot, Wm. Cantrell, 
Nathaniel Causey, Ed. Gurgana, Richard 
Killingbeck, Thomas Savage, William 
Spence, Anne Saydon, Raleigh Crashaw, 
Thomas Douse, David Ellis, Thomas 
Graves, Robert Poole, Richard Taylor, 
Daniel Tucker, Edward Berkley, Wm. 
Box, Thomasine Causey, Capt. James 
Davies, John Powell, Wm. Powell, Mat- 


6 9 

thew Somers, Henry Spetman, George 
Webbe, Lady Temperance Feardley, 
Robert Partin, Joane Pierce, Edward 
Rowcroft, alias Stall ings, Edward Grin- 
don, John Proctor, Capt. Isaac Maddison, 
and Win. Coxe (41). 

Of those who had been to Virginia, 
there were still living in England or else- 
where — Capt. Argall, Capt. Newport, 
Capt. Smith, Edward Maria Wingfield, 
Matthew Morton, Robert Tindall, 
Thomas Coe, Wm. Dyer, Michael and 
Wm. Phettiplace, Wm. Nolday, Richard 
Pots, Richard Wyffin, Thomas Abbay, 
John Codrington, and Capt. Francis 
West (16). Were there any others? 

Alexander Brown 

Norwood, Virginia. 

Patrick henry — Where is the original 
portrait of Patrick Henry, from which the 
well-known engraving of him must have 
been taken ? and who the artist ? D. 

Equipment of a revolutionary cap- 
tain — Did officers in the Continental 
Army carry a musket, or a rifle, as part 
of their equipment ? In a notice of the 
death of Captain Daniel Clark, of Plain- 
field, Conn., who fell in the battle of Sep- 
tember 19, 1777, at Bemis Heights, he is 
described as "charging his piece," when 
a ball from the enemy struck him in the 
forehead. K. 

Thomas paine's revolutionary writ- 
ings — Can any one tell whether Paine's 
writings over the signature of " The 
Forester" were ever published in book 
or pamphlet ; and if so, where a copy 
can be found? When and where were 

published the earliest French transla- 
tions of " Common Sense " ? Were trans- 
lations of " Common Sense " published 
in German, Dutch, Italian, or Spanish ? 
Can any one give contemporary testi- 
mony as to the influence and popularity 
of "The Crisis"? X. Y. Z. 

Purchase of rhode island from 
the Indians — Peter Kalm, the well- 
known Swedish naturalist, printed in his 
book of travels, the following statement 
in regard to the purchase of Rhode 
Island. I do not find it verified in any 
history of that commonwealth. 

" Mr. Franklin and several other gen- 
tlemen frequently told me that a power- 
ful Indian, who possessed Rhode Island, 
had sold it to the English for a pair of 
spectacles ; it is large enough for a 
Prince's domain, and makes a peculiar 
government at present. This Indian 
knew to set a true value upon a pair of 
spectacles; for undoubtedly, if those 
glasses were not so plentiful, and only a 
few of them could be found, they would, 
on account of their great use, bear the 
same price with diamonds." 

Can it be possible that Benjamin 
Franklin imposed on the credulity of the 
innocent traveller ? Minto 

Columbus portraits — The city of 
Genoa, purposing to erect a monument 
to Columbus, one part of which should be 
a life-like statue of him, asked advice all 
over Europe concerning a model for 
their sculptor. The Historical Society of 
Madrid, published a voluminous report 
on the subject by an artist and critic, 
Carderera. Their opinion was that the 
most truthful representation of the great 



discoverer was to be sought in the Floren- 
tine Uffizi portrait (1568 or earlier), the 
Basel woodcut (1578) and the engraving 
of Capriolo (1596), which were all three 
derived from the same source, namely, 
the museum of Paolo Giorio on Lake 
Como. The Genoese memorial was 
completed in 1862. 

Will some reader of The Magazine in- 
form us, 1. Whether the Madrid advice 
was followed by the statuary of the Co- 
lumbus at Genoa ? 2. If not, what Colum 
bian type was his model ? 3. What has 
become of the museum of Paolo Giorio ? 
4. Where can any particulars be found 
describing its formation, or remains ? 
James D. Butler 

Madison, Wis. 

Capitol — What is the earliest use of 
this word in English ? It was, perhaps, 
used in Gaul under the Romans to mean 
the (provincial) government buildings, 
and certainly in modern France. I find 
it in Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, written 
in 1781, p. 221. 

Did Jefferson borrow it from the 
French ? or where did this Americanism 
come from ? D. 

Doyle's good sense — In the summer 
of 1780, proposals were circulated in 
New York City to obtain subscriptions 
for the publication of an answer to 
Paine's " Common Sense." The title of 
the book was to be " Good Sense." The 
author, William Doyle, promised to print 
it when one hundred subscribers were ob- 
tained. Was the volume issued ? 



Bancroft pamphlets [viii. 706] — 
The following list is believed to com- 
prise all the pamphlets in the various 
controversies which the publication of 
Mr. Bancroft's History of the United 
States gave rise to. W. B. R. 

1. "The Memory of the Late James 
Grahame, the Historian of the United 
States, Vindicated from the Charges made 
by George Bancroft, etc." By Josiah 
Quincy. Boston, 1846. 

2. " Defence of Col. Timothy Picker- 
ing against Bancroft's History." By S. 
Swett. Boston, 1859. 

3. "Nathaniel Greene. An Examina- 
tion of some Statements concerning Ma- 
jor-General Greene in the Ninth Volume 
of Bancroft's History of the United 
States." By Geo. Washington Greene. 
Boston, 1866. 

4. "President Reed of Pennsylvania. 
A Reply to Mr. George Bancroft and 
Others." By William B. Reed. Phila- 
delphia, 1867. (Three editions published 
with same imprint.) 

5. "Joseph Reed. A Historical Es- 
say." By George Bancroft. New York, 

6. "A Rejoinder to Mr. Bancroft's 
Historical Essay on President Reed." 
By William B. Reed. Philadelphia, 1867. 

7. "William B. Reed, of Chestnut Hill, 
Philadelphia, Expert in the Art of Ex- 
humation of the Dead. [By Benjamin 
Rush, London], 1867. Reprint of same 
[Philadelphia], 1867. 

8. "A Criticism of Mr. William B. 
Reed's Aspersions on the Character of 
Dr. Benjamin Rush." By a Member 



of the Philadelphia Bar [John G. John- 
son], Philadelphia, 1867. 

9. "The Reed Controversy. Further 
Facts with Reference to the Character of 
Joseph Reed." [By William S. Stryker.] 
Trenton, 1876. 

10. " Correspondence and Remarks 
upon Bancroft's History of the Northern 
Campaign of 1777, and the Character 
of Major-General Philip Schuyler." By 
George L. Schuyler. New York, 1867. 

n. "General John Sullivan. A Vin- 
dication of his Character as a Soldier 
and Patriot." By Thomas C. Amory. 
Morrisania, 1867. 

12. " General Sullivan not a Pensioner 
of Luzerne." Cambridge, 1875. 

13. " General Sullivan not a Pensioner 
of Luzerne, with the Report of the New 
Hampshire Historical Society, vindicat- 
ing him from the Charge made by George 
Bancroft." Second edition. Boston, 1875. 

American comic periodicals [viii. 
706] — Here is a very incomplete list of 
our comic periodicals, arranged as nearly 
as possible in the order of their appear- 
ance. I should be glad to see the list 
Published in New York : 

Salmagundi, 1807 ; Yankee Doodle, 
1846; Figaro, 1850; Diogenes, hys Lan- 
terne, 1852 ; Young America, 1853 ; 
Vanity Fair, 1859 5 J onn Donkey, i860; 
Mrs. Grundy, 1865 ; The Kaleidoscope, 
1869; Punchinello, 1870; The Pica- 
yune, (?) ; Champagne, 187 1 ; The Chip 
Basket, 187 1 ; The Comic News, 1872 ; 
The Comic Monthly, 1872 ; The Brick- 
bat, 1872; The Cartoon, 1872; Budget 
of Fun, 1872 ; The Jolly Joker, 1872 ; 
Nicknax, 1872 ; Merryman's Monthly, 

1872 ; The Phunny Phellow, 1872 ; Yan- 
kee Notions, 1872. 
Published in Chicago : 

Carl Pretzel's Magazine Pook, 1872. 
Published in Boston : 

Mrs. Partington's Scrap Bag, 1853 ; 
Cocktails, 1871 ; The New Varieties, 

Published in New Haven : 
Yang-Lang, (?). 


The robinson house — Turning quite 
by accident to an old volume [iv. 468J 
of The Magazine, I saw a communica- 
tion from Mr. Campbell, in which he 
vindicates himself from a suggestion of 
" a slip of the pen," which I had ven- 
tured to make [iv. 227] with reference to 
the elder Col. Beverley Robinson. He 
has certainly gone astray ; but he has 
done so in very good company. He 
might have added Mr. Lossing to those 
who have made the same mistake. Mr. 
Curvven, however, is right. As I have 
already given the correct statement from 
the family records, it is not worth while 
to ask you to print anything more ; but 
I would be very glad if you could ex- 
press my regret that I did not see his 
article sooner, and my apologies for sus- 
pecting him of inadvertence. I now see 
that he has merely followed writers who 
appear to have followed one another. 
Beverley R. Betts 

King George's statue (viii. 854) — 
From the interesting biographical sketch 
of Captain Oliver Brown, of the Revolu- 
tionary army, lately prepared by the Rev. 
Horace Edwin Hayden, we learn for the 
first time who composed the party that 



pulled the statue down. It was headed 
by none other than the Captain himself, 
then an officer in Knox's artillery corps. 
The account, as given in the pamphlet, 
is as follows : 

"The reading of the Declaration of 
Independence, occurring that day [July 
9, 1776], aroused the American soldiers 
to the height of enthusiasm. Excited by 
the events which had already occurred, 
and in which he had so largely partici- 
pated, and by the known proximity of the 
British forces, which landed at Long 
Island on the 2 2d, he had already deter- 
mined to remove the statue of the king. 
The Declaration of Independence added 
firmness to his resolution. Selecting 
forty men, on whose courage he could 
rely, one-half of them sailors, and provid- 
ing them with ropes, Brown marched 
them secretly that night to a dark alley 
opposite the statue. Several sailors, 
mounting the figure of his Majesty, se- 
curely fastened the ropes to his body, 
when the united strength of the entire 
party was exerted for his overthrow. But 
so firmly had the statue been fastened to 
the marble base, that the ropes broke 
at the first effort. Success, however, 
crowned the second attempt — the statue 
was pulled down over the fence, and the 
image of George III. lay humbled in the 
dust. ... In obedience to the or- 
ders of a superior officer, Captain Brown 
separated the leaden statue from its iron 
support, and sent it to the laboratory to 
be moulded into bullets." 

If the king's head was sent by Montre- 
sor to Lord Townshend, and parts of the 
horse are in the New York Historical 
rooms, and other portions were taken to 
the " laboratory " and the Wolcott man- 

sion, in Connecticut, the query occurs 
whether his Majesty may not have been 
still further distributed among his sub- 
jects — in which case, the discovery of ad- 
ditional remains, apart from bullets, will 
be in order. Bowling Green 

Fort lee (viii. 706) — In Appleton's 
Journal, December 9, 1871, will be found 
a sketch of Fort Lee, with some account 
of its construction. Wilkes 

Badges of merit — sergeant daniel 
bissell (vn. 460) — In a letter from 
Major Isaac Craig to Caleb Swan, Pay- 
master-General, dated Pittsburgh, May 
11, 1802, he writes: "Yesterday, Lieut. 
J. W. Brownson, with a small detach- 
ment of infantry, arrived at this place. 
Mr. Brownson has this morning applied 
to me for pay for himself and his detach- 
ment, together with Lieut. Baker, and 
says he has several months' pay due. 
Please inform me to what period these 
officers are paid. The detachment, I 
find, is part of Capt. Daniel Bissell's com- 
pany." In a letter from the same to the 
same, dated May 14, 1802, he says : 
" Capt. Daniel Bissell and Lieut. Swan 
are both arrived at this place, and, I be- 
lieve, both poor, Bissell having travelled 
on foot from Lancaster." Was poverty 
the reward of merit ? Isaac Craig 

Alleghany, Pa. 

Nat turner insurrection in Vir- 
ginia (vii. 458) — A brief account of it 
will be found in American Annual 
Register, VI., 349, 350 ; a fuller ac- 
count, containing Nat Turner's confes- 
sion and a list of the fifty-five persons 
killed, will be found in Howe's Historical 



Collections of Virginia, pp. 471-473. 
The insurrection excited considerable 
discussion in Virginia, and, although the 
following publications do not refer to 
negro risings, they contain much which, 
I think, will prove interesting and valua- 
ble to G. W. W. : Debates in the Virginia 
Legislature of 1831-32, on the Abolition 
of Slavery ; Letters of Appomatox to the 
People of Virginia on the Abolition of 
Slavery ; Speech of Thomas Marshall, in 
the House of Delegates of Virginia, on 
the Abolition of Slavery. 

All of the above were published in 
Richmond, Va. Thomas Marshall was 
the eldest son of Chief-Justice Marshall. 
He was killed in Baltimore, on June 30, 
1834, by the fall of a chimney, being at 
the time on a journey to attend the death- 
bed of his father, who died in Philadel- 
phia on July 6th following. Thomas Mar- 
shall was distinguished as a scholar, a 
lawyer, and a Member of the Virginia 

The Message of the Governor of Louis- 
iana to the Legislature, in Extraordinary 
Session, November 11, 183 1, is also im- 
portant. The Legislature was called to 
consider the subject of slavery and con- 
spiracies of slaves. C. 

Kosciusko as an artist [viii. 
854] — A portrait of Thomas Jefferson, 
drawn by Kosciusko, was engraved on 
steel in the year 1829, and appeared in 
the " Galerie Napoleon," published at 
Paris by Renard. The head is encircled 
with a wreath of olive leaves, and the 
likeness is intolerably bad. 

Samuel A. Green 

Boston, Mass. 

In connection with Kosciusko, I will 
anticipate the issue of a genealogy, now 
in press, of the Pollock family, of Car- 
lisle, Pa., by giving the following ex- 
tract : " In the manuscript copy of Wat- 
son's Annals of Philadelphia, now in the 
possession of the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania, there is a water-color draw- 
ing of a young lady. Under the likeness 
Mr. Watson has made the following 


record : 

" ' The above is a likeness drawn from 
life by the celebrated General Kosciusko, 
done at Philadelphia. 1797-8, when the 
Congress was in session there, and he 
was in attendance, claiming a compen- 
sation for his services and wounds. It 
represents my amiable friend, Lucretia 
Adelaide Pollock, who died in Philadel- 
phia in March, 1804, in her twentieth 
year. She was the daughter of Oliver Pol- 
lock, Esquire, distinguished in the Revo- 
lution for his zeal and services in the 
American cause while a resident of New 
Orleans. My daughter Lucretia was 
named after her.' " 

The drawing is a profile sketch of a 
young face outlined in pencil, and col- 
ored with a brush. It has no value as a 
work of art, and, except to the friends of 
Miss Pollock, none whatever beyond the 
fact that it was executed by the hand of 

Horace Edwin Hayden 

"The beginning of trans-atlantic 
steam navigation" (viii. 783) — Mr. 
Smith says that the Sirius was the first ves- 
sel that crossed the Atlantic by steam, the 
year being 1837. This is an error. The 
very first steamship that crossed the At- 
lantic was the American ship Savannah, 



which sailed from Savannah to Liverpool 
in 1819. A full account of the ship and 
of the voyage may be found in Harper's 
Magazine for February, 1877. 

The second steamer that crossed the 
ocean was the Royal William, which 
arrived at Boston from Liverpool in 1831 
or 1832. In common with the greater 
part of the population of the city, I went 
to see her. She lay off the T wharf, 
and was very high out of the water in 
consequence of the large consumption of 
coal during the voyage. 

Dr. Lardner was at that time deliver- 
ing lectures in this country, and took the 
ground that the ocean could not safely 
and profitably be navigated by steam. 
From the great increase in the size of 
vessels — coupled with the diminished 
consumption of coal, the conditions are 
very different from what they were in Dr. 
Lardner's time. J. H. S. 

Baltimore, November, 1882. 

[With respect to the Savannah, we 
find the following newspaper statement : 
** Launched at New York City, August 
22, 18 1 8, from the ship-yard of Messrs. 
Ficket & Crockett, the elegant Steam- 
ship Savannah, to be commanded by 
Captain Moses Rogers, and intended as 
a regular trader between Savannah and 
Liverpool, principally for the accommo- 
dation of passengers." 

Now " J. H. S." says that the Savan- 
nah " sailed " to Liverpool ; while in an 
article which appeared in the New York 
Evening Post (June 24, 1882), Mr. 
Smith says : " Happening to be in Liver- 
pool at the time of her arrival, I visited 
and examined the ship, machinery, etc. 
She was complete ship-rigged, and made 

no pretensions to have navigated the 
ocean by steam, and if I remember cor- 
rectly, sailed all the passage, carrying 
her steam-engine as any other ship might 
do. At any rate, if she used her engine 
at all it was too little to be of any ac- 
count. She was not designed to navi- 
gate the ocean." This statement, how- 
ever, does not appear to cover the case. 
The case of the Royal William also 
needs to be examined. Perhaps some 
Boston reader can give the exact facts.] 


The new york historical society — 
The Annual Address was delivered in the 
Hall of this Society, by the Rev. Howard 
Crosby, D.D., LL.D., on the evening of 
November 21st, his subject being, "His- 
torical Writing as a Fine Art." The 
speaker was somewhat hopeful with re- 
spect to the future of historical composi- 
tion in this country, and, in a forcible 
manner, set forth some excellent thought 
in connection with the general subject. 

On the evening of December 5th, a 
paper was read before the Society by 
Mr. Lewis Rosenthal, on " History and 
Political Philosophy." The paper was 
listened to with great interest. The 
decease of the following members was 
announced : 

Robert Lowden, a life member since 
1854, died at Flushing, L. I., November 
19, 1882, in the seventy-fourth year of 
his age ; Thurlow Weed, a resident mem- 
ber since 1868, died November 22, 1882, 
in the eighty-eighth year of his age ; 
Edward N. Bibby, M. D., a life member 
since 1872, died November 24, 1882, in 
his ninety-second year ; Henry Crude 



Murphy, LL.D., an honorary member 
since 1882, died at Brooklyn, L. I., De- 
cember 1, 1882, in the seventy-third year 
of his age. 

At the proper time, George H. Moore, 
LL.D., rose and made a brief but feeling 
address, setting forth, in most appropri- 
ate and appreciative terms, the relation 
of the last-named person in the foregoing 
list to the study of American history. 
Mr. Murphy was justly characterized as 
an earnest and indefatigable student, who 
had not only made a very large and rich 
collection of materials for the study of 
American history, but had sent out from 
the press a considerable number of val- 
uable works, having also contributed 
largely to the publications of the Society. 
In the judgment of Mr. Moore, no one 
would be able to carry on his work. He 
then offered the following resolutions, 
which were passed : 

Resolved, That the New York Histori- 
cal Society, with profound regret, adds to 
its list of deceased associates the name 
of Henry C. Murphy, LL.D., Honorary 
Member of this Society. 

Resolved, That the Society desires to 
record upon its minutes its deep appreci- 
ation of the important and invaluable ser- 
vices rendered by its lamented associate 
to his country in the councils of the 
State, and as the Nation's representative 
abroad, and its grateful acknowledgments 
for his scholarly labors, and devotion 
throughout his long and active life to the 
preservation and elucidation of Ameri- 
can history. 

Resolved, That the sympathy of the 
Society be tendered to the family of its 
deceased associate, and that they be fur- 
nished with a copy of these proceedings. 


ly Magazine, May, 1882, to December, 
1882. New York : The Century Co. 


December, 1881, to December, 1882. New 
York : Harper & Brothers. 1882. 

In connection with these publications one ex- 
periences an embarrassment of riches. Both show 
the great advance that has been made in magazine 
literature within a few years, an advance, indeed, 
that leaves the Old World far behind. The general 
excellence both of the Century and Harper is so 
thoroughly conceded that they scarcely need any 
words of praise. The handling of both is extreme- 
ly skilful, the literary talent exhibited in both 
being conspicuous, while the engraving is often of 
an exquisite character. The Century, upon the 
whole, however, appears the more aesthetic, though 
occasionally bizarre; while Harper is the more 
competitive, appearing at times as though at- 
tempting to "lee-bow" its agile and formidable 
rival. The historical efforts of the two magazines 
very naturally attract our attention, and in this 
respect we may have to award the palm to the 
Century, whose projected series of articles by Dr. 
Eggleston, being based upon careful and deliberate 
research, already affords signs of promise, the 
illustrations of Dr. Eggle^ton's initial article on 
" The Beginning of a Nation," being of rare 
value, with the exception of the attempted por- 
trait of Lord De la Warr, which, in an emergency, 
would do for Garibaldi or Robinson Crusoe. 

As a specimen of the historical articles in Har- 
per one might refer to Mr. Eiske's December 
sketch on "New England in the Colonial Period," 
which gives little that will be regarded as new, ex- 
cept where we find such enterprising statements 
as that "the first printing-press on the Ameri- 
can continent began its work in 1639 in Cam- 
bridge." According to Winthrop, in 1639 a book 
called "The Freeman's Oath," and an "Alma- 
nack Calculated for New England," were printed 
at Cambridge, though no copy of either work ap- 
pears to be known at present. The so-called 
" Bay Psalm- Book " was printed at Cambridge in 
1640, and of the original edition about nine copies 
exist. These performances, however, are too 
late for Mr. Fiske's purpose by about a century. 
Therefore it may be noted that the earliest known 
complete book printed on this continent and now 
extant is Zumarraga's *• Doctrina Breve," etc., 
published at Mexico and dated 1543-4. Harrisse 
(additions to Bib. Vet. Amer., pp. 131-2) assigns 
the Toledo copy to the year 1540, but this is 
explained as an error in the Ramirez Catalogue, 
p. 132. Additional information concerning the 

7 6 


editions of this work may be found in the Qua- 
ritch Catalogue, 1877, p. 1248. We have ex- 
amined a beautiful copy of this work in the Lenox 
Library, standing "cheek by jowl" with the 
" Bay Psalm Book," which, by the way, did not 
come from the Prince Library. Mr. Robert Lenox 
Kennedy has a perfect copy of the *'Doctrina," 
which indicates variations in different copies of 
that publication. 

It may besaid, however, that both the Century 
and Harper enter the historical field handicapped 
by the necessity of being nothing unless popu- 
lar. Lovers of critical history will follow their 
meanderings, but with a feeling of curiosity, con- 
tented by occasionally tasting the popular waters 
they offer, instead of seeking to drink rival seas 

TEMPT to Solve the Problem of the First 
Landing-place of Columbus in the New 
World. 4to, pp. 68. Washington: Govern- 
ment Printing Office. 1882. 

This monograph, by the Hon. G. V. Fox, forms 
Appendix No. 18, of the United States Coast and 
Geodetic Sarvey, under the Superintendence of 
Carlile P. Patterson. Mr. Fox has set himself 
seriously at work on one of those Columbian 
problems which baffle inquiry, such as the time 
and place of the nativity of Columbus, the place 
that holds his remains and the question of the 
authenticity of the Columbian portraits. The 
author has pursued his task in the most painstak- 
ing way, and anything like a full notice of the 
work would require us to reprint it. After a 
general introduction relating to Columbus and 
affairs of the period, a narrative of his voyage 
and a discussion thereon are given ; being followed 
by extracts from the Journal of Columbus as 
preserved by Las Casas, the Spanish and English 
being given in parallel columns. The author then 
criticises the views of Navarrete, Varnhagen, 
Irving, and Beecher, in respect to the course 
sailed by Columbus, all of whom he discredits as 
holding theories inconsistent with the statements 
of Columbus and Las Casas, and he thinks that 
as the four hundredth anniversary of the first 
voyage of Columbus draws nigh, it is not cred- 
itable for us to be "floundering," touching the 
first landing-place. For himself, Mr. Fox adopts 
a new landfall and a track through the Baha- 
mas, differing from all others hitherto ascribed 
to Columbus, whose "Guanahani." or landing- 
place, was the present Samana. The argument 
is very plausible. To the discussion are added 
appendices on the age, the mile and league of 
Columbus, the variation of the compass in 1492, 
and the log and the vessels of Columbus, with 
illustrative charts. Mr. Fox is generally very 
careful in his statements, but we note occasional 

slips like one referring to the visit of Columbus to 
Iceland, where he says that ''whatever he learned 
there had no influence upon his previous reso- 
lution," to make the transatlantic voyage. Per- 
haps some one can tell us what Columbus learned 
in Iceland? When that is done, we can judge 
better of the influence of what he learned. We 
are greatly indebted to the author for his ex- 
tremely valuable researches, in the prosecution of 
which he has spared no pains. 

Analogy of the Faith. A Reply to 
Lectures by R. Robertson Smith, M.A., 
on the Old Testament of the Jewish 
Church. By Robert Watts, D.D., Pro- 
fessor of Systematic Theology in the General 
Assembly's College, Belfast. Third Edition. 
i2mo, pp. 326. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark. 

In 1881 the Rev. W. Robertson Smith, M.A., 
delivered some lectures on " Biblical Criticism " in 
Edinburgh and Glasgow, before large audiences, 
in which lectures he sought to prove certain books 
of the Old Testament less ancient than supposed, 
and thus revive the current opinion respecting the 
contents of those books. He based his argument 
upon the following statement, which is one that 
should engage the attention of historical stu- 
dents: " The first principle of criticism is that 
every book bears the stamp of the time and cir- 
cumstances in which it was produced. An an- 
cient book is, so to speak, a fragment of ancient 
life ; and to understand it aright we must treat it 
as a living thing, as a bit of the life of the author 
and his time, which we shall not fully understand 
without putting ourselves back into the age in 
which it was written." On this ground Dr. 
Watts meets his opponent, showing that it is im- 
possible to put ourselves back into the age in 
question, as the ancient books have no literary 
environment, but stand apart in their solitari- 
ness, forming the only monument of that an- 
tiquity out of which they grew. Following this 
line of argument, Dr. Watts seeks to prove that 
the newer criticism is assumptive, and in this 
view of the case he has the support of a very 
large class of investigators. 

Department of the City of New York. 
By George W. Sheldon. With One Hun- 
dred and Forty-five Illustrations. 8vo, pp. 
575. New York : Harper & Brothers, 
Franklin Square. 1882. 

The author finds the origin of the Fire Depart- 
ment in 1648, when Peter Stuyvesant appointed 



four fire wardens to inspect the wooden chimneys 
of the rising village. The earliest ordinance dates 
from 1656. In 1683 the bucket system was 
more fully practised, while fire-engines were not 
provided until 1731. Of the primitive "ma- 
chine," mounted on low wooden wheels, and op- 
erating without hose by a pipe immediately 
connected with the fountain, our author gives a 
couple of specimens taken from old prints. The 
American fire-engine of 1785 formed scarcely 
any advance. With the hand-engine in its per- 
fection all of our older readers are familiar, 
though the steam machine has reduced what was 
once the fireman's pride to the department of 
antiquities. Mr. Sheldon treats of the Volunteer 
Department as it was in its best days — of the 
different styles of engines, of the water supplies, 
of discipline, of the system of " bunking " at the 
engine-houses, of the parades, balls, benevolent 
funds, and also of the firemen as soldiers — giving 
a full account of representative firemen, among 
whom we find the names of many distinguished, 
as well as extinguished, citizens. One of the 
most famous firemen New York ever produced, 
however, is decently left out ; though under the 
head of " Some Notable Fires," which begin 
with those of the so-called "Negro Plot" of 
1741, one, with less satisfaction, fails to find any 
mention of the earliest fire — the burning of the 
ship of Adrian Block, in 1614. This work, how- 
ever, forms a valuable contribution to the history 
of New York, covering ground that of necessity 
must be treated in a hasty manner by the general 
historian. The illustrations, taken as a whole, 
are of unique interest ; and the book, while pos- 
sessing all the elements of popularity, is one that 
should be found in those public and private lib- 
raries that aim at anything like completeness. 

Tribute, its Manufacture, Varieties 
and Uses, as Compiled from Pictorial 
and Written Records. By Ph. J. J. 
Valentini. 8vo. 

This interesting and valuable monograph goes 
over a subject, concerning which little can be 
found elsewhere in a connected form. The 
learned author begins by telling us where the 
paper manufactories were situated which fur- 
nished 24,000 reams of paper annually to the City 
of Mexico, and then passes to discuss the process 
of manufacture among the Mayas and Mexicans, 
whose paper is found to contain vegetable fibres. 
It was used for printing purposes and employed 
in the dress of warrior, priest, and sacrificial vic- 
tim. Citations from numerous chronicles prove 
that this general use was made of the paper, 
specimens of which were analyzed for the author 
by Prof. Muller, of Vienna. 

Humboldt Celt and the Leyden Plate. 
By Ph. J. J. Valentini. 8vo. 

The author tells us that nephrite and its va- 
rieties, jadeite and chloromelanite, are not found 
in Europe or America, but belong to Asia and 
New Zealand ; and that Prof. Fisher, of the 
University of Fribourg, has made the study of 
the mineral a specialty. Mr. Valentini, in this 
essay, reports the results of Prof. Fisher's studies. 
The latter says that celts of jade are found dis- 
tributed along a line beginning at Rhotan, which 
crosses the Taxartes and Oxus Rivers, and pas-es 
below the Aral and Caspian Seas, along North- 
ern Asia Minor, by the shores bordering upon 
Troy. Thence the line of distribution passes to 
the Peloponnesus, diverging to Germany, Eng- 
land, Scandinavia. Finally they appear in Mex- 
ico, whither, Prof. Fisher argues, they were 
brought by immigrants. He claims that un- 
worked nephrite is not found on this continent, 
while chemical analysis shows an identity of com- 
position with the Asiatic celt. Some Mexican 
specimens appear to have been split, which is 
explained by the supposition that at a certain 
period their importation ceased, and that celts 
being needed in connection with religious ob- 
servances, the people sought thus to supply their 
wants, and finally came to use any kind of a 
green stone for the purpose, giving to it the 
name of Cholchihuite. The inscription upon the 
Humboldt celt, now in the British Museum, is 
supposed to have reference to the deceased in 
whose tomb it was found. These researches are 
curious and valuable, and seem to point to very 
distinct conclusions. These two monographs 
worthily supplement the author's essays on 
"Mexican Copper Tools" and "The Mexican 
Calender Stone," by which much knowledge is 
added to our stock of American Antiquities. The 
author is entitled to the thanks and regard of all 

Chosen by J. Brander Mathews. i2mo, 
pp.271. New York : Charles Scribner's 
Sons. 1882. 

We all understand pretty well what is meant 
by poems of "American patriotism." In brief, 
it often means a fervid and jolly laudation of 
Jonathan at the expense of John Bull. In the 
present case, however, the phrase is extended 
so as to take in the Mexican War, Old John 
Brown, and the War for the Union. More 
than one-half of the book is devoted to the latter 
topic, the authors, of course, writing substantially 
on the side of the North — though, in one place, the 
women of Columbus are eulogized for the impar- 
tial honor shown to the dead soldier, whether 



he wore the Blue or the Gray. This collection 
will be prized as well for its poetic merit 
as for its historic interest. Nevertheless, pages 
might be filled with well-taken exceptions to 
historical representation found in this collection. 
For instance, in the preliminary note to the verses 
on " Ticonderoga," we are told that " From its 
chime of bells, the French called Ticonderoga 
'Carillon.'" This term was applied, not to 
Ticonderoga, but to the falls near the outlet of 
Lake George, whose musical cadence suggested 
the word applied to a chime of bells. It is very 
convenient to have such a collection at command, 
and the work of the editor, upon the whole, is 
very well done ; yet it is somewhat too early to 
expect writers of verse to care more for truth 
than for the tickling of the ear. 

Potomac. A Critical History of Opera- 
tions in Virginia, Maryland, and Penn- 
sylvania, from the Commencement to the 
Close of the War, 1861-1865. By William 
Swinton, author of "Decisive Battles of 
the War," etc. Revision and Reissue. 8vo, 
pp. 660. New York: Charles Scribner's 
Sons. 1882. 

This new edition of Swinton's work hardly 
needs commendation, since, though not without 
his prejudices, the author has won the favorable 
opinion of some of the best military critics, who 
accept his estimates as, upon the whole, very able 
and fair. The book has been out of print for 
about ten years, and in the meantime Mr. Swin- 
ton has made decided improvements, while the 
call for its reissue indicates that its merits are of 
a permanent character. The volume contains five 
steel portraits and twenty-two maps. It is also 
furnished with a fair Index. 

DER Spotswood, Lieutenant-Governor of 
the Colony of Virginia, 1710-22. Now 
first printed from the manuscript in the collec- 
tions of the Virginia Historical Society. With 
an Introduction and Notes by R. A. Brock, 
Corresponding Secretary and Librarian of the 
Society. Vol. I. [Seal of the Society.] Rich- 
mond, Va. : Published by the Society. 
MDCCCLXXXII. 8vo, pp. xxi., 179. 

This specimen of book-making, tasteful in ma- 
terial and excellent in its typography, is the occa- 
sion to us of sincere gratification, as it must be 
to every one like favored by possession. It is the 
first of a " New Series " of publications of origi- 
nal material, as definitely announced, the essential 

value of which in contribution to American 
history is evident. The administration of Gov. 
Spotswood was a marked period in the develop- 
ment of the resources and manufactures of the 
colony and of its progress, and the truthful 
earnestness of the warrior Governor is as thor- 
oughly evidenced by his vigorous pen, which sheds 
light upon many passages in the history of Vir- 
ginia. An interesting preface and occasional 
notes are supplied by Mr. Brock. The text of 
the volume comprises the period from June 20, 
1 7 10, to July 26, 1 712. A second volume com- 
pletes the work. This volume contains the por- 
trait of Spotswood, and his Arms. The Commit- 
tee of Publication consists of Archer Anderson, J. 
L. M. Curry, and Edward V. Valentine. 

Slocumbs, and Slocombs of America, 
Genealogical and Biographical. Em- 
bracing eleven generations of the first-named 
family, from 1637 to 1881. With their alli- 
ances, and the descendants in the female line 
so far as ascertained. Also the etymology of 
those surnames, an account of some researches 
in England concerning their ancestors who 
bore the parent surname, Slocombe, etc. By 
Charles Elihu Slocum, M.D.,Ph.D., Syr- 
acuse, New York. 8vo, pp. 643. Published 
by the Author. 1882. 

Giles Slocombe came from England, and settled 
in Rhode Island, at Portsmouth township, about 
the year 1638, dying there in 1682. The antece- 
dents of the family have not yet been fully inves- 
tigated. Giles and others were members of the 
Society of Friends, but representatives of the 
family have distinguished themselves in all the 
principal wars waged in the North American 
Continent, the name of Major-General Slocum, 
Commander of the Twelfth Army Corps, being 
conspicuous. From the beginning, the record is 
one of which the family may feel justly proud. 
This volume represents a large amount of enthu- 
siastic and painstaking labor, containing the Slo- 
cum arms in colors, fourteen portraits — a number 
of them on steel — a general and particular index, 
the latter extending to forty pages of fine print. 
The volume is modestly styled a "short" his- 
tory, but, in reality, it is a long and valuable 
one, to the preparation of which the author has 
brought large qualifications. 


By George M. Towle. i6mo, pp. 274. 

Boston : Lee & Shepard. 1883. 

This is one of the series entitled the "Young 
Folks' Heroes of History," and it gives the great 
navigator and pirate the name which he bore in 



his lime; for, whatever else Drake may have 
been, he was in reality an exfoliation of the old 
Vik King or Viking, who haunted the vik, creek, 
or fiord. Drake pursued his piracies on the 
high seas, and if in this book he does not appear 
very prominent as a freebooter, lie is certainly 
shown off to advantage by this popular author as 
a faithful henchman of the queen, and a circum- 
navigator of the globe. Those who have the 
oversight of youth should teach them how to read 
between the lines where books of this kind are 

Little, who came to Newbury, Massa- 
chusetts, in 1640. By George Thomas 
Little, A.M., member of the Maine His- 
torical Society. 8vo, pp. 620. Auburn, Maine: 
Published by the Author. 1882. 

This very handsome volume was written in the 
spirit of George Eliot, who says that "our dead 
are never dead to us until we have forgotten them." 
The author took an interest in the family history 
at an early age, and he found that its first rep- 
resentative was George Little, who arrived at 
Newbury, Massachusetts, about 1640. Mr. Little 
says that he is proud of his ancestors, and we may 
well believe it, after looking through his verv ex- 
tensive work, marked by so much care and re- 
search. He treats of no less than five thousand 
six hundred and twenty-seven representative 
branches or twigs of the family tree, who are taken 
first in chronological order, and afterward 
arranged in a double index of nearly one 
hundred pages, thus laying all who bear the 
honored name under a lasting obligation. The 
family arms, elegantly done in colors, serve as a 
frontispiece, and twenty-five portraits and views, 
some of the former on steel, adorn the work, of 
which the edition is limited to five hundred 
copies, costing $1,600. This is really a very valuable 
addition to genealogical literature, being the re- 
sult of years of patient and painstaking investi- 
gation, and the author well deserves a substantial 

historical and picturesque, and abounding with 
instruction and amusement for the household as 
well as for a frolic on the water. Boston Harbor 
is beyond question the most enjoyable harbor in 
the world ; and Mr. Sweetser's book is worthy 
of it, showing, as it does, not only a keen appre- 
ciation of the necessities of the holiday rambler, 
but of the requirements of the inquiring antiquary, 
who will find, within a comparatively small space, a 
large amount of valuable information culled from 
many sources. In this book, advertising is re- 
duced to a fine art, si that the mercantile efforts 
of the publisher form a substantial addition, and 
we should not want to part with a single speci- 
men of the advertising. Some of the illustrations 
are admirable in their execution, and all are to 
the point. 

State Historical Society of Wisconsin. 
Prepared by Daniel Durrie and Isabel 
Durrie. Vol. L, 1873, pp. 639; vol.11., 
1873, PP- 7 X 9; vo1 - HI., 1875, pp. 382; vol. 
IV., 1875-78, pp. 75o; vol. V., 1878-81, pp. 
585. Madison : Published by order of the 

The system adopted in this Catalogue is the 
alphabetical form. A given work is first cata- 
logued under the author's name, with the title- 
page abbreviated, being then placed under its pro- 
per heading or subject, referring to the author's 
name for full title. Books are often cross-refer- 
enced under various heads. To enhance the use- 
fulness of the Catalogue, important monographs 
are catalogued from the proceedings of societies 
and from magazines. By this process the Cata- 
logue is adapted more especially for popular use. 
This collection, as represented by the Catalogue, 
comprises over ninety-four thousand volumes. 
The Tank Collection alone contains about five 
thousand volumes, chiefly in the Holland tongue. 
The library is increasing with great rapidity, and 
growing at its present rate, it must erelong out- 
strip many of our old collections on the Atlantic 

BOR. With over Two Hundred Original Illus- 
trations. By M. F. Sweetser. 8vo, pp. 
267. Cambridge, Mass. : Moses King, 
Harvard Square. 1882. 

The author of this book is already well known, 
and especially so in connection with books of 
travel in New England, several of which are 
written on the Baedeker plan. The present work, 
however, is totally unlike his White Mountain 
Guide. It is, in fact, the best book of the kind 
that we have ever seen, being, at the same time, 

TORY. By William R. Williams. i2mo, 
pp. 275. New York : Harper & Brothers. 

We have here twelve essays, ranging from 
"Nero and Paul" to "Buddhism," and from 
'• Mahometanism and the Crusades " to "The 
Puritan and Mystic." The volume gives a series 
of strong historical pictures, thrown upon the 
screen, as it were, through the lens of an Evan- 
gelico-Calvinistic stereopticon. Dr. Williams' 
conceptions are clear and vivid, his spirit is 



kindly, appreciative, and charitable, while in 
many parts of his book faithful research lends 
an added charm in the sober eloquence which is 
made the vehicle of learning. Yet the research is 
defective, and not equal to his reputation, while 
at times the style is awkward and involved, show- 
ing the need of that careful revision required be- 
fore sending to the press a series of compositions 
originally intended for platform recital. The 
volume is nevertheless valuable, and forms a fair 
offset to a class of effusions which treat such sub- 
jects from a different view-point. 


American Government Founded in the 
Christian Religion. By the Honorable 
George Shea, Chief- Justice of the Marine 
Court of the City of New York. i6mo, pp. 
82. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 

The aim of this little book is to set forth the 
Christian character of our plan of governance, 
which is exhibited, not as a creation, but as a 
growth, and which is shown to have derived its 
health, strength, and durability more from the at- 
mosphere by which it has been surrounded than any 
isolated root from which it is said to have sprung. 
Hence, our government is represented as the ex- 
press image of the ancient Commonwealth of 
England, even as that Commonwealth was the 
product of Scandinavian civilization, tempered by 
Christianity. The points are well taken, and the 
general reader will find this a very convenient 

(Berkshire County), Mass. By Charles 
J. Taylor. i2mo, pp. 519. Great Barring- 
ton, Mass. : Clark W. Boyan & Co. 1882. 

The substance of this volume was published 
originally in the Berkshire Courier, and by a 
vote of the town, pledging financial help, the 
author was encouraged to throw his material 
into the form of a convenient volume, tracing the 
history of the town — which was a part of the 
ancient Dutch " Westenhook " — from the earli- 
est period down to the present year. The author 
has labored with much diligence, and has made 
a substantial addition to the rapidly growing lit- 
erature of town histories. This volume pos- 
sesses interest not only for collectors and resi- 
dents of Great Barrington, but for the large class 
of persons who annually take their way during 
the summer to the neighborhood in which Great 
Barrington is situated. The value of this excel- 
lent work is enhanced by a map of the old Hous- 
atonic townships, and by an index. 

lection. Vol. I.— History of English Settle- 
ments in Edwards County, Illinois, founded in 
181 7 and 18 18 by Morris Birkbeck and George 
Flower. By George Flower. With Preface ; 
and Foot-notes by E. B. Washburne. 8vo, 
pp. 402. Chicago : Fergus Printing Com- 
pany. 1882. 

The manuscript of this work was presented to 
the Chicago Historical Society in i860, together 
with valuable autograph letters, both of which 
were eventually loaned ; in the end proving that 
it is not always true that " to lend is to lose," for 
while the collections of the Society perished in the 
great fire, the contents of the present handsome 
volume were preserved, and have now been printed 
through the generosity of Levi Z. Leiter, Esq., of 
Chicago. We trust that this is the beginning of 
a good work which will be carried on until the 
early history of the Northwest is amply illustrated. 


tlement and Early Settlers of McNairy 
County, Tennessee. By Gen. Marcus J. 
Wright. 8vo, pp. 96. Washington, D. C. : 
Commercial Pub. Co. 1882. 

Annual Record of the Ancient and 
Honorable Artillery Company. Sermon 
by Rev. James W. Thompson, of Salem, 
Mass. Pp. 28. Boston. 1882. 

Prang's chromos — Though in 1659 the high 
and mighty General Court of Massachusetts de- 
clared that "whosoever shall be found observing 
any such day as Christmas or the like " must suffer 
a penalty of "five shillings as a fine to the County," 
and though, later, Chief Justice Sewall solemnly 
wagged his head as he viewed the infractions of the 
good old law, both General Court and learned 
Judge would have condoned the offence if they 
had had any Prang at Boston, as now, to per- 
suade them with his Christmas cards, which this 
season are more beautiful than ever ; being not 
only very superior as works of art, but more 
thoroughly penetrated by the Christmas idea. 
However the law may have been left by the 
ancient worthies, it has been repealed by Prang, 
whose exquisite gems of chromo-lithography are 
now going out from Boston to carry joy into hun- 
dreds of thousands of hearts, not only in our own 
but in foreign lands. 

' ; . ■ IE ,] N '-:■ i ■> i . ' I 



Vol. IX FEBRUARY 1883 No. 


I PROPOSE, in this article, to discuss the question of the origin of the 
name of Rhode Island. 

The writer whose views on this point I shall examine, in substance 
taught as follows : That the General Court (March, 1644) say, " It is ordered 
by this Court that the Ysland commonly called Aquethneck shall be from 
henceforth called Isle of Rhodes, or Rhode Island," from which it is in- 
ferred that we know exactly how Rhode Island obtained its name ; and, in 
fact, that we here have " the whole story" and need not look farther. Also 
he believed that the suggestion of the old Dutch name Roode or Red 
Island was quite fanciful, and that it ought to be rejected, and adds: " Had 
our shores presented any reddish appearance there might have been reason 
for such an origin of the name ; but they do not." 

Finally, he held that Verrazano called the island discovered by him, 
near Narragansett Bay, Claudia Island, and that it had nothing to do with 
Verrazano's allusion to the Island of Rhodes. Now, 

1 . Is there a difference of opinion about the place from which the State 
of Rhode Island received its name ? 

The Colony or State of Rhode Island received by degrees its name from 
the island of Rhode Island. This, I believe, nobody denies. I have in pre- 
vious notes clearly indicated that the words Rhode Island were introduced 
into the long name of the little Republic — the State of Rhode Island and 
Providence Plantation — and got at last the upper hand in it from the 
island, which, as said, had this name for some time before the State or 
Colony received it. The question is not whence the State received its 
name — because this is not doubtful — but how the name of the island 
originated, and how and for what purpose this name was transplanted from 
the Mediterranean to the shores of Narragansett Bay. From the proceed- 
ings of the Court of Election, which speak only of the change of the old 


Indian name of the island Aquethneck to Rhode Island, we therefore learn 
nothing of the real origin of the name. 

2. Why, in what manner, and in consequence of what connection of facts 
and association of ideas was the name of the Mediterranean island of Rhodes 
transferred to the shores of Narragansett Bay ? 

When it is thought that in the above quoted proceedings the whole story 
is plainly told, and in this way the door is shut to all further inquiry about 
the origin of the name, and how and why it was introduced, and throws 
overboard all the suggestions about this point as fanciful and superfluous, I 
cannot at all agree. 

The whole story is told — in a little statement of two or three lines, which 
say only that the Council concluded the island Aquethneck should be called 
henceforth Rhode Island — in a most laconic manner, which explains nothing 
at all, which gives no reason of any kind, which appeared to me, when I, 
desirous of further information, for the first time opened those valuable 
records of the State of Rhode Island, as a perfect riddle, and, instead of a 
plain story, much more like an undecipherable hieroglyph. I think every- 
body to whom we offer these laconic proceedings as a key to the whole 
matter, at once feels that this key opens no door at all, and feels at once 
inclined to ask half a dozen new questions. 

Why and for what reasons did those settlers of Aquethneck choose for 
their uncultivated and still barbarous island that glorious name of the island 
of Rhodes in the Mediterranean ? What distant connection or similarity 
was there between this Indian island Aquethneck and that old-famed 
country of Rhodes, which had been two thousand years the theatre of 
republics, dukedoms, chivalric orders, and of so many and remarkable 
social forms and historical transactions ? This could not be done at a mere 
chance, in consequence of a fancy, of a dream of Clark, or Coddington, or 
one of the other settlers. 

Were there no other antecedents which induced them to take this 
name out of so many others which would have been equally good ? And, 
even if suggested by a mere fancy, by a dream, if chosen at random, why 
do you not tell us the interesting little circumstances of this choice at 
random ? Chances and fancies have their particular circumstances. Did 
they put the name of Rhode Island and many other names on strips of 
paper, and did they draw lots about it, and gain the name in that way ? 
If so, we wish to know these circumstances, and then we will acknowledge 
that we know the " whole story," and be satisfied. 

All these and other questions suggest themselves in this case the more 


naturally because the choice of an old classical or Greek name made by 
Clark and Coddington and their councilmen in the year 1644 is something 
quite uncommon, unusual ; nay, it is for that time, I believe, a perfectly 
unique fact of its kind. 

It was the first time that an old classical name from the interior corners 
of the Mediterranean was transplanted to the shores of America. Until 
then the English settlers on the shores of New England, of Connecticut, of 
Virginia, etc., had invariably taken the names for their new American set- 
tlements and towns from their home — from England. There were nothing 
but New Plymouths, New Londons, New Hartfords, Guilfords, Stratfords, etc. 
The only antiquity which was admitted until then in the geographical nomen- 
clature was the Christian antiquity taken from the Bible, Jewish names, like 
Salem, Rehoboth, etc. Rhode Island was the first name taken neither from 
the old home country nor from the Bible, but from the heathen antiquity. 
Rhode Island stands in this respect alone in the midst of the mass of new- 
American names. But it was a long time after this, in much more modern 
times, when the whole geography of the home country was exhausted, that 
it became the custom to apply also to Italy, and to Asia Minor and Africa, 
and to call innumerable little viUages Rome, or Carthage, or Cairo, or 

The mere fact that the island Aquethneck was called Rhode Island was 
also known to us before the publication of the valuable records of that 
State in the year 1856 ; for though till then existing only in manuscript in 
the archives of Providence or Newport, that passage no doubt was often 
read by the historians of the State, and by them made use of. It was not 
this fact that we wanted — a fact which contains no revelation, and which 
leaves us where we were — with the head full of questions. 

It was the " whole story" which we wanted, a complete description of 
the proceedings of the court session which came to that conclusion. We 
wished to hear how different names were proposed, what reasons were given 
for each name, and in consequence of which considerations they stopped 
at the name of Rhodes. 

At the time when the notes in question were written I looked over the 
whole volume of the said records to find some hints about these points. 
But I did not discover the slightest traces or indications which could assist 
me, with the exception of the circumstance that there existed already very 
early on the island, or at least on the shores of Narragansett Bay, an Eng- 
lish family of the name of Rhodes. A person of this family name is for the 
first time mentioned in the year 1655, eleven years after the adoption of the 
name, but then as being already for some time in the country. 


The utter helplessness in which I found myself in this respect convinced 
me that by those records the matter was not settled, that it was still an open 
question, and that, in the lack of historical information, it was not only 
allowed, but that it was even my duty to go back to hypothesis and prob- 
ability ; and therefore I looked around and brought together as many con- 
jectures as I could find. 

Therefore I have stated that some authors believed the name of Rhode 
Island might have something to do with the old Dutch name of Roode Ey- 
landt (Red Island), given long before 1644 to some island in Narragansett 
Bay. Therefore it was interesting for me to find the name Rhodes as the 
name of one of the oldest families of settlers in Narragansett Bay. There- 
fore, it seemed to me in this respect a curious fact that the old navigator, 
Verrazano, the first modern explorer of Narragansett Bay, used the name 
of the Mediterranean Rhode Island in a certain connection with this bay. 

It is very natural that we should feel a disinclination against a supposi- 
tion that the celebrated and wide-sounding name of such a noble little Re- 
public as that of Rhode Island should be given to it by a mere chance or 
fancy, that it should be dropped down on the island of Aquethneck like a 
snow-flake from the clouds. We take many things into consideration when 
we have to baptize a mere individual little child ; how much more so when 
we are to plant a community, a Republic ? When these considerations, 
taken by State founders like Clark, are not given, we wish and must try to 
guess them. We strive to connect the baptism of that noble State with 
former history. We feel inclined to procure for it a worthy genealogy. 

I therefore suggest that Clark and his assistants might perhaps have read 
in Hakluyt, that the old celebrated navigator, Verrazano, discovered not 
far from Narragansett Bay an island which he compared to the Island of 
Rhodes in the Mediterranean, and that from this circumstance they might 
have taken occasion to transplant this name to their bay. For a further 
confirmation of this view I may add some apparently insignificant, but I 
believe not unimportant, circumstances. 

First, then, the fact that in the old editions of Hakluyt the English text 
is throughout printed in German, or so-called black letter, while foreign 
names of Latin origin, like the name of the island of RHODES, are printed 
in Roman letters ; so that this name made a great figure in the book, and 
presented itself always to the eyes of the reader of that page which con- 
tained Verrazano's description of Narragansett Bay. 

Secondly, that in the text of Verrazano's report it is only said that he 
named the island " in honor of the mother of King Francis." But the 
name which, in conformity with this, the island received, is not mentioned 


at all in Verrazano's report. He does not mention the primitive Indian 
name of the island. In fact, speaking of it, he mentions no other name 
whatever than that of Rhodes, printed in the obvious and prominent letters 
to which I have referred. From these two circumstances we may perhaps 
arrive at the conclusion that Clark, Coddington, and their English compan- 

ranctsxus x 

ions were under the impression that Verrazano had called the island in the 
neighborhood of Narragansett Bay Rhode Island, to which in reality he 
only compared it. 

It is not very probable that they had a copy of Hakluyt's work on the 
island. They had only vague recollections of Verrazano's report. That 
large-printed name of " Rhodes " remained impressed in their mind, and so 


they fell upon that name. That Hakluyt had written upon the margin of 
his book erroneously, as I will try to show hereafter, the name " Claudia 
Island " was, of course, overlooked or forgotten by them. Who reads mar- 
ginal notes, and, if he reads them, who recollects them ? In this way we 
have gained at least a chain which connects the name given by Clark and 
his council with certain historical antecedents. We have destroyed the un- 
satisfactory idea that they grasped at the name of Rhode Island at random ; 
that they hit upon it by a mere chance, in the same manner that some of 
our modern town founders have imparted names by taking them from some 
old dictionary or from Plutarch. 

But are we thus better off? Have we not, to escape one difficulty, 
fallen into another ? Have we gained by our supposition, so well founded 
it may be, a much more solid and deeper historical basis ? Was it not, after 
all, likewise a mere fancy and chance that Verrazano, being at this island, 
recollected and pronounced the name of the island of Rhodes ? Why did 
he thus name this island among all the hundred other islands of the globe ? 

It is very essential for our object that we answer this question, and I 
may therefore remind the reader of some circumstances in the life and time 
of Verrazano. Though we know very little of his personal history, still it 
is certain that he sailed for America in the year 1524. In the year 1522 
happened that terrible event, the conquest and destruction of the island 
of Rhodes by the Turkish Emperor, Solyman, who, with an army of about 
150,000 men, attacked, vanquished, and crushed those noble knights who 
till then had gloriously defended this outpost of Christianity in the east- 
ern part of the Mediterranean. The bloody progress of Islamism spread 
terror and confusion through the whole of Christian Europe, and the 
poor ruined island of Rhodes was in everybody's mouth and mind. Ver- 
razano was by birth an Italian, from Florence — a cavalier of a noble 
family. His sympathies and feelings, at all events, perhaps also his inter- 
ests, were intimately connected with that melancholy occurrence. It is 
very possible that he had relations or friends among those valiant heroes 
who fell two years before on the island of Rhodes. Perhaps, I say, also 
his interests were in some way or other connected with Solyman's ter- 
rible victory. We know for certain that Verrazano, before going to 
America, had made more than one voyage in the Mediterranean. We 
know, further, that he had navigated in the Eastern Mediterranean, had 
resided several years in Cairo, and had travelled in Egypt and Syria. 
Whether he made these travels for the gratification of mere curiosity, or 
for mercantile speculation, or perhaps from a religious or some other mo- 
tive, we do not know. 


In fact, we know so little of his life and circumstances that we may even 
ask if Verrazano was not himself present at the destruction and conquest of 
the Island of Rhodes ; nay, if he himself, perhaps, was not a knight of that 
noble order, the members of which were after the conquest scattered through 
Italy and Sicily and other countries. That knights of this order were some- 
times occupied in the business of furthering the discovery of America, is 
proved by the example of Pigafetti, who, two years before Verrazano, had 
sailed with Magellan around the world, and of whom we know for certain 
that he was a knight of Rhodes. 

Some time before, the knights of Rhodes had been sent to Syria to sup- 
port a rebel pasha against the Sultan. Could not Verrazano's so-called 
travels in Syria have had some connection with this military or diplomatic 
mission ? Could he not have been one of those employed by the order in 
Syria ? 

These are mere questions, and it can scarcely be hoped that we ever will 
find a positive answer to them. But from all this it appears to me very 
probable that Verrazano's interests and fate were in some way or other 
affected by the conquest of Rhodes ; that by it he was driven from his occu- 
pations in the Eastern Mediterranean, and that this very blow or explosion 
in Rhodes was the cause of his being thrown out to France, and also of his 
subsequent adventures and discoveries on the coast of New England. 

He, therefore, as a Christian, as an Italian, as an Eastern traveller or 
merchant, or perhaps as a Knight of the Order of St. John , had reason enough 
to think of the island of Rhodes when he was travelling along the lonely and 
barbarous shores of North America, and the name of that island offered it- 
self much quicker to his imagination than that of any other island, and he 
used this name in connection with this coast in the same manner in which, 
after him, another Eastern traveller, the celebrated John Smith, when fate 
threw him likewise from the Orient and Mediterranean to the shores of 
America, also applied Eastern names there, which were perhaps suggested 
to him, as well as to Verrazano, by the very contrast of their situation and 
the difference of the Western and Oriental world. 

3. Did Verrazano give the name Claudia Island, or another name, to 
the island which he discovered near Narragansett Bay ? 

Verrazano says, in his report or letter to King Francis I., that he called 
the island discovered by him in honor of the king's mother (Battezzammola 
in nome della Vostra Serennissima madre). He does not, however, mention 
the name which the island received in consequence of this. Now, it is well 
known that the mother of Francis I. was the Princess Louise of Savoy, and 



it seems therefore doubtless that Verrazano called the island " Isle de la 
Princesse Louise," or something like it. 

The name of the Queen of France, the wife of Francis I., in the year of 
Verrazano's voyage, was Claudia, and Hakluyt, in his edition of Verrazano's 
report (1582), made the mistake of printing on the margin, " The mother of 
Francis I. was named Claudia ; " and he therefore, in the same note, 
makes also the name of Verrazano's island to be " Claudia Island," having 
been misled by Mercator's map. This erroneous name, introduced by Mer- 
cator and Hakluyt, which was adopted by many of the numerous students 
of their works, crept into the geography and history of the time, and was 
even put down on the maps. Some seem to have believed that the mistake 

was not in Hakluyt, but in Ramu- 

sio, and in the other early copyists 
of Verrazano's report, and that they 
ought not to have written " mother," 
but " wife." 

This, for instance, is the opinion 
adopted by Mr. Winter Jones, the 
English commentator of the edition 
of Hakluyt's Divers Voyages, edited 
by the Hakluyt Society, in London, 
1850, page 64. He thinks, not that 
the Claudia Island of Hakluyt should 
be corrected and changed to Louisa 
Island, but that we should change 
in the text of the report the word 
"mother" to "wife." But such a 
proposition, I believe, is not admissible, because all our texts and editions 
of Verrazano's report agree in the expression ■■' mother." x 

Besides this, it is much more probable that Verrazano, in paying his 
compliments to somebody, would be inclined to prefer the Princess-mother 
to the Queen-consort. The mother Louisa was then a much more impor- 

1 This article was written before the contents of the Verrazano map were known to Dr. Kohl, 
who nevertheless was rightly persuaded that Verrazano named the island after the King's mother. 
Therefore when the map was published in The Magazine of American History [ii., p. 450] the 
name of the island was found to be "Luisa." Mercator, who confounded the name of the wife of 
Francis with that of his mother, used " Claudia" on his map, and misled Hakluyt and others, even 
though his map recognized "Luisa," under the form of " Briso," given in Ramusio as " Brisa," the 
engraver of the latter having by a blunder given this form for " Luisa." See also " Verrazano the 
Explorer " (pp. 54-55) ; see also the map. That Dr. Kohl thought that " Luisa " stood for " Martha's 
Vineyard " rather than Block Island does not affect his argument. 



tant person in France than the Queen Claudia. Francis I., during his ab- 
sence in Italy, in 1524-25— that is to say, the same period in which Verra- 
zano was in America and wrote his report — gave the reins of government 
to his mother. Louisa was then actually the reigning sovereign in France. 
Furthermore, it may be remembered that at the time when Verrazano wrote 
his letter to King Francis (at all events not before the latter months of the 
year 1525) the Queen Claudia was already dead. She died in the month of 
August of the same year. 

I observe that Mr. Greene, the able biographer of Verrazano, adopted 
the more correct name of Louisa Island, instead of Claudia Island. 

4. Next let us inquire if the Dutcli could have given the name of 
" Roode Eylandt " to some island in Narragansett Bay ? 

An esteemed writer rejects as " fanciful" our suggestion that the Dutch 
name " Roode Eylandt " (Red Island) may have something or other to do 
with the name Rhode Island, and seems to be of the opinion that the Dutch 
never could have given to it such a name. Had our " shores presented any 
reddish appearance," he says, " there might have been reason for such an 
origin of the name ; but they do not." 

Against this argument I may at first observe that in geography many 
objects have received in their proper names the attribute of red, or black, 
or yellow, or white, without their color seeming to justify such an appella- 
tion. The Black Sea, though its waters are as green as those of any other 
sea, has been called black, probably in a metaphorical way, from its storms, 
dangerousness, and threatening appearance. The Red Sea (or Arabian 
Gulf) has been called red, though its waters have a red appearance only 
perhaps at sunset. The Californian Gulf also has been called by the Span- 
iards the Red Sea (Mar Vermejo), because its long-stretched shape had 
some similarity to the configuration of the Red Sea in Arabia. The White 
Mountains in New Hampshire are only white during a certain part of the 
year. The same is the case with innumerable other white and red mountains 
in Switzerland and other mountainous regions. Therefore, even if we could 
freely adopt the statement " that the shores of Narragansett Bay present 
no reddish appearance whatever," still this would be no proof that an 
island could not be called, from one circumstance or another, Red Island. 

But we cannot admit the argument at all. The islands of the said bay 
show, under different circumstances, and at different seasons of the year, 
no doubt, very different colors. In spring and summer, when every tree is 
sprouting, they probably look quite green ; in winter, when everything is 
covered with snow, they are probably all white ; but in the fall, between 


winter and summer, they show, no doubt, that beautiful red appearance 
for which the trees and forests of New England and of North America in gen- 
eral have always been so famous. One might perhaps say that, instead of 
presenting no reddish appearance at all, there was then in Narragansett Bay 
too much red, and that, as every island was red, it would be foolish to sup- 
pose that the Dutch navigators should have singled out one of them, and 
should have called it, par excellence, ■* the red island." But it appears to me 
that for this case there is also a provision in nature. In travelling in Canada 
and New Hampshire in autumn it is sometimes observable that, according 
to the positions of the slopes of the mountains to the sun, and according to 
their southern or northern exposure, one side of the valley looks perfectly 
red, while the opposite slope is more or less green. Probably something 
similar happens also among the numerous islands of Narragansett Bay. 

It is, moreover, well known that certain classes of trees — for instance, 
the maple — receive in autumn a brighter and earlier red than others. If, 
now, some Dutch explorers of the bay arrived here in early autumn, and if 
we at the same time suppose that one island or the other was particularly 
exposed to the cold influence of the northwest, or that it was particularly 
rich in maple trees, whilst the others were perhaps richer in oak or some 
evergreen, then we can quite easily conceive how the Dutch saw this par- 
ticular island amid the green islands as red as glittering purple, and we may 
find it not so unnatural and impossible that they singled it out and called 
it " Roode Eylandt " (Red Island). This is not only natural and possible, 
but, I must add, it is a mere prosaic fact that the Dutch actually did so. 

De Laet, in describing his Nassau Bay (our Narragansett Bay), and in 
relating the discoveries which the Dutch Captain Block made in this bay in 
1614, says (ed. 1630, p. 103) quite plainly that there is also to be found 
in this bay a little red island (" een rodtlich Eylandeken "). He puts this 
island near his " Anker Bay," the eastern entrance or channel to the in- 
terior of Narragansett Bay. 

The circumstance that De Laet mentions this red island in connection 
with the exploration of Captain Block makes it very probable that it was 
this captain who mentioned, named, and introduced that red island into the 
Dutch geography. It cannot be proved from De Laet that with this name 
Rhode Island was designated. Subsequent Dutch and English authors 
have adopted this opinion. I will not, however, further investigate this 
opinion, because I believe it to be unnecessary for my object, and be- 
cause, as I will soon show, the mere fact that some island (may it have been 
Rhode island itself?), or another in the neighborhood was called by the 
Dutch Roode Eylandt is sufficient for our purposes. 


5. Next let us inquire what were probably the particular proceedings at 
the introduction of the name Rhode Island into Narragansett ^Bay ? 

Now, not only the possibility and reality of a Dutch " Roode Eylandt," 
but the whole question on this point, and the question of the existence of 
a family of Rhodes among the early settlers in Narragansett Bay, and like- 
wise the suggestion that the famous road or harbor near Newport might 
have invited the first settlers to choose the name Rhode Island, has been 
denied ; and it remains for us, in coming to a conclusion, to show what we 
have gained in point of history by establishing these facts. 

Our position is, indeed, a very interesting one. We stand with Clark 
and Coddington and their little company of settlers on the shores of that 
beautiful island, Aquethneck, at the borders of that excellent harbor, 
Newport, at the cradle of that remarkable little community, the State of 
Rhode Island, and our task is to find for the child which lies in the cradle 
a worthy and appropriate name — a name which will become at once very 
renowned and important, which, at first given only to the island, will after- 
ward be imparted to the whole flourishing and vigorous State and Re- 
public. We, children of the nineteenth century, know that already ; Clark 
and his planters perhaps guessed it. 

What name shall it be ? the assembled councilmen ask each other. " It 
must be something which reminds us of the old country of Europe," says 
one ; and the Indian name Aquethneck, which is, moreover, not euphonious, 
is at once rejected. " I understand," says another, who perhaps has been 
with the Pilgrim Fathers in Holland, and who knows the history of 
Narragansett Bay, written by the Dutchman De Laet, as well as that writ- 
ten by the English Hakluyt, " I was told," says he, " that the Dutch called 
this island, or some other island in the neighborhood, ' Roode Eylandt.' 
This name is said to have been given by that excellent man, Adrian Block, 
the first Dutch navigator who explored this beautiful bay, and who pictured 
it on maps. Shall we retain that name ? " ''It would not be so bad," re- 
marks another councilman ; " the name sounds very much like English. 
With a slight alteration we could make of it ' Road Island ' (the island of 
the roadstead or harbor island), and we would have at the same time an al- 
lusion to the most striking feature to that gem of our island, this beautiful 
harbor, which may hereafter become the principal road on the coast." 
"Yes," observes another councilman, with a smile, " and here is our fel- 
low-companion, Mr. Rhodes." "Rhodes! your name, or at least the 

1 The reader may be reminded here that Newport really was once the principal harbor or road on 
the whole southern coast of New England, and that there was a time when a Rhode Island author 
expressed a fear that New York might become as important as Newport. 


greater part of it, would at once be immortalized, and you would shine for- 
ever as one of the first settlers of this community." 

At last the principal and presiding man, Mr. John Clark, rises, takes 
the floor, and addresses the silent assembly : " It appears to me, gentlemen, 
that you are quite in the right way. Something like Rhode it must be ; 
for something like this name seems always to have played or haunted, as 
it were, round our bay and island. I can tell you another instance of it. I 
have seen this name, or something very similar to it, mentioned in connec- 
tion with our bay and island in the books of the famous English historian, 

Then Clark tells them all he knows of the whole history of that valiant 
knight Verrazano ; how he explored Narragansett Bay and the islands 
in and before the bay ; what transactions he had with the Indians in this 
very harbor of Newport ; how Verrazano recollected in this new Western 
World his former travels and adventures in the old Eastern World, and 
especially the splendid and celebrated island of Rhodes, which was just 
then engulfed by the monster Islam, utterly destroyed by the Turk Solyman, 
and where he (Verrazano) probably lost all the fortunes and hopes which 
connected him with the old world. " Isle of Rhodes is the only and unique 
name," concludes Clark, "which was pronounced on this coast by Verra- 
zano. I myself have seen the island discovered by Verrazano, lying very 
distinctly before our bay on many maps ; for instance, on the map of North 
America by Mr. Lok. Gentlemen, I propose that we haul that island name 
into our bay itself. Let us adopt for our island and community the famous 
name of Rhode Island. It will serve all your purposes better than any 
other, and every one may think and remember at the sound of this name 
what he likes best among the antecedent events on this spot and among our 
expectations for the future. Our friend Rhodes may imagine that a little 
compliment is paid to him. Those of you who have heard of the Dutch 
and of Captain Block, the second great explorer, who made our bay famous 
in Europe, may fancy that that beautiful crimson color in which autumn 
clothes our whole island, and which Block admired so much, is reflected in 
the name. And those who praise our roadstead, and who expect golden 
times for our harbor, may likewise find in that name a flattering allu- 
sion and a favorable omen for their prophecies. But, above all, let us 
adopt the orthography 'Isle of Rhodes,' or 'Rhode Island,' because this 
orthography reminds us of the oldest event in our bay, and includes, as it 
were, all the other allusions as in a nutshell. It is the only chance which 
the Columbus of our bay, the Italian Verrazano, has given us to remember 
his exertions and merits, and to fix them in geography. Besides this, by 


virtue of this name we shall always have before our eyes the example of 
that once flourishing Republic in ancient Greece which now lies desolate 
under the iron grasp of the Turk, and which never will revive to fame and 
glory again if not here in the valleys and woods of our beautiful New 

A general applause of the councilmen at Newport of course followed 
this speech of Clark, and then they put down in their proceedings that 
short laconic conclusion, "that the name of Aquethneck shall henceforth 
be ' Isle of Rhodes,' " which we find in the colonial records, and to which 
they, very unhappily for us, did not add a complete authentic protocol of 
all their preliminary considerations and discussions, and probably very long 
and interesting discussions, as they are usual at all sorts of baptisms, at the 
choice of names. 

In the history of the namesgiving of American settlements there are in- 
stances that such discussions about a name have lasted three consecutive 
days. Nay, sometimes the quarrel about a new name went on for years 
before it was all settled aright. It is to the great despair of the historian 
of geography that of such discussions he so seldom finds accurate, complete, 
and full records, which would afford him the most useful information. But 
if he does not find them complete and full, it is no doubt his duty as well 
as his delight to look after scattered relics, hints, and possibilities. If we 
cannot read history, we must spell and guess it — guess it on good, reliable, 
and probable reasons and grounds. In fact the greater part of all that 
our historians prepare for us is often a guess ; of course a good guess, in 
the right direction. 

The bridges which lead us from the living present to the past are gener- 
ally in a frightfully ruined state. The threads are extremely thin, full of 
all sorts of knots, and sometimes tattered and torn like old ropes. But 
you are glad even to have found out such an old tattered rope by which you 
can launch yourself into the darknesses of ancient times ; by which you can 
follow and trace, like an Indian at some signs in the bushes and grass, the 
footsteps which conduct you from the conquest of Rhodes, from Solyman, 
and from the adventurous cavalier Verrazano, through the study-room and 
readings of Clark and Coddington, and with a look at the manner of the 
typographical arrangements in Hakluyt, to Narragansett Bay, and our 
present island and State of Rhode Island ; and you are equally glad to 
trace out also the little tracks of Dutch navigators, and of other persons and 
circumstances which lead like branches into the same channel. 




William Washington appears to have been the predestined paladin 
of the Southern cavalry. His name has become so entirely identified with 
the history of his adopted State, South Carolina, that it is scarcely known 
that he was born February 28, 1752, in Stafford County, Virginia, being 
the oldest son of Baily Washington. 

That we cannot trace his genealogy beyond his father is one of those 
accidents common to a democratic people, who pay little attention to the 
preservation of family records ; and is doubtless in some degree due to the 
destruction of a family residence and removal from one State to another in 
the troubled times of war. 

His correspondence with General Washington bears the stamp of caste 
and culture, though it gives no evidence of the relationship supposed to 
exist between them. Yet there is one fact conspicuous in his life — that he 
was born a gentleman. 

An extract from a sketch of his life says that M he was first intended for 
the church, and his education conducted by Rev. Mr. Stuart, a clergyman 
of learning and reputation in Virginia. He acquired especial proficiency in 
the Greek language, and was engaged in a course of theological reading 
when the political troubles of the country induced him to throw aside the 
gown of the student and buckle on the sword." 

He entered the army as a captain of infantry under Colonel, afterward 
General, Mercer, in the Third Regiment of the Virginia line. He quickly 
gave proof of gallantry and that peculiar courage which in moments of peril 
becomes daring. History shows how, in many battles with the British, the 
masterly management of his cavalry corps turned the tide of success in 
favor of the American arms. 

At Trenton, December 26, 1776, we find that he led one of the attack- 
ing columns on the Hessian lines, and the success of the early part of the 
engagement was due largely to the impetuous and vigorous manner in 
which he pursued the enemy's pickets, even after he had received two 
wounds. Early in January, 1/77, at the battle of Princeton, his prowess 
also contributed to the favorable result. Thus he aided in achieving two 
important successes in the very novitiate of his military career, as they 
tended to revive the drooping spirits of the Americans. 


His leader, General Mercer, was killed in this battle, and Washington's 
transfer to the cavalry occurred soon afterward. He was appointed a Major 
in one of the regiments of light dragoons commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel 
Baylor. In September, 1778, this corps was surprised and nearly destroyed 
by the British under General Gray at Tappan, a small village on the Hack- 
ensack River. Colonel Washington happily escaped, and was sent in 1779 
to join the army of General Lincoln, then conducting the campaign in South 

It was South Carolina's darkest hour. Lincoln and D'Estaing had 
failed to wrest Savannah from the enemy, who, holding Georgia, now 
turned their combined forces upon Carolina. In October the British agents 
had aroused the Cherokee Indians, and, with predatory bands of Tories, 
they harried the interior portions of the State. Charleston had success- 
fully resisted two attacks, and the victory of Stono (a river so named) 
resulted in driving back the baffled foe. But the ranks of the devoted army 
defending their soil being decimated by sickness and loss, harassed by 
incessant attacks, exhausted for lack of needed rest, ill clothed, worse fed, 
and in numbers not exceeding four thousand, were menaced by Sir Henry 
Clinton at the head of a force of over ten thousand disciplined troops. The 
besieged Americans bravely defended their position for three months, 
but finally flame and starvation combined compelled a surrender. The 
fall of Charleston, on May 12, 1780, was followed by the conquest of the 
whole interior. The object of the British seemed to be a greed for spoil 
of every kind, and to extinguish every smouldering spark of resistance on 
the part of the unfortunate people. A chain of garrisons throughout the 
State controlled and overawed the country, while brutal plunderers pur- 
sued their prey, and the flying cohorts of the bloodthirsty Tarleton — swift, 
pitiless, unsparing — swept the land like a flame. " Tarleton's quarter" had 
become a terrible proverb after the defeat of Buford's men at the Waxsaws, 
outnumbered as they were by a force of two to one. It was at this period 
that William Washington and other brave men from Virginia and Mary- 
land were sent to the rescue of the struggling State. 

Near Rantowl's Bridge, on the Stono, he first met his fierce antagonist, 
Tarleton, and gave an unlooked-for check to the hitherto unconquered 
British cavalry. For the subsequent disaster at Monk's Corner, it was con- 
ceded that Washington was not at all responsible. He escaped only by 
boldly spurring his horse into the Santee and swimming to the opposite 
shore. The British believed that they had accomplished a final victory, for 
the whole State lay prostrate and bleeding at the feet of this remorseless 
and powerful foe ; and Sir Henry Clinton, leaving Lord Cornwallis to 


hold the conquered province, sailed from Charleston to New York. In 
the end this proved a fatal mistake, combined with a proclamation calling 
upon the people to rally to the royal standard and bear arms against their 

The smouldering spirit of patriotism sprang again into life, stimulated 
by the brutal Colonel Balfour's execution of the beloved Hayne. Then 
began that brilliant career of partisan warfare which has made forever 
famous the names of Marion, Sumter, and William Washington. 

We cannot follow the almost marvellous exploits of the " Swamp Fox" 
and " Game-cock" of Carolina, to their final splendid success, as Simms' 
History so graphically describes it ; but turn to December 4, 1780. It was 
on this occasion that Colonel Washington showed himself an admirable strate- 
gist by the capture of a post near Camden, commanded by Colonel Rugely. 
Marshall's " Life of Washington" says that Morgan and William Wash- 
ington were detached to cover a foraging party, hoping to surprise and 
capture a force of the enemy who threatened them. But being warned 
they retreated, so that Morgan's object was defeated ; yet Colonel Wash- 
ington, being able to move with more celerity, and penetrate deeper into 
the country than the infantry, hearing that a party was stationed at Ruge- 
ly 's farm, resolved to make an attempt on them. He found them posted in 
a logged barn, strongly secured by abatis, and completely inaccessible to 
cavalry. Force being of no avail, stratagem alone could be resorted to with 
success. Washington painted the trunk of a pine and mounted it on a 
carriage, so as to resemble a field-piece, and parading it in front of the enemy 
required them to surrender. Alarmed at the prospect of a cannonade, the 
whole party, consisting of one hundred and twelve men, with Colonel 
Rugely at their head, surrendered themselves prisoners of war. Amid the 
prevalent carnage and peril, this adroit and bloodless victory was the theme 
of congratulation and merriment. But there was more stirring work for 
Colonel Washington to do. 

General Greene had been sent to take command of the Southern army, 
December, 1780, and with energy and skill addressed himself to the work 
of recruiting and drilling his men, and informing himself of the plans and 
movements of the enemy. The Tories in the western part of the State were 
engaged in a series of raids and excesses hitherto unchecked. Greene de- 
tailed Morgan and Washington to deal with them. 

When Morgan reached the designated region he ordered Colonel Wash- 
ington, with a regiment and two hundred horse, to attack the enemy. 
Coming up with them near Hammond's Store, and dashing upon them in 
an impetuous charge, Washington completely routed the whole command. 


This brilliant action astonished and dismayed the enemy, followed as it 
was by Colonel Simonds, of Washington's command, successfully attacking 
and dispersing a large body of militia. 

In Graham's " Life of Morgan " a letter from Morgan to Greene gives an 
account of this action. " On the 28th I dispatched Lieutenant-Colonel Wash- 
ington with his own regiment and two hundred militia to attack the enemy. 
They retreated, but he overtook them at Hammond's Store. Washington 
extended his mounted riflemen on the wings, and charged them in front with 
his own regiment. They fled with the greatest precipitation. One hundred 
and fifty were killed and wounded, and about fifty taken prisoners. What 
makes this success more valuable it was attained without the loss of a 

The British were alarmed at these victories, and, anxious for the safety 
of their strong post at Ninety-Six, Lord Cornwallis ordered Tarleton to 
check Morgan's career at all hazards. Instant action followed this com- 
mand, and Tarleton advanced to meet Morgan with twelve hundred men, 
five hundred of whom were of that brutal, sanguinary legion that had swept 
the country carrying desolation in their tracks. 

Cornwallis co-operated with Tarleton by marching his forces to intercept 
Morgan and cut off his retreat. They apparently imagined that the Ameri- 
can general would not give them battle ; but in this were fatally mistaken, 
for there was to follow the hard-fought, close-contested, glorious battle of 
the Cowpens. 

A brief sketch of the patriot cause at this time seems appropriate. 
Gloomily had 1780 closed upon the Continentals. In the North, among the 
Jersey hills, the commander-in-chief was with his decimated army, half 
starved, half naked, half frozen, as his own pen graphically describes, in a 
letter written from Morristown to his brother-in-law, Colonel Fielding Lewis, 
and first published in THE MAGAZINE. 

De Ternay, whom the devoted Lafayette had brought to aid our cause, 
was shut up in Narragansett Bay by the British fleet sent out to succor 
Clinton. The discovery of Arnold's treason had saved West Point from 
falling into the enemy's hands. In Virginia the traitor, having savagely 
turned his sword against his own people in the bitterness of revenge and 
hate, and defying capture, ravaged the country with brutal severity. So 
gloomily had 1780 closed ; 1781 opened in denser gloom. Suffering and dis- 
satisfaction had sent thirteen hundred men marching to Philadelphia to 
demand redress of Congress. Cornwallis was master of South Carolina, 
General Gates was defeated, and the Baron De Kalb killed. The defeat 
and disaster at Camden was a crushing blow. By a chain of events the 


Carolinas seemed to have become the debatable ground, upon which some 
writer said " the struggle for independence was to be determined." 

It was a bright, bracing January day, when bold Dan Morgan broke 
camp on the little Pacolet River, in Spartanburg County, and moved up 
the main road, hearing of Tarleton's approach. At sunset he halted in the 
open wood called " Hannah's Cowpens," and told his soldiers that here 
they should grapple with the tiger Tarleton, whose legion was eleven hun- 
dred strong. Morgan's command numbered eight hundred ; Lieutenant- 
Colonel Washington commanded the Third Dragoons. We can only detail 
the brilliant and effective part William Washington played in this drama 
of war, which so many historians describe. In Lee's " Memoirs of the 
War in the Southern Department," in Marshall's Life, and in Simms' 
" History of South Carolina," it is especially noted. 

Of the disposition of troops at this battle Lee says: "Washington's 
cavalry, re-enforced with a company of mounted militia armed with sabres, 
was held in reserve, convenient to support the infantry and protect the 
horses of the rifle militia, which were tied, agreeable to usage, in the rear. 
A part of the enemy's cavalry having gained our rear fell on that portion of 
the militia who had retired to their horses. Washington struck at them 
with his dragoons and drove them before him. Thus by simultaneous ef- 
forts the infantry and cavalry of the enemy were routed." 

Toward the conclusion of the conflict there occurred a personal tilt be- 
tween Tarleton and his gallant antagonist that characteristically displayed 
Washington's reckless courage as well as the devotion he inspired in his 
men. Simms says that, excited by the prospect of capturing the formida- 
ble leader whose successes had caused such disaster to the Carolinas, Wash- 
ington rushed onward so rapidly that he was far in advance and separated 
from his command. " Tarleton beheld this and turned upon his pursuer. 
He was supported by two of his officers, one of whom crossed swords with 
the pursuing American. The blade of the latter being of inferior temper 
broke in the encounter, leaving him at the mercy of his foe. At this mo- 
ment, when a second blow would have brought him to the ground, a little 
henchman, not fourteen years old, who was devoted to his master, and car- 
ried no other weapon than a pistol at his saddle bow, seasonably rode up 
and discharged its contents into the shoulder of the Briton. Lee says that 
this brave boy was his bugler. The assailant's arm fell powerless, but the 
other officer occupied his place. His sword was lifted with deadly intent 
above Washington's head, when the blow was broken by the interposition 
of the sword of Sergeant-major Perry." 

A bullet from Tarleton's pistol, aimed at Colonel Washington, struck 


his noble horse and brought him to the ground. The timely approach of 
the Americans arrested any further attempt of the British upon their leader. 
Thus, " the moment was lost and the flight resumed." 

In the game of generalship between General Greene and Lord Cornwal- 
lis, the best military authorities assert that Greene played his part in a most 
masterly manner. His retreat was admirably conducted. Colonel William 
Washington was constantly with him, rendering efficient and material aid 
in foiling the enemy. His quick eye and prompt thought were evidenced in 
the message sent to General Morgan (mentioned in Graham's Life) by 
Colonel Washington at Cowpens, when the enemy made an impetuous 
but disorderly dash. In an instant the word flashed from the champing 
cavalryman to his commander: " They are coming on like a mob; give 
them a fire and I will charge them." 

After this brilliant battle Congress presented a gold medal to General 
Morgan, and silver medals to Colonels Howard and William Washington. 

On March 15th, at Guilford Court-house, the opposing armies met again. 
It was an obstinate and sanguinary engagement ; a day of peril and sus- 
pense. Here, in the most critical moment of this unfortunate action, Colonel 
Washington's imperious courage shone conspicuous. 

In the face of a murderous fire he charged the regiment of Guards, com- 
manded by Colonel Stewart, who fell mortally wounded. 

Seeing an officer surrounded apparently by his staff, and supposing it 
was Lord Cornwallis, Colonel Washington dashed forward to take him 
prisoner. At this moment his cap fell from his head, and he leaped heed- 
lessly to the ground to recover it. Following closely at the head of his 
cavalry, the second officer, at this critical time, was shot through the body 
and became incapable of managing his horse. The animal wheeled and 
galloped back. Believing that Washington had directed the movement, the 
whole column turned and followed. In Warley's eulogy upon Colonel 
Washington, he says, alluding to this incident : " This action alone saved 
the remnant of the British Guards from destruction." 

Lee's account of the battle at Guilford states that Washington's cavalry 
was placed upon the right flank of the Continentals ; and that during the 
action, anxious to aid his brave countrymen, he effectively introduced 
Lynch's battalion of riflemen upon Colonel Webster's flank. 

Historians state that " no engagement in the course of the war reflects 
more honor on the courage of the British troops " than that of Guilford ; 
but it was dearly bought, in a heavy loss of men and officers — notably their 
two best officers, Lieutenant-Colonel Webster and Colonel Stewart of the 
Guards. After this engagement Lord Cornwallis broke camp, marching 


first to Cross Creek and afterward to Wilmington, North Carolina, where 
he arrived on April 7th. 

The campaign of 1781 in South Carolina and Georgia was uncommonly 
active. As is stated by historians, the importance of the object, the talents 
of the commanding generals, the courage and sufferings of the army, the 
miseries of the inhabitants, gave to the contests for these States a degree of 
interest rarely bestowed upon military transactions. The extensive line of 
works maintained by Lord Rawdon presented to General Greene many ob- 
jects which it was probable he might strike to advantage. He moved from 
Deep River on April 7th, and encamped before Camden on the 19th, within 
half a mile of the British works. Waiting for some event to bring about 
an action Greene retired a short distance and encamped on Hobkirk's Hill, 
about a mile and a half from the town. On the 24th the army was in order 
of battle. An opportunity occurring for Rawdon to attack his enemy to 
advantage, he marched out of town, and, keeping in a swamp, made a cir- 
cuit, thus unnoticed gaining the American left. The British advanced with 
narrow front, which Greene perceiving, he attacked the flanks with infantry 
and advanced on the front with fixed bayonets. 

To complete their destruction Colonel Washington was ordered to press 
their left flank and charge them in the rear. The thick undergrowth and 
felled trees which obstructed his course compelled him to make so extensive 
a circuit that he came into the rear of the British at a greater distance from 
the scene of action than was intended. Coming upon the medical staff and a 
number of army followers he delayed to take their parole, which consumed 
so much time that he did not reach the rear of the British until the battle 
was nearly ended. 

General Greene having ordered a retreat, Colonel Washington with his 
command also retired, but with the loss of only three men, bringing with him 
fifty prisoners, among whom were all the British surgeons. The Americans 
were followed by the enemy for several miles, some sharp skirmishing taking 
place ; but the pursuit was finally stopped by a vigorous charge made by 
Colonel Washington on a corps of British horse who led the van. This assault 
surprised and completely routed this corps, while the infantry retreated pre- 
cipitately into Camden. Thus the battle of Hobkirk's Hill was ended ; the 
commander of the British cavalry, Colonel Coffin, having been compelled 
to make a disastrous and rapid retreat, flying for safety, as the infantry 
had done, into the town. 

It had now become evident to the British that they could no longer 
maintain their foothold in the interior, but must concentrate their strength 
m the low country. Thus they were kept continually on the defensive, 


struggling, with waning hopes, to hold their ground, while harassed and 
pressed by foes whose hopes were brightening as their audacity increased. 

Sumter, Marion, Hampton, and others were making daily incursions 
upon the enemy, finally driving them for refuge into Charleston. Colonel 
Wade Hampton on one occasion charged a party of dragoons within a 
few miles of the city, took fifty prisoners, and after parading them before 
the very eyes of the outposts carried them off in triumph unmolested. 

The only place of any importance that the British now retained in the 
State besides Charleston was Orangeburg, which Lord Rawdon had left 
under the command of Colonel Stewart, with nearly three thousand men. 
In order to provide for his men Colonel Stewart was soon compelled to 
change his position, and took ground near the junction of the Congareeand 
Wateree rivers. Here the two hostile armies lay watching each other 
like tigers when about to spring, separated by wide rivers which prevented 
any sudden surprise, while the tropical heat of the weather unfitted the troops 
for active operations, save the capture of convoys and foraging parties. 

During this interval in the tempest of war, while, as it were, the winds 
held their breath and the storm was still, ready to burst forth again with 
redoubled fury, the darkness of the lowering cloud was at times illu- 
mined by the lightning flash of Colonel Washington's brilliant exploits. 
Restless and ever ready for a daring dash, the courageous cavalryman re- 
peatedly distinguished himself by bold and efficient service, notably by 
cutting off and capturing two important bodies of the enemy's horse. So 
active and audacious were these continuous attacks upon the British pro- 
vision trains that every wagon which reached them was dearly bought with 
blood. General Greene, referring to the exploits of his cavalry in these 
expeditions, avowed that they were " unsurpassed by any in the world," 
while he declared of Colonels Henry Lee and William Washington that dur- 
ing the whole of his Southern campaign they were to him as " his eye and 
his arm." 

The risk and difficulty of maintaining communication between Orange- 
burg and Charleston, and of procuring provisions for his troops, com- 
pelled Colonel Stewart to change his position. He took post at Eutaw 
Springs, where, on September 8, 1781, the last great battle of the Revolu- 
tionary War in South Carolina was fought. It was also the last in which 
Colonel William Washington participated. 

American historians have fully described the battle ; the limit of this 
article only permits a detail of the part taken by Colonel Washington, 
who, with his cavalry, formed the reserve. The British were drawn up in 
single file, their right resting on Eutaw Creek, with Coffin's cavalry sup- 


porting the left. In their rear was a cleared field, with a strongly built 
brick dwelling-house. Major Majoribanks, with a body of choice British 
infantry three hundred strong, was posted in a dense thicket on the border 
of the creek. When, after the first check of the Americans, General 
Greene ordered the second line to charge bayonets, they bore back the 
enemy in confusion. 

Colonel Lee followed up the attack, Williams charged the centre with 
his Marylanders, and the whole British front gave way. But they rallied 
again around the brick house, pouring from its windows a galling fire 
upon the Americans. Major Majoribanks still holding his ground in the 
thicket by the creek, it became necessary to dislodge him, and here General 
Greene had made a most fatal mistake. Instead of pouring a tremendous 
fire from the artillery that he had captured upon the wood which screened 
the British reserve, he rashly ordered Colonel Washington to charge Majori- 
banks' position. With that impetuous courage which does not pause to 
weigh chances when ordered to fight, to hear was to obey, and Washing- 
ton, if commanded, would have charged upon Gibraltar or the Malakoff at 
the head of his dragoons, riding onward to his death as resolutely and un- 
swervingly as the immortal Nolan at Balaklava. 

Gallantly the noble leader, followed by his men, dashed upon the tangled 
mass of thicket which formed an impenetrable abatis around the British 
foe. But neither their horses' strong breasts nor the keen edge of flashing 
sabres could force the passage through. Again and again with desperate 
valor he strove to reach the enemy, who, from their covered position, 
poured volleys of musketry into his ranks, which told with fearful effect 
as men and horses went down before the fatal fire. All of his officers but 
two had fallen, and at last, severely wounded, with his horse shot under 
him, and unable to extricate himself, he was captured by the enemy. He 
remained prisoner of war for but a brief period, as the battle of Eutaw, which 
overthrew the British power in South Carolina, was speedily followed by 
the surrender of Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown. So at last peace and inde- 
pendence crowned the long-suffering and distracted country. 

Says Simms : " With sword in hand, followed by his cavalry, Washing- 
ton furiously charged the British and put them to flight." This was in the 
earlier part of the engagement, of which Simms says: " Colonel Stewart, 
leaving his dead unburied, his wounded to the humanity of Greene, break- 
ing the stocks of one thousand stand of arms and destroying his stores, 
abandoned his position, retreating with precipitation before his enemy." 

From the inception to the end of this great war William Washington 
served his country bravely, constantly, and indefatigably, his prowess turn- 


ing the tide of battle on many a glorious field. His career was a brilliant 
one, winning for him immortal laurels in the great war drama of Liberty. 
And when the battle-scarred hero hung up his shattered armor over the 
altar of Mars, where he had worshipped so long, it was to kneel with 
knightly grace before another shrine more soft and subtle, but not less ab- 
solute in its influence. 

Colonel Washington had become deeply attached to one of Carolina's 
fair daughters, Miss Jane Elliott, her family being one of the oldest and 
most honored in the State. Nor did valor and manly worth fail to win 
their reward in responsive love, and soon after the return of peace 
they were married. The turmoil and strife being over, the patriot soldier 
became the honored and useful citizen, living in ease and affluence, en- 
joying with his home happiness, the love and confidence of his country- 

Agriculture, that noble pursuit of which Cicero says " Nothing is more 
worthy of a freeman," absorbed his attention, the rearing of thoroughbred 
stock being a specialty. Taking an active interest in public affairs, he 
served as legislator in the councils of the State, but modestly declined to be 
made Governor, because he was not a Carolinian, "and that he could not 
make a speech." When the country was again threatened with war during 
President Adams' administration, and General Washington once more called 
to the head of our armies, his appreciation of the services of Colonel William 
Washington was evidenced by his prompt appointment upon the personal 
staff of the commander-in-chief, with the rank of Brigadier-General. His 
letter responding to the offer of promotion indicates the superior merit of 
the writer, whose modesty was equalled by his valor. 

The handwriting of the letters of the same correspondence between the 
General and Colonel William Washington is, on the part of the bold and 
daring dragoon, a fine, graceful, flowing hand of almost feminine delicacy, 
quite setting at naught the slur his antagonist Tarleton viciously aimed 
at him in conversation with a lady of Charleston, who was taunting the 
British officer with his flight from the field of Cowpens. Tarleton re- 
sponded, " Your boasted Colonel Washington may fight well, but is, I hear, 
so illiterate that he cannot write his name." The spirited Southern woman 
gave a meaning glance at Tarleton's hand, which had been severely 
wounded by a blow from Colonel Washington's sabre in the close conflict 
of retreat (tradition says he cut off Tarleton's finger), and sharply answered, 
" If Colonel Washington cannot write his name, sir, he evidently knows 
how to make his mark." Another characteristic anecdote is given in Wat- 
son's " Men and Times of the Revolution," of American wit against British 



effrontery. He says : " When Cornwallis' army passed the residence of 
Colonel Ashe, in South Carolina, his wife remained to protect the place, and 
was visited by Lord Cornwallis and Colonel Tarleton. In the course of 
conversation the latter remarked that he had a great desire to see his 
famous rival in partisan warfare, Colonel Washington, to which Mrs. Ashe 
fearlessly replied, ' If you had looked behind yon, sir, at the battle of the 
Cowpens,you would most certainly have seen him.' " The retort was severe, 
as the fact was notorious that Washington was in full chase of Tarleton per- 
sonally for a considerable distance on that occasion. 

In alluding to the Cowpens medals, the statement was omitted that the 
work was executed under the direction of Thomas Jefferson, and that they 
were designed by two famous French medallic artists, Du Pre and De 
Vivier. In Colonel Washington's character we mark the marvellous com- 


bination of bold wisdom and wise bravery, courage tempered by reason, 
and prudence warmed by valor ever aglow for action. Dispensing generous 
hospitality, honored, esteemed, beloved, his life passed tranquilly, until 
March 6, 1810, when, after a painful illness, he died universally lamented, 
and was interred in the secluded family burial-ground near Rantowl's Bridge. 
This spot had been the scene of one of his exploits during the Southern 
campaign ; while the memory of his revolutionary glory is proudly cherished 
by his countrymen. He was called the '• modern Marcellus " and the 
tl Sword of his Country." 

The beautiful outflow of benevolence and charity in a character so dis- 
tinguished for dauntless courage was evidenced in the generous disposal of 
his pay as a member of the Legislature, which was always bestowed by him 
upon the poor of his parish. Tradition also brings down to us another 


practical proof of this noble trait, in the generous aid he bestowed upon the 
remarkable author of tl Common Sense," when information was made public 
that he was in Philadelphia and in great destitution. Colonel Washington, 
who thought the services he had rendered to the United States by his 
spirited incisive writings entitled him to high consideration, upon hearing 
the account of his distress and destitution immediately sent him the present 
of one hundred guineas. When, after death, the body of Colonel Washing- 
ton was being prepared for burial by his friends, they discovered the ghastly 
scar of a terrible wound extending almost across his broad chest. Sending 
for his son they inquired how it had been received, and where ? The reply 
was he never knew of its existence before upon his father's body, as he 
never in any way alluded to his warlike exploits or " hair-breadth 'scapes" 
either to his family or friends. Accurate accounts of his personal appear- 
ance, when living, state that he was of heroic size, six feet three inches in 
height, superbly proportioned. He was ruddy in coloring, with the leonine 
type of tawny, auburn-tinted hair and beard. 

When the grass was growing green upon the hero's grave, his widow 
presented with her own hand to the Washington Light Infantry the cele- 
brated crimson flag which he had waved over the hard- fought field of Eutaw 
Springs. She had made the banner for her brave lover, cutting the rich 
silk of her dress unstintingly to serve the needed purpose, and giving it to 
him with a flower — the rose-bud she had worn on her bosom. Upon one 
of the bronze panels cast by Powers of New York for the Cowpens monu- 
ment is an inscription alluding to this flag : 

" The glorious standard which at Eutaw shone so bright, 
And as a dazzling meteor swept thro' the Cowpens deadly fight." 

The flagstaff is surmounted by an eagle with his talons clinging to a 
ball. When presenting it to the Washington Light Infantry, the widow of 
Colonel William Washington said : "In committing this banner to your 
care I feel assured that I place it under the guardianship of a band of citi- 
zen soldiers who will on no occasion suffer its purity or lustre to be tar- 
nished." It was borne by the Light Infantry at the Yorktown Centennial, 
and has been in their custody since April 19, 1827, when it was presented 
to them by Mrs. Washington. 

On February 22, 1827, it was suggested by Captain Henry Ravenel that 
the Washington Light Infantry should erect a monument to the memory 
and over the remains of Colonel William Washington and his wife. It was 
found to be impracticable to place a suitable monument within the limited 
soace of the family burial-ground without disturbing other tombs. The 


only surviving child of Colonel Washington objected to the removal of the 
remains elsewhere. Magnolia Cemetery, near Charleston, was finally fixed 
upon as the location, with the approval of the relatives, and in this lovely 
spot, near the banks of the Cooper River, the monument now stands, a fit- 
ting memorial, as the inscription indicates, to " virtue and valor." 
The north side of the monument is inscribed : 

William Washington 

A native of Virginia 

Lieu't. Colonel of Cavalry 

In the Revolutionary Army of the 

United States. Born 28 th of February 1752 

Died 6 th of March 18 10. 


On the south side we find the following 

Jane Washington a native of South Carolina 

daughter of Charles Elliott, And wife 

of Lieut Colonel William Washington 

Born 14 th of March 1763, died 14 th of Dec 1830 

The east side inscription indicates : 

The Remains of Lieut Col W m Washington 
And of Mrs Jane Washington, Repose in the 
secluded burial ground near Rantowls Bridge 

In the Parish of St Paul 
The Washington Light Infantry of Charleston 
S. C. The honored guardians of the standard 
of Col Washington's Regiment, Received from 
the hands of his widow, on the 19 th April 1827 



Charleston, October 19 th , 1798. 

Dear Sir — Your letter of September the 27 th I received a few days ago by Major Simons. In 

conformity with your request I have enclosed a List, which consists of such persons who I have reason 

to believe are desirous of obtaining Commissions in the army, and who I believe to be qualified to fill 

the respective grades to which they are recommended. I have forwarded the List altho' incomplete, 


being strongly impressed with the necessity there is that appointments tho' partial should be made 
without loss of time. I beg leave to suggest the propriety of giving the General officers the power of 
appointing the inferior officers who are required from the States where they reside. I think that they 
might be safely entrusted with the power, so that they would be the most competent judges of the pre- 
tensions of the candidates for office. I am so little; acquainted in Georgia or North Carolina that I 
don't know of any persons whom I could recommend as being qualified for Commissions in the 

I had indulged the pleasing hope that I had made a final retreat into the peaceful shades of re- 
tirement, but I shall not hesitate at this momentous crisis when I shall have my appointment offi- 
cially announced (for at present I know nothing of it except what has appeared in the public Prints) 
to obey the summons of my country, especially when I know that the army is to be commanded by 
a Chief for whom I have always had the greatest respect and veneration. 
Please to make a tender of my best respects to Mrs Washington. 
I am Dear Sir 

With the highest respect and esteem 

Y r very ob'd 1 SerV 

W. Washington 

[This letter is endorsed in General Washington's handwriting, " Received Nov — 1st ."] 

Another letter from Colonel to General Washington is in acknowledgment of the receipt of the 
medal commemorating his brilliant services at the battle of Cowpens. This medal was of silver, 
bearing the following inscription in Latin : "Gulieltno Washington legionis equit prsefecto ; Comitia 
Americana." It has upon it the view of the battle of Cowpens, with Colonel Washington leading the 
charge of his cavalry upon the enemy. Above, there is a flying figure of Victory, with laurel crown 
and palm beneath. The reverse side is inscribed in seven lines within a wreath of laurel tied by a 
bow at top and bottom: "Quod parva militum manu strenue prosecutus hostes virtutis ingenitae 
praeclarum specimen dedit in pugna ad Cowpens Xvii Jan. Mdcclxxxi." 

Charleston, Nov r 7 th 1790 

Sir — Your Excellency's favor of M 25 th accompanied with a Medal struck by order of the 

late Congress, I have received. 

This flattering mark of respect conferred on me by the Representatives of my Country will make 
an indelible impression of gratitude on my mind. The people of the State indulge themselves with 
the hope that your Excellency will pay them a visit the ensuing year, it will give me much pleasure if 
your Excellency & Family will abide with me whilst in Charleston. Mrs Washington flatters herself 
with the pleasure of your Lady's company. 

I am Sir 

With the greatest respect & esteem 

Your Excellency's 

Very Obe'dt Serv» 

W. Washington 


This subject is one of deep interest, and the extreme periods assigned 
to it by history, tradition, and documentary authority differ by nearly ten 
years. When we consider the social position of his family, and his public 
career in so many capacities, it is wonderful that the incidents of his early 
life are so conflicting. We cannot tell, for instance, with absolute certainty, 
whether his name was James or James Edward ; whether he was born in 
London or at Godalming, the family estate ; nor the day, month, or year 
of his birth, within the wide margin of nearly ten years. To cap the 
climax, and to make us feel as if history and romance agree, and all facts 
are imaginary, we find on the very threshold of our search the astound- 
ing rumor, afloat in his childhood, and having a great run in the gossip of 
the day, that he was the substituted son of James II. and Mary of Modena 
after the death of the infant Prince of Wales, and was thus allowed by his 
parents to be adopted by the King and Queen to perpetuate the dynasty, 
and so to defraud the nation, the purpose being frustrated by the Revolution 
and by the quick abdication of the sovereign. We may readily dismiss this 
story as a falsehood, but I shall refer to it again, for the story throws some 
light on the mooted question of his birthday. 

In passing, I may say that uncertainties of this sort are not so infrequent 
as are supposed. In the case of obscure and unlettered people we have no 
certain reliance, for when the parents cannot read or write, the dates float 
down in blundering memories ; but even with distinguished personages it is 
neither new nor wonderful that the birthday is uncertain, and that no per- 
fectly sure date can be proved. 

There is no human testimony that settles the date of Shakespeare's birth. 
It is generally accepted as April 23d — to identify England's greatest writer 
with England's patron saint, St. George — but that is an inference from the 
tradition that, dying on April 23d, he died on his birthday, and from the 
probability arising out of the closeness in those days of baptism to birth, 
the former following the latter usually in three days and his baptism being 
registered on April 26th. Why should we expect to know the day ? 
If John Shakespeare and Mary Arden had a family Bible, which is not at 
all certain, neither of them could have written the record that would now 
establish the date. So we must agree to leave Shakespeare's birth some- 
where in the last ten days of April. 


Take Goldsmith, in the next century. Do any of us know his birthday ? 
Prior and those who follow him say it was November 10, 1728 ; others fix 
it as positively on November 29th, the same year ; others some time in 1729, 
while his intimate friend, Dr. Johnson, in his classical epitaph, records it 
November 29, 1731. , So, too, his birthplace will never be settled between 
Pallas in the County of Longford, and Elphin in the County of Roscom- 
mon. Again, neither the time nor place of the birth of Columbus is known. 
Nor are registers — baptismal, matrimonial, or burial — always to be trusted. 
Gross mistakes often come from a literal following of these. In the parish 
records of Gravesend Church, England, the burial of Pocalwntas (called 
there by her Christian name of Rebecca) is written thus : '* 1616, March 21, 
Rebecca Wrothe, wife of Thomas Wrothe, gentleman, a Virginia lady 
born." Here are two singular blunders, which, perhaps, we can explain, 
because we know the facts from other sources. Let us try. The surname 
Wrothe is most probably a blunder of the ignorant parish clerk for Rolfe, 
the sounds being similar enough to be confounded, and Wrothe being a 
common name at that day in the parish. But how could the husband's 
name of JoJin be written Thomas? This surmise may explain it. The 
mother's infant child Thomas had just been baptized, and in registering 
the baptism and the death the names of father and son were easily con- 
founded. Another error in the year 1616 for 1617 is not an error, but is 
merely the difference between new and old style. The day of burial, March 
2 1st, occurring but three days before the end of 1616, March 25th, the fes- 
tival of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary, became New-Year's 
Day 1617. In the following century, however— that is, in 1752 — the intro- 
duction of the new style threw New-Year's Day back to January 1st, and 
put January, February, and twenty-four days of March into the year 
161 7, as we now reckon it. 

Blunders will never cease, and when once made they often seem inca- 
pable of rectification. The accomplished missionary, Henry Martyn, lies 
under an English-made tomb at Tokat, in Persia, but the beautiful epitaph, 
by an English scholar, reads, singularly enough, Gnlielmo Martyn. 

Before entering upon the birthday dispute, let me say a few words about 
Oglethorpe's name. The Baptismal Register of St. James', Westminster, 
London, reads: "Baptized June 2, 1689, James Oglethorpe, son of Sir 
Theophilus and his lady Eleanor, born 1st." Next we pass from the cradle 
to the grave, and we find on the tablet in Cranham Church, set up by his 
widow, the name of James Edward Oglethorpe. Now this middle name of 
Edward is not in the register of his matriculation at Oxford University, 
"nor," says Harriss, "in any public act, commission, document, printed 


history, or mention of him during his lifetime." Let us see if we can ac- 
count for this name not in the baptismal record nor the university list, but 
on the tomb. The day after Oglethorpe's birth, now believed to be the 
probable date — that is, on December 22, 1688 — James II., the abdicating 
King of England, fled from his palace of St. James with his family, includ- 
ing an infant son of six months, named James Francis Edward Stuart, on a 
wet, wintry night, across the Thames, thence to the sea-coast, and so to 
France. This young Prince was in after days called the Old Pretender, and 
the Oglethorpes being Jacobites, I doubt not the coincidence of their son's 
birth with the departure of the royal infant caused him to receive the name 
of Edward, and brought them into closer alliance with the royal family now 
in misfortune. 

It was the talk in those days, as I have already said, that this young 
Prince of Wales, born June 10, 1688, had died, or it was so believed, and 
that the King took the Oglethorpe baby, born six months after the Prince, 
and would have passed it off as his own had not the revolutionary storm 
swept his family from the throne. This is a new version of the old " Warm- 
ing-Pan " story, and needs no disproof, for it was only a piece of gossip, 
having no authority save in a pamphlet called " Mrs. Frances Shaftoe's 
Narrative," published in 1707. I will give one paragraph, which conveys 
the gist of the story, and then dismiss it, expressing my belief that Ogle- 
thorpe did get his middle name of Edward from this Prince, but only 
because of the Jacobite principles of his parents and their intimacy with the 

" Anne Oglethorpe [an older sister of James] told me [Mrs. Shaftoe] that 
the first pretended Prince of Wales died of convulsive fits at the age of five 
or six weeks ; but her mother had a little son some days older than the 
Prince of Wales, and her mother took her little brother James in all haste 
and went to London with him, for she had been at her country house ; but 
her little brother was sick. The Prince and he were both sick together, and 
her little brother died or was lost, but that was a secret between her mother 
and Queen Mary. Anne Oglethorpe said that about seven months after her 
little brother James had been made second Prince of Wales then the Prince 
of Orange came to England, and that spoiled all their fortunes." — (Wright, 
p. 396.) 

Returning, we find that there are three disputed dates of Oglethorpe's 
birth — December 21, 1688, defended in Harriss' "Memorials;" December 
21, 1698, as given in " McCall's History of Georgia" and "Spalding's Life 
of Oglethorpe ; " and June 1, 1689, as stated in Wright's life of him, pub- 
lished in 1867. Now, it is very curious that none of these dates agree with 


I I I 

various statements of his age published just after his death, allowed by all 
to have occurred on the night of June 30-July 1, 1785. 

First. — The London Gazette the next week announced his death at the 
age of one hundred and four years. This would have fixed his birth in 168 1. 

Second. — The Westminster Gazette the following week calls his age one 
hundred and two years, which would give the date of 1683. 

Third. — The portrait of him seated in a chair at the sale of Dr. John- 
son's library, February before his death. 

Fourth. — The Gentleman s Magazine of the following September says : 
" He lived to be near a hundred 
years old, but was not a hundred and 

We begin now to appreciate the 
confusion created by the contradictory 
dates, the conflicting records, and the 
opposing reports. Of these three 
dates only one can possibly be true, 
and I believe that one of them is true. 
They are all contradicted by appa- 
rently well established facts or prob- 
able traditions, and it is only by tak- 
ing the responsibility of suppressing 
the least probable of these traditions 
that we can clear any date of its objec- 
tions and so make it probable. 

Let us take the latest of these dates, 
December 21, 1698. Now this date 
cannot be true, although McCall's his- 
tory, printed seventy-one years ago, 
affirms its truth, and though it is 
adopted by Spalding, who wrote a 
sketch of Oglethorpe in 1840. The 
reason why it cannot be true is because 
facts : 

First. — Oglethorpe was an ensign in the British army certainly in 17 10, 
and most probably in 1706, when he would have been but eleven or seven 
years old. 

Second. — His baptism is registered in St. James' Church, London, as 
already quoted, June 2, 1689 — that is, nine years and seven months before 
his birth as given by McCall. 

it plainly contradicts the following 


Third. — The story of his having been substituted for James II.'s infant 
son could never have been started if he had been born in 1698, for it would 
have been an anachronism of nearly ten years. 

Fourth. — His matriculation in Corpus Christi College, Oxford, is thus 
recorded in the registry, from which I translate : " Trinity term, July 9, 
1704. James Oglethorpe, aged sixteen, youngest son of Sir Theophilus 
Oglethorpe, of St. James', London, was admitted into Corpus Christi Col- 
lege." That is, he would have entered college at five and a half years old. 

Fifth. — In the Duke of Marlborough's dispatches there is a note dated 
at the camp of Walsbergen, September 17, 1705, to Lady Oglethorpe, of- 
fering to provide for her son in the Guards, and ends : "If you please to 
send me the young gentleman's christian name, his commission shall be dis- 
patched immediately." Signed, Marlborough. This offer could not have 
been made to a child seven years old, nor to his older brother Theophilus, 
then twenty-four years old, for he had been some years already in the army. 

Sixth. — Had he been born in 1698, he would, at his death, have been 
less that eighty- seven years old, but a writer in the Gentleman 's Magazine 
says that he spent an evening once with Oglethorpe, and they sat up till 
two in the morning, " when," to use his own words, "this veteran was in 
his ninety-sixth year ; " and Mrs. Hannah More writes of her being in Ogle- 
thorpe's company " when he was much above ninety years of age." 

The two other dates conflict with each other, December 21, 1688, and 
June 1, 1689, and but one of them can be true. The discrepancy of a single 
year is not an insuperable obstacle, but the earlier year agrees better with 
the subsequent incidents in his life ; while the month and day (December 
21), though contradicted by the Baptimal Register, are singularly enough 
corroborated by an incidental statement in " Stephens' Journal," written 
in Savannah, and the most valuable probably of our old Georgia rec- 
ords. Under date of December 21, 1738, Mr. Stephens writes in his 
journal: " Another heavy rainfall last night, and this whole day's contin- 
uance, which was no hindrance to our celebration of the General's birthday, 
as had always been the custom hitherto." 

In conclusion, then, I think that this date of December 21, 1688, while 
not entirely free from difficulties, comes nearer to reconciling the various 
claims, and may be received as the most likely one to be true. 

Can I more fittingly close this paper on the " Mystery of Oglethorpe's 
Birthday" than by drawing attention to the coincidence in the length of the 
lives of Oglethorpe and his coadjutor and friend, Tomo-chi-chi ? Here are 
two characters, contrasted greatly in race, birth, breeding, and social rank, 
the one an accomplished gentleman, the other an ignorant savage, while 


fortune brought them together for a few years on our wild Southern shores ; 
their harmonious friendship, their mutual confidence, and their united labors 
laid safely and peacefully the foundations of Georgia, in " wisdom, justice, and 
moderation " — each a necessary factor in this settlement, the one planting 
the seeds of civilization, the other preparing the soil for their reception and 
making the seeds a possible growth. Well does Colonel C. C. Jones, Jr., say : 
" Next to Oglethorpe, Tomo-chi-chi was the truest friend and most potent 
protector of the colony of Georgia during its primal days of infancy and 

When Oglethorpe arrived in Georgia he was in his forty-fifth year, and 
in the prime of life. Here he was welcomed with a devotion that seemed 
inexplicable, unless heaven-inspired, and a faithful service that knew no fal- 
tering nor change, by that aged warrior and chief of ninety years. Less 
than seven years bounded their intercourse, and on October 5, 1739, the 
aged " Mico " died, "about ninety-seven years old," as the record reads, 
buried in Wright Square, and in our chief thoroughfare, under the every- 
day footsteps of his white friends, and Oglethorpe his chief pall-bearer. 
Forty-six years afterward, Oglethorpe himself yields up his life in the old 
family mansion of Cranham Hall, aged also about ninety-seven years — each 
alike nearly finishing his fivescore. 


The ORIGIN of the COLONY of GEORGIA— General Henry R. Jackson, 
in his address to the people of Georgia, with reference to the sesqui-cen- 
tennial celebration, says : " If the memories of like events ought to be pre- 
served, surely the origin of a colony founded in such principles of honor, 
faith, and charity as characterize the birth of Georgia, deserves commemora- 
tion, for it was the first colonial establishment in the history of the world 
made in the motive and at the instance of pure benevolence. No political 
scheme of balance of power, no military necessity of government protection, 
no business plan of foreign trade, prompted the establishment across the 
sea of this last English colony. Nothing but the hope of bettering the 
social condition of the deserving and honorable poor moved the sympathiz- 
ing hearts of the English gentry and commonalty to give liberally of their 
labor, time, and money, in order to provide a home for those who, through 
misfortune, had lost the comforts of a home in the motherland. Then when 
the scheme was matured, a gentleman and a soldier, the finest type of 
heroism and benevolence that ever planned or led such an -undertaking, 
from pure sympathy became their leader." 


On the twelfth of the present month, with oration, song, and general 
festivity, the people of Georgia will celebrate the one hundred and fiftieth 
anniversary of the founding of the ancient colony. 

It was in February, 1733, that James Oglethorpe arrived at the site of 
the present city of Savannah, then called Yamacraw, and began to build a 
new commonwealth. Concerning the long history of Georgia, however, this 
brief article will have little to say, its scope being confined to the begin- 
ning of the work. 

The earlier voyages to the coast of that region now known as Georgia 
must also be passed over in silence, though it may be mentioned here 
that in 1524 Giovanni da Verrazano sailed past these shores. Under a 
commission from Francis I. he reached the latitude of 34 N., and afterward 
sailed fifty leagues southward, in search of a passage through the land to the 
Indies, but not finding any opening went northward to New York, Newport, 
and Newfoundland. In the year 1733 the coast of Georgia was well known, 
and when Oglethorpe undertook his task he knew exactly what he had 
to do. 

James Oglethorpe was a descendant of an ancient English family tracing 
its line from the Norman Conquest. His father was Sir Theophilus Ogle- 
thorpe, an officer of distinction, who was with the Duke of Monmouth at 
the battle of Bosworth Bridge. At the time of the birth of this son he was 
living at his seat, Westbrook Place, in Surrey. Here, probably, James 
was born, December 21, 1688, being the seventh of a family of nine chil- 
dren. At the age of sixteen he entered Oxford, and, six years later, was 
made an ensign in the British army. In 17 13 he was aid-de-camp to the 
Earl of Peterborough at the court of the King of Sicily, where he met Berke- 
ley, with whom he was destined to become a laborer in the New World. 
In 1 7 14 he was a captain in Queen Anne's Guard, and afterward was aid- 
de-camp to Prince Eugene, whom he accompanied in nearly all the battles 
of the Austrians with the Turks. Upon the return of peace, Oglethorpe, in 
1722, was elected a member of Parliament, where he retained a seat for 
many years ; while a large portion of his life was devoted to works of 
practical benevolence. In the midst of his honorable political career he 
found time to engage in charitable works, and thus, in 1733, he extended 
his activity to the New World. 


I I 

It appears that, in 17 17, it was proposed by Sir Richard Montgomery to 
establish a colony upon the Savannah River, in a region that formed a kind 
of disputed territory among the English and French. In his " Discourse" 
he proposed to call his colony the " Margravate of Azilia," saying that 
" Paradise, with all her Virgin Beauties, may be modestly suppos'd at most 
but equal to its Native Excellences," his description reminding us of what 
Captain John Smith said of the region of Boston, which was " the Paradise 
of all those parts." Like William Penn he entertained the idea of great 
rural cities, and provided, on paper, for the multiplication of such cities, not 
omitting a general system of fortification. But when he called for volun- 
teers not a man appeared, and at the end of three years the proprietors of 


the Carolinas, who had empowered Montgomery to act, recovered their 
authority. How long the country of Georgia might have remained unim- 
proved but for the activity of Oglethorpe, it is impossible to say. In his 
time new fields had been found for British industry and labor, but the 
condition of things in England remained pretty much the same as in the 
time of the great Richard Hakluyt, more than a century before. 

In 1728 the attention of the House of Commons was called to the state 
of the jails; and, on motion of Oglethorpe, a committee was appointed to 
inquire into their administration. The committee consisted of ninety-six 
persons, and Oglethorpe himself, who had been a witness to the barbarities 
exercised at Marshalsea, was made the chairman. It included thirty-eight 


noblemen, and many of the first men of England. Thomson alluded to this 
committee where he speaks of 

" The generous band, 
Who, touched with human woe, redressive searched 
Into the horrors of the gloomy gaol." 

In the jails lay the poor debtors, crushed by their creditors, who were 
armed with an absurd degree of power by British law. Oglethorpe found 
them lying where Hakluyt saw them, suffering all the miseries that human 
cruelty could inflict. His heart was touched, and his soul was aroused. 
Therefore, in advance of Howard, and in concert with Lord Percival and a 
few other noblemen and gentlemen, he addressed a memorial to the Privy 
Council, setting forth the facts of the case and alleging that there were mul- 
titudes of the honest but indigent classes who would be glad to go to 
America and labor for those necessaries of life which, in the overcrowded 
condition of the country, they could not obtain at home. As the result, 
the king gave a charter for operations in Georgia, which was sealed June 9, 
1732. Twenty-one persons were constituted the body corporate, and they 
were granted "all those lands, countries, and territories situate, lying and 
being in that part of South Carolina, in America," between the Altamaha 
and the Savannah, and westerly to the Pacific coast. The latter provision 
was similar to those of other early charters, it not being known how much 
land was thus conveyed. The dwellers there were to have all the rights 
of British subjects, and all religions were to be free, except the Roman 
Catholic. No member of the corporation was to have any grant of land, 
and each settler was limited to five hundred acres. This needless provision 
against Roman Catholics was intended to secure the colony from intrigue 
upon the part of their French and Spanish neighbors. In Force's Tracts 
(I., 2. p. 5) we learn that "the trustees state that they intend to relieve 
such unfortunate persons as cannot subsist here, and establish them in an 
orderly manner, so as to form a well-regulated town. As far as their fund 
goes, they will defray the charge of their passage to Georgia — give them 
necessaries, cattle, land, and subsistence, till such time as they can build 
their houses and clear some of their land. They rely for success, first, on 
the goodness of Providence ; next, on the compassionate disposition of the 
people of England ; and they doubt not that much will be spared from 
luxury and superfluous expenses, by generous tempers." They continue, 
"the people of Great Britain, on whom these necessitous families were a 
burden, will be relieved ; numbers of manufacturers will be here employed 
for supplying them with clothes, working tools, and other necessaries ; and 


by giving refuge to the distressed Salzburgers and other Protestants, the 
power of Britain, as a reward for its hospitality, will be increased by the 
addition of so many religious and industrious subjects." One almost seems 
to hear in this language the voice of the two Hakluyts. In the meanwhile 
those administering the trust were debarred by the charter from " receiv- 
ing any salary, fee, perquisite, or profit whatsoever, by or from this under- 

The first colonists sailed in the ship Ann, from the dockyard at Dept- 


ford, England, November 17, 1732, the trustees having selected for a 
beginning, not, as might possibly be supposed, a throng of poor debtors, 
but twenty-five families, numbering in all about one hundred and twenty- 
five " sober, industrious, and moral persons." Their last Sunday in Eng- 
land was spent at Milton, on the bank of the Thames, where they attended 
divine service in the old parish church. As with the Pilgrims of Leyden 
on leaving Delft Haven, it was a time of peculiar solemnity: "Never 
again did they expect, on the soil of their native land, to unite in the 
prayers and praises of their mother Church. They were pilgrims to a far 


country, seeking out an unknown inheritance ; and when the chimes of 
Old England should again ring out the call to prayer, they would be tossed 
upon the great waters, exiles of penury, voyaging to the southern ' Canaan 
of America.' " 

January 13, 1733, the Ann was anchored in Charleston Harbor. Here 
the adventurers delayed for about ten hours, and then sailed for Beaufort, 
where they were left by Oglethorpe while he went to select a site for the 
colony. On reaching the neighborhood of " Yamacraw," of which the 
chief Tomo-chi-chi was the " Mico," he penetrated to the edge of the pine- 
crowned bluffs and looked down upon the waters of the Savannah, which he 
found " very agreeable, the stream being wide, and bordered with high woods 
on both sides." On the northern end of the bluff stood an Indian village, 
and here was established the trader Musgrove, who was married to a half- 
breed named Mary. It appears that by a treaty with the Creeks, the whites 
of South Carolina were inhibited from making any settlement south of the 
Savannah without the consent of the Indians ; but through Musgrove, who 
acted as interpreter, Oglethorpe came to an understanding with the natives, 
and on the 24th of January he returned to Beaufort. On the following 
Sunday a Thanksgiving was observed for their safe arrival. On the 31st 
(O. S.) the colonists reached Savannah. February 10, 1733, Oglethorpe 
wrote as follows in his letter to the trustees, a part of which letter appears 
in the Gentleman's Magazine, April, 1733, p. 168 : 

" The River here forms a Half Moon, along the South side of which the 
Banks are about forty Foot high ; and upon the Top a Flat, which they 
call a Bluff. The plain high Ground extends into the Country five or 
six Miles, and along the River Side about a Mile. Ships that draw 12 
Foot Water can ride within ten Yards of the Bank. Upon the River 
Side, in the centre of this plain, I have laid out the Town ; over-gainst it 
is an island of very rich Land, fit for Pasturage, which I think should be 
kept for the Trustees Cattle. The River is pretty wide, the Water 
fresh, and from the Key of the Town you see its whole course to the Sea, 
with the island of Tybe which forms the mouth of the River ; and the 
other way you may see the River for about six miles up into the Country. 
The Landskip is very agreeable, the Stream being wide, and border'd with 
high Woods on both Sides the whole people arrived here on the istof Feb. 
[O. S.] ; at Night their Tents were got up : Till the 7th we were taken up 
in unloading and making a Crane, which I could not then get finish'd, so 
took off the Hands and set some to the Fortifications, and begun to fell the 
Woods. I marked out the Town and Common ; half the former is already 
cleared, and the first House was begun Yesterday in the Afternoon. Mr. 


Whittaker has given us one hundred head of Cattle. Col. Bull, Mr. Barlow. % 
Mr. St. Julian, and Mr. Woodword, are come up to assist us with some ot 
their own servants." 

Two days later, as we learn from Lediard's " Naval Expeditions " (p. 
921), he wrote again, saying, "This Province is much larger than we 
thought, being a Hundred and twenty Miles from this River to Altamaha^ 
and that "there are in Georgia, on this Side Mountain, three considerable 
Nations of Indians," mentioning the Creeks, Wehees, and Upper Creeks. 
He also says that the " People still ly in Tents, there being only two 
Clapboard Houses built, and three sawed Houses framed, ouf Crane, our 
Battery of Cannon, and Magazine finished. This is all we have been able 
to do, by Reason of the Smallness of our Number, of which many have been 
sick, and others unused to Labor, tho' I thank God they are now pretty 
well, and we have not lost one Soul since our Arrival here." 

In Lediard's work we also find (p. 921) the letter dated March 22, 1733, 
and written by a man who went from Charleston to Savannah in a canoe to 
inspect the rising colony. He says that " Mr. Oglethorpe is indefatigable, 
takes a vast deal of Pains. The Fare is but indifferent, having little else at 
present but Salt Provisions. He is extremely well beloved by all his peo- 
ple, the general Title they give him is Father." Also, " he keeps a strict 
Discipline ; I neither saw one of his people drunk, or heard one swear, 
all the Time I was there." This writer also makes the following curious 
statement: "Mr. OgletJiorp has with him Sir Walter Raleigh's written 
Journal ; and by the Latitude of the place, the Marks and Traditions of the 
Indians, it is the very Place where he first went ashoar, and talked with the 
Indians, and was the first Englishman they ever saw. About half a mile 
from Savanna is a high Mount of Earth, under which lies their chief King, 
and the Indians informed Mr. Oglethorp that the king desired before he 
died to be buried on the spot where he talked with that great good Man." 

As it happens, however, Sir Walter never saw Savannah, and the writer 
must have been thinking of some one else. 

May 14th a formal treaty was made with Tomo-chi-chi, regulating the 
relations existing between the whites and Indians, and the terms upon 
which the former should hold the land. December 10th the Colony was 
reinforced by a company of persecuted Salzburghers, who were received 
with joy, and such was the general prosperity that, May 7, 1734, Ogle- 
thorpe felt at liberty to return to England for a visit. He took with him 
Tomo-chi-chi and Senanky his wife, Tooanhouie and Hillipili, two famous 
chiefs, five of the Cherokees, and a chief of Palachocalos. They were well 
received in England, and the copy of an old print given with this article 


affords a tolerable description of the scene at their presentation to Queen 

Oglethorpe found Savannah a wilderness, but in a remarkably short 
space of time he transformed it into a civilized town. But he did more — 
he established a colony which he lived to see a free State ; while he heartily 
congratulated the American people upon achieving their independence. 

Oglethorpe was truly a noble man. Among founders and philan- 
thropists he takes his place by the side of William Penn. No more than 
the founder of Pennsylvania did he escape the breath of slander, but while 
not without faults his virtues were illustrious. Walpole said of Oglethorpe : 
" He is like many who make a noise in their time from some singularity 
which is forgotten when it comes to be registered with others of the same 
genius, but more extraordinary of their kind;" adding, "how little will 
Dr. Johnson be remembered when confounded with the mass of authors of 
his own calibre." Such were the words of the cold-hearted, false prophet; 
yet the great Moralist will be remembered when the name of his critic has 
passed into oblivion, while the fame of James Oglethorpe, colonist, soldier, 
statesman, and philanthropist, will survive while the waters of Tybee roll 
beneath the banks of ancient Yamacraw. 



The publication in 1875 of "The Native Races of the Pacific Coast," in 
five octavo volumes, brought into notice a new historical writer possessing 
qualifications for his task and having resources and material at his com- 
mand of unexpected extent and wealth. The author — Mr. Hubert Howe 
Bancroft, of San Francisco — may be said, in fact, to be achieving a double 
result so far as he has brought together a noble library relating to the his- 
tory of that coast, and at the same time unlocks its treasures to the literary 
public through a series of printed works. Either effort alone would have 
merited high appreciation. 

Mr. Bancroft's collection of books and manuscripts appears to have been 
the product of many years' searching and purchasing. From the published 
descriptions of it, we judge that, recognizing the insufficiency and often 
total absence of records and papers touching the early history of the older 
States, he has proceeded in a systematic manner to gather the history of 
the Pacific States ab initio and in the very process of its making, thus pre- 
venting the misfortune of blank pages and meagre information respecting 
their settlement and first stages of growth. Great would be our obligations 
to-day to that "collector" of colonial or revolutionary times who had 
pursued a similar method and saved us the precious material that long since 
found its way from garret to ash-heap. In this sense the Bancroft Library 
at San Francisco is a surprise and a boon of unique value. It is described 
as containing all the books, pamphlets, newspapers, and magazines bearing 
upon the subject ; the narratives in writing of a large number of early pio- 
neers of the coast living in California, Oregon, Washington, Utah, British 
Columbia, and Alaska; copies of the records of the fur companies and mis- 
sionaries ; manuscripts from the governments of Central America, from the 
convents of Mexico, the' Maximilian and Squier collections, and from the 
papers of old families ; a series of maps, both printed and in manuscript, 
from the first discoveries down ; copies of records at Washington, the 
British Museum, and the chief libraries of Europe, and much else — the 
whole forming a splendid foundation of thirty-five thousand volumes, the 
greater part of which, especially the manuscript narratives, would have been 
impossible of collection a generation hence. As Mr. Bancroft covers in his 

1 History of the Pacific States of North America. By Hubert Howe Bancroft. Vol. i., Central 
America: Vol. i., 1501-1530. Pp. 704, 8vo. San Francisco: A. L. Bancroft & Co. 1882. 


researches the entire coast from Alaska to Darien, he has necessarily fallen 
into possession of many Spanish manuscripts relating to Mexico, properly 
described as "the cradle of the northern settlements," and in this depart- 
ment we notice some documents of singular interest. One set, for example, 
which the antiquary would characterize as a " gem " of the collection, 
consists of the original record of the proceedings of the first three ecclesiasti- 
cal councils of Mexico, held in the sixteenth century, and appears upon the 
shelves in four large parchment-covered volumes entitled ' ' Concilios Pro- 
vinciates Mexicanos." "This invaluable portion of a national treasure," we 
read, " had found its way to Europe, probably through the gross negligence 
of the same class before whose bigotry fell the aboriginal records during the 
early days of the conquest. Mr. Bancroft was fortunate enough to dis- 
cover and secure the prize. The acts recorded in these volumes, together 
with the petitions and communications, on civil as well as religious affairs, 
submitted to the councils, bear the autographs and seals of sovereigns, 
church dignitaries, officials, and leading civilians. They contain the decrees 
by which a then all-powerful Church regulated the secular and ecclesiastic 
administration of Spanish North America, and with which it left its impress 
on a race. The first council, which sat in 1555, under Archbishop Alonso 
de Montufar, of Mexico, issued a reglamento, in ninety-three chapters, for 
the rule of parishioners, clergy, and Indians ; and the second met under the 
same presidency to adopt the resolutions of the Council of Trent, and some 
additional canons. Despite the comprehensiveness of these decrees, it was 
found necessary to hold a third council in 1585, under the able Pedro Moya 
y Contreras, as archbishop and viceroy, assisted by six prelates, by whom 
the previous acts, as well as those of the later Council of Lima, were par- 
tially incorporated in the five books of enactments, which became the 
standard authority for priests and laity throughout the northern continent. 
The paper on which the acts are written is rough, with frayed edges, and 
the chirography is most varied, and even intricate, while the text, con- 
trary to what might be expected from a council of prelates, is in Spanish, 
with only occasional Latin paragraphs. Some of the communications ad- 
dressed to the prelates are almost ludicrous, albeit of considerable value in 
depicting the condition of society and affairs at that time. While one urges 
the necessity of checking the growing vanity of women, another suggests 
restrictions on their intercourse with monks and priests, and a third peti- 
tions that moderate gambling among the clergy may not be interfered with. 
The autographs form a great attraction, not only from the illustrious charac- 
ter of the names, but from the curious outline of the letters and rubricas. 
There, among others, may be seen the autocratic signature, Yo EL Rey, 


of Philip II., the scarcely less imposing patronymic of the viceroy, and the 
revered signature of the monk-prelate, often restricted to the modest initial." 
Original papers of some of the early voyages and adventures are also to be 
found in the library, such as letters from Alvarado, companion of Cortes, in- 
forming the King of his South Sea projects from 1534 to 1 541 , the " Relacion," 
by Grijalva, of his oceanic expedition in 1533. the reports of D'Avila on his 
conquests in the Isthmus from 15 19 to 1524, and of Audagoya, in 1534, on 
interoceanic communication across Panama. " Descripcion de Darien " is a 
statement addressed, in 1/54. by Governor Remon to the viceroy, forming 
the most complete report ever made on this not yet fully known province. 
Of purely California manuscripts there are nearly six hundred volumes in 
the library, among which may be seen, first, the public archives of the 
State, and of its chief towns, from 1769 to 1847, m seventy-six volumes, 
extracted from five hundred official books and many packages of original 
records, preserved by the United States Government, and by the various 
counties ; then sixty-one volumes of Mission Archives, copied from the 
writings of the old padres, and supplemented by several bulky volumes of 
originals ; next one hundred large volumes of private archives, most pre- 
cious of all, consisting of some five thousand original papers collected from 
native Californian and pioneer families. The number of volumes gives but 
an inadequate idea of the value of this collection, since each one would fur- 
nish from ten to fifty documents heretofore wholly unknown. Two hundred 
volumes of original narratives from memory by as many early Californians, 
native and pioneer, written by themselves or taken down from their lips by 
Mr. Bancroft's agents, constitute a valuable and unique mass of historic 
data ; and finally a miscellaneous collection of one hundred and thirty vol- 
umes completes the set. 

These abundant resources have become the basis of an extensive history 
of the Pacific States. Including the " Native Races " the public is promised 
a series of thirty-nine volumes, three of which will relate to Central America, 
six to Mexico, two to the North Mexican States, one to New Mexico and 
Arizona, seven to California, one to Nevada, one to Utah, two to the North- 
west coast, one to Oregon, one to Washington, Idaho, and Montana, one to 
British Columbia, and one to Alaska — the remaining volumes being devoted 
to special California topics, such as the " flush times " of '49 and after, the 
era of vigilance committees, California's literary industries, and a more de- 
tailed account of the territory while under the mission regime. A work of 
such magnitude would seem to be beyond the compass of unaided effort, 
and Mr. Bancroft, like other historical writers, has brought into his service 
intelligent assistance. The result, judging from the volumes already issued, 


shows exhaustive investigation, harmonious work, skilful combination, and 
a cultivated style, all indicative of artistic authorship. Evidently Mr. Ban- 
croft has the gift of historical construction. 

The first volume of the series following the " Native Races " is the first of 
the Central American set, and is confined to the period of discovery and 
exploration from 1492 to 1 530. The discovery of Darien, the voyages of 
Columbus along the coasts of Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, the 
discovery of the Pacific Ocean, the fate of Balboa, the rise and decline 
of early Spanish settlements, the wars of the adventurers, the story of 
Cortes, and the conquest of Guatemala form some of the principal topics. 
In the introduction Mr. Bancroft indulges in a review of Spanish society 
and Christianity at the beginning of the sixteenth century, for the purpose 
of contrasting human motives and human conduct — doubting whether the 
first voyagers and conquerors were any more of an ornament to civilization 
than the American aborigines. " After reading of the Europeans of that 
day it is irony," he writes, " to call the Americans superstitious, revengeful, 
treacherous, cruel," a sentiment which he finds occasion to repeat as strik- 
ing illustrations occur. The reader is not permitted to forget that this 
continent was acquired by civilized force brought to bear in a barbarous 
fashion against the crude and innocent barbarian, so that the first fascination 
which should naturally accrue to the story of the vast discovery would seem 
to be pitifully dissipated. Yet in spite of the author's rigid comparisons 
in this respect, the very honesty and courage of his opinions restore the 
charm of the narrative. The majority of the Spaniards were savage, heart- 
less fellows, showing always great bravery and determination — sometimes, 
indeed, devotion — whose dealings and exploits one follows with profound 
interest because of the great destiny they opened to the New World. 

Aiming to narrate the truth, and convey truthful impressions, Mr. Ban- 
croft never grows dull, and although the volume covers much that is familiar 
ground, the new treatment, numerous foot-notes, new references, and dis- 
cussion of mooted points combine to give its pages a life refreshing to find 
in a work of this solid character. That the two remaining volumes on Cen- 
tral America will be distinguished by the same merits as the first must be 
assumed, and upon their appearance the characteristic features of the set 
may be noticed more critically. The coming volumes, moreover, promise 
to be of even greater interest, as relating to a period and to countries about 
which the mass of readers know little. 






Originals in the Archives of the Long Island 
Historical Society 

It was the good fortune of the Long 
Island Historical Society, Brooklyn, to 
come into possession, some years since, 
of the series of one hundred and eighteen 
letters of Washington, which formerly 
belonged to Edward Everett, and which 
constitute a valuable portion of his cor- 
respondence, while President, relating to 
his farms in Virginia. Mr. Everett refer- 
red to them in his address before the 
New York State Agricultural Society, at 
Buffalo, in 1857. These letters were 
written by Washington to Mr. William 
Pearce, of Hopewell, near Chestertown, 
Maryland, who was engaged as Superin- 
tendent of the Mount Vernon estate dur- 
ing the years 1794-95-96, and are of a 
unique character, so far as they show his 
extensive knowledge of agricultural mat- 
ters, and give us a better insight into his 
domestic methods. As the Long Island 
Society intends to publish the letters in 
full, we restrict ourselves to a few ex- 
tracts from the series as illustrating their 
general drift, for the use of which we are 
indebted to Mr. George Hannah, Li- 

In one of his letters to Mr. Pearce, as 
he is about to take charge, Washington 
says, Dec. 18, 1793: "My object is to 
recover the fields from the exhausted 
state into which they have fallen by op- 
pressive crops, and to restore them (if 
possible by any means in my power) to 
health and vigour " ; and after giving a 

sketch of previous experiences with 
worthless overseers, adds : " To correct 
the abuses which have crept into all parts 
of my business — to arrange it properly, 
and to reduce things to system — will re- 
quire, I am sensible, a good deal of time 
and your utmost exertions ; of the last, 
from the character you bear, I entertain 
no doubt ; the other I am willing to al- 
low, because I had rather you should 
probe things to the bottom, whatever 
time it may require to do it, than to de- 
cide hastily upon the first view of them ; 
as to establish good rules, and a regular 
system, is the life, and the soul of every 
kind of business." 

The first letter given below is endorsed 
by Mr. Pearce, " Instructions from the 
President after my arrival." 


Philadelphia, Dec. [20?], 1793 
M 1 . Pearce, 

....Among the first things to be 
done after you are well fixed yourself, 
will be, I presume, that of taking an exact 
account of the Stock of every species — 
Tools and implements on each of the 
farms — charging them therewith ; that a 
regular account thereof may be rendered 
whenever called for. — Buy in Alexandria 
a proper (bound) book for this purpose, 
and another to enter the weekly reports 
in. — The latter is required not only for 
my present satisfaction, but that it may 
also, at any time hereafter shew in what 
manner the hands have been employed ; 
and the state of the stock and other 
things at any past period ; and it is my 
wish, as this is intended as a register of 
the proceedings on the farms, that they 
may be made with correctness ; — always 



comparing the last with the preceeding 
weeks report and all differences satisfac- 
torily accounted for. — The Overseers are 
allowed paper for these Reports. Suffer 
no excuse therefor for their not coming 
into you every Saturday night, that you 
may be enabled to foreward a copy of 
them to me by the Wednesday's Post fol- 
lowing. And it is not only satisfactory, 
but may be of real utility to know the 
state of the weather as to heat & cold, 
drought or moisture ; prefix, as usual, at 
the head of every weeks report a meteor- 
ological account of these. The Thermo- 
meter which is at Mount Vernon will 
enable you to do the first. 

The work essentially necessary to be 
done by my Carpenters, & which presses 
most, is — compleating the new Barn 
at Dogue Run, & the sheds there for 
horses &c — building the house for Crew 
— repairing my house in Alexandria for 
Mrs. Fanny Washington, which must be 
done before the first of May — Inclosing 
the lot on which it stands for a Garden 
or Yard.— Repairing the Miller's house 
— Removing the larger huts [?] of the 
Negro quarters (the smaller ones or cab- 
bins, I presume the people with a little 
assistance can do themselves) to the 
ground marked out for them opposite to 
Crew's new house — Repairing at a proper 
time those he will remove from — Lend- 
ing aid in drawing the houses at River 
farm into some uniform shape, in a con- 
venient place, &c. . . . 

There is nothing that stands in greater 
need of regulation than the Waggons and 
Carts at the Mansion House which al- 
ways whilst I was at home appeared to 
me to be most wretchedly employed — 
first in never carrying half a load ; 2 c }ll 

in flying from one thing to another ; and 
thirdly in no person seeming to know 
what they really did ; and often times un- 
der pretense of doing this, that, and the 
other thing, did nothing at all or what 
was tantamount to it. . . . 

You will perceive by my agreement 
with Ehler, the Gardener, that he & his 
wife were to eat of the Victuals that went 
from my Table (in the Cellar) instead of 
having it cooked by his wife as had been 
the custom with them. At the time that 
agreement was made I kept a Table for 
Mrs. Fanny Washington, but as she has 
resolved to live in Alexandria, this will no 
longer be kept up ; and therefore it would 
be best I should conceive to let them re- 
turn to their old mode, & for the young 
Gardener to eat with them — but as the 
agreement is otherwise I would not force 
this upon them, unless it was their own 
choice — especially if Butler remains there, 
for in that case as Lucy (the Cook) must 
get victuals for him, it will make but little 
difference whether she gets for one or 
more ; you will therefore do what seems 
best, & most agreeable in this matter, 
taking care that they have a sufficiency 
without waste, or misapplication. — I am 
very willing to allow them enough, and of 
such provisions, day by day, as is whole- 
some & good, but no more. — They 
have each of them been allowed a bottle 
of Beer a day, and this must be contin- 
ued to them, that is a quart each, for 
when I am from home the Beer will not 
be bottled though it may be brewed as 
the occasion requires. The Gardener 
has too great a propensity to drink, and 
behave improperly when in liquor ; — ad- 
monish him against it as much as you 
can, as he behaves well when sober, un- 



derstands his business, and I believe is 
not naturally idle. . . . 

Do not suffer the Quarter Negro chil- 
dren to be in the Kitchen, or in the yards 
unless brought there on busmen — as be- 
sides the bad habit — they too frequently 
are breaking limbs, or twigs from, or 
doing other injury to my shrubs, some of 
which, at a considerable expense, have 
been propagated. 

From some complaints made by my 
Negroes, that they had not a sufficient 
allowance of meal, and from a willingness 
that they should have enough, the quan- 
tity was increased by Mr. Whiting so as 
to amount (by what I have learnt from 
Mr. Stuart) to profusion. This is an er- 
ror again on the other side. My wish 
and desire is that they should have as 
much as they can eat without waste and 
no more.... I always used to lay in a 
great quantity of Fish for them and when 
we were at home meat, fat & other things 
were now and then given to them be- 
sides ; But it would seem (from their ac- 
counts at least) that the B'ish which were 
laid in for them last Spring have disap- 
peared without their deriving much bene- 
fit from them. 

By this time I expect the Hogs that 
were put up for Porke either are killed, 
or are fit to kill. I request, after every 
person has had their allowance given to 
them, that the residue may be made into 
Bacon .... After the drilled wheat at Un- 
ion farm is taken off, let particular care 
be used to prevent its being mixed with 
any other. ... I have for many years past 
been urging the superintendent of my 
business at Mount Vernon to break a 
number of Steers to the Yoke that no set 
of Oxen may be worked low — but do not 

believe it is yet done to the extent I 
wish .... 

There is one thing I wish to impress 
you pretty strongly with, that you may use 
every precaution in your power to guard 
against, and that is — suffering my horses 
to be rode at unseasonable hours in the 
night without your knowledge or that of 
the Overseers. No doubt rests upon my 
mind that this is too much practiced and 
is one, if not the primary cause of my 
loosing a number of horses, the poverty 
of others, and the slinking of foals, which 
happens so frequently that I make a mis- 
erable hand of breeding mules. . . . 

My superfine and tine flour always 
waits for directions from me to be sold ; 
but the midlings and ship stuff you will 
dispose of whenever you can get a suit- 
able price, and your want of money may 
require — and this also may be done with 
Beeves, Mutton &c, after supplying the 
several demands upon the former where 
it has not already been done .... 

Send me an exact account of the quan- 
tity of corn made at each farm and the 
yield of each field. I directed Mr. Lewis 
to have a certain quantity at each farm 
put into separate corn houses for the use 
thereof, and the residue at other houses 
for the Mansion house and other pur- 
poses, & I hope it has been done, but 
wish to be informed. The keys of the 
last mentioned houses I did not intend 
should be left in the care of the Over- 
seers, but the doors well secured and the 
keys remain in your possession .... 

It would be well to have the Seins 
overhauled immediately, that if the new 
ones are wanting or the old ones requir- 
ing much repair, they may be set about 
without loss of time ; for if this work is 



delayed until the spring the sein netters 
will be so much employed, as to disap- 
point you altogether & of course my 
people of Fish .... 

1 shall write to you if nothing extraor- 
dinary prevents it, by every Monday's 
Post, and shall expect a copy of the 
weekly reports by the mail which leaves 
Alexandria on Thursday if no change has 
taken place — by which means I shall 
write to you, & receive a letter from you 
every week when the occurrences (not 
contained in the reports) may be men- 
tioned. — And now, having given you my 
sentiments upon all those points with 
which my recollection has furnished me, 
I have only to add that the enclosed let- 
ters (which are sent open for you to peruse 
& then to put wafers on) will shew the 
person to whom they are directed what it 
is they have to expect & the ground they 
stand upon. — Wishing you well, I remain 
Your friend &c 

G°. Washington 
Mr. William Pearce. 

July 13, 1794 
..... am sorry to hear that the wet 
weather continues to throw your work 
backward, especially plowing, as I am 
sensible you have much of it to do, and 
all of it pressing to be done ; for if the 
Buckwheat is not plowed in while it is in 
a green & succulent state, to have had it 
on the ground will prove an injury in- 
stead of a benefit ; because it is from the 
juices of this plant that the putrefaction 
& fermentation proceeds, & causes it to 
become a manure. If the plant, there- 
fore, is suffered to stand until the straw 
gets dry and hard, it returns nothing to 
the earth, but on the contrary draws much 

from it. It is high time also that the 
Buckwheat, intended for seed, was in the 
ground, as the usual time of sewing it in 
these ^'^,-for a crop, is from the first to 
the 15 th . of this month. . . . 

It would be matter of regret if the oats 
should have sustained injury from the 
weather we have had or may have ; as 
the crop looked very promising when 1 
left home. Begin to cut them early — 
standing in a few bundles, or sheafs to- 
gether will ripen them without injury if 
they are not sufficiently so when cut. 

The grass too, will, by this time stand 
in need of the scythes ; and I hope all 
the Hay that can, will be made, and all 
spots (in the new meadows) not suffi- 
ciently covered, will be replenished abun- 
dantly with good seed, & scratched in with 
Harrows, or rakes with Iron teeth. It is 
much my wish to have the meadows new 
set with grass, and the sprouts from 
stumps, weeds and all other trash exter- 
minated. These things cannot, I am 
sensible, be done in a moment, nor per- 
haps as soon as I wish, or expect them ; 
but to set about them vigorously, is the 
only sure means of accomplishing them. 
So much meadow ground as I have, & 
can make, may, I am certain be turned to 
considerable profit. Capt? Conway of 
Alexandria from a small spot of ground 
near the Town, sells I am told four hun- 
dred pounds worth annually. . . . 

I mentioned to Mr. Oneill & I believe 
before you, that an account of all the 
stone that went from my Quarry was to 
be regularly kept, that I may know how 
to settle for it hereafter, . . . 

I hear with concern, but not unexpect- 
edly, of the illness of your eldest daugh- 
ter. That she could not without a 



change for the better, survive the indis- 
position with which she has been afflicted, 
long was the opinion of all who saw her ; 
and, in a degree, I presume must have 
been your own. So far then you must 
be prepared for the unfortunate event ; 
and tho' nature, at so awful a trial, must 
shrink for a time, reason & reflection 
will produce resignation to a decree 
against which there is no controul. 

do what their age & strength will enable 
them, it will be a very bad example to 
others, none of whom would work, if by 
pretexts they can avoid it. 

July 27, 1794 
.... If you will pay particular atten- 
tion to the conduct of the Overseers, or 
plowmen, with respect to the treatment 
of the young mules, I have no objection, 
when there is a real necessity for it, to 
their being used gently at three years old, 
because they ought to be handled at that 
time, to prevent their becoming obstinate 
& restive ; but to use them as mine 
hitherto have been, is to all intents & 
purposes their inevitable destruction. A 
mule does not come to his strength until 
he is eight or nine years old, nor said to 
be in his prime until he is 12 or 15 ; 
to put them in the plough therefore when 
they are rising three & work them, as 
my Overseers have done mine, as they 
would have done a dray horse in his 
prime — is, in one word an infallible means 
to prevent me fro#i raising any to be 
valuable ; whereas with proper usage & 
due care, they would serve well for thirty 
odd years. 

Is there anything particular in the cases 
of Ruth, Hannah, & Pegg, that they 
have been returned sick for several weeks 
together? Ruth I know is extremely 
deceitful ; she has been aiming for some 
time past to get into the house, exempt 
from work ; but if they are not made to 

Nov. 23, 1794 
....Speaking of Gentlemens Serv 13 
it calls to my mind, that in a letter 
from Mrs. Fanny Washington to Mrs. 
Washington (her aunt) she mentions, that 
since I left Mount Vernon she has given 
out four doz" and eight bottles of wine. 
Whether they are used, or not, she does 
not say ; but I am led by it to observe, 
that it is not my intention that it should 
be given to every one who may incline 
to make a convenience of the house in 
travelling ; or who may be induced to 
visit it from motives of curiosity. There 
are but three descriptions of people to 
whom I think it ought to be given : — 
first, my particular and intimate acquaint- 
ance, in case business should call them 
there, such for instance as Doctf Craik. 
— 2 d ! y , some of the most respectable 
foreigners who may, perchance, be in 
Alexandria or the federal City, and be 
either brought down, or introduced by 
letter from some of my particular acquaint- 
ance as before mentioned ; — or thirdly, 
to persons of some distinction (such as 
members of Congress &c a ) who may be 
travelling through the country from North 
to South, or from South to North. Un- 
less some caution of this sort governs, I 
should be run to an expence as improper 
as it would be considerable 

Dec. 21, 1794 
....Your letter of the 14 th instant 
with the papers & reports, which were 
inclosed therewith, came safe to hand. 



The whole amount of the corn crop 
1 perceive is, 1639 barrels. I perceive 
also, by the reports of the last week, & 
1 believe it has. been as much for several 
weeks preceeding, your weekly con- 
sumption of this article is 22 barrels to 
the stock, & about 14 to the negroes, 
amounting together to 36 barrels, which 
multiplied by 52, the number of weeks 
in a year, makes 1872 ; and is 233 barr! s 
more than is made. How far this extra- 
ordinary consumption has been occasioned 
by the Hogs which have been fatting, and 
how far it is capable of reduction, is more 
than I am able at this distance to deter- 
mine. It would, if continued, be using 
considerably more than ever was expended 
on the Estate ; for which reason, as I 
observed in one of my late letters to you, 
at the same time that I wish nothing to 
be starved thereon, I would have the 
corn — and indeed everything else — ad- 
ministered with the utmost economy ; for 
hard indeed will it be upon me, if I can 
make no more from my estate — wheat 
alone excepted — than is consumed there- 
on ; and from the produce of that article, 
overseers wages and everything that is 
bought is to be paid. 

Jan. 11, 1795 
... .As it is my wish to plant many 
Irish potatoes this year, be sure to re- 
serve enough for seed, by making ample 
allowance for thefts, waste and rotting. . . 

Feb. 8, 1795 
....I desire that you would, at all 
times, suggest any plans which you think 
may be advantageous ; always keeping 
in mind that immediate profit is not so 
much an object with me as the restora- 

tion of worn out & gullied fields, bring- 
ing them in condition to bear grass ; 
reclaiming and laying swamps to mead- 
ow ; making live fences (especially where 
hogs are not suffered to run), and orna- 
menting the grounds around the Mansion 
house .... 

Feb. 22, 1795 
....Mr. Pearse Bailey may be in- 
formed that I never lower my price of 
land ; it is infinitely more likely that it 
will be encreased than to stand even at 
what it has been offered for. This he 
might reasonably expect, as landed prop- 
erty is rising fast in value every where, 
from the number of emigrants, & others 
who are wanting to vest their money in 
that species of property .... 

June 7, 1795 
.... I wish you could find out the 
thief who robbed the meat house at 
Mount Vernon & bring him to punish- 
ment, and at the same time secure the 
house against future attempts ; for our 
drafts upon it will be pretty large, I ex- 
pect, when we come home, which prob- 
ably may be about the middle or 2o- b - of 
next month. Nathan has been suspect- 
ed, if not detected, in an attempt of this 
sort formerly, & is asjiikely as any one to 
be guilty of it now. Postilion Joe has 
been caught in similar practices ; and 
Sam I am sure would not be restrained 
by any qualms of conscience if he saw an 
opening to do the like. 

June 14, 1795 
.... I allow ^50 \Y. annum to the 
Academy in Alexandria for the purpose 
of instructing the children of poor. per- 



sons who are unable to be at that ex- 
pense themselves ; but I have nothing to 
do with providing, or paying the Master 
who is Employed for that purpose. This 
is left to the Trustees of the School, & 
I wish it may be found that my donation 
is as beneficially applied as my intention 
in bestowing of it has been good. . . . 

25^ Oct. 1795 
.... I send you another Pamphlet 
on the subject of Manures (which I re- 
quest care to be taken of). By reading it 
attentively at your Evening or leisure 
hours, you may, by following the precepts 
contained in it, benefit me, and yourself 
too, hereafter. 

As that trusty old negro Jack has taken 
leave of the troubles of this world, you 
must supply his place at the stable or 
rather at the Provender for it, and I 
should think Allison had better keep the 
key of the Corn loft, for I know of no 
black person about the house that is to 
be trusted .... 

P. S. The Pamphlet on Manures is the 
newest & supposed to be from the best 
source of any that has been written. 

7* Feb y , 1796 
....After I hear from you again 
respecting a Miller, I shall be better able 
to determine than now, whether to send 
a miller from hence or not ; especially as, 
all circumstances considered, it may be 
found as well to sell the Wheat in grain 
as to grind it, if the Mill can be rented 
on advantageous terms before the next 
manufacturing season comes on, of which 
I request you to be particular in your 
enquiries that I may know the utmost she 
will rent for. . . . 

May 1, 1 796 
....I am sorry to find that flour 
continues to depreciate in price ; but the 
present cause for this is, the dispute in 
the House of Representatives respecting 
the provisions for carrying the British 
Treaty into effect, which has, for some 
time past, occasioned a suspension in 
purchasing, shipping, & the insurance of 
all sorts of property : but as the discus- 
sion is now brought to a close, it is to be 
hoped, and expected, that matters will 
recover their former tone again. At any 
rate, I will risque their getting worse, 
rather than take the present Alexandria 
price for my flour ; but I repeat what I 
have said in former letters, that I will 
take 15 dollars at six months credit. . . . 

5* June, 1796 
....On Wednesday last Congress 
closed their session ; but there is yet a 
good deal for me to do before I can leave 
the Seat of the Government. My present 
expectation however is, that I shall be 
able to do this on to-morrow week : but 
as this is not certain, and as I shall travel 
slow, to avoid what usually happens to 
me at this season, that is, killing or 
knocking up a horse ; and as we shall, 
moreover, stay a day or two at the Fed- 
eral City [Washington] it is not likely we 
shall arrive at Mount Vernon before the 
20^ or 21- of this month. 

In a few days after we get there, we 
shall be visited, I expect, by characters 
of distinction. I could wish, therefore, 
that the Gardens, Lawns, and everything 
else in, and about the Houses, may be 
got in clean & nice order. If the Gar- 
dener needs aid to accomplish as much 
of this as lyes within his line, let him have 



it ; & let others rake & scrape up all the 
trash of every sort & kind about the 
houses, & in the holes & corners .... 
and as the front gate of the Lawn (by 
the Ivies) is racked, and scarcely to be 
opened, I wish you would order a new 
one (like the old one) to be immediately 
made Let the Rooms in the Ser- 
vants Hall above & below, be well 
cleaned ; and have the Beds & bedsteads 
therein put in order ; after which have a 
good lock put on the door of the west 
room above, and order Caroline, or who- 
ever has the charge of those rooms, to 
suffer no person to sleep, or even to go 
into it, without express orders from her 
mistress or myself. Let exactly the same 
things be done with the Rooms over the 
Kitchen, as there will be a white cook 
with us that will require one of them ; 
and the other may also be wanted for 
some other servants or use — it being 
likely there will be a call for all these 
places. And I hope, especially as there 
is no Ice to keep fresh meats, that you 
will have an abundant supply for the de- 
mands that will probably be made there- 
on during our stay at home ; — and besides 
ascertain from the Butcher in Alexandria 
the stated days on which Beef and Veal 
are killed, that we may know what de- 
pendence to place on him. Tell the 
Gardener I shall expect every thing that 
a Garden ought to produce, in the 
most ample manner. .. .About the time 
you were employing a joiner to do the 
North end of the House, I directed Ve- 
netian blinds to be made, and painted 
green for all the windows on the West 
side of the House, & mentioned the man- 
ner in which I thought it best to execute 
them ; but have never been informed 

what, or whether anything has been done 
in consequence of it. I am equally ig- 
norant whether the dormant windows are 
yet put into the stable & Corn lofts, both 
of which for the purpose of air, is indis- 
pensably necessary, besides adding to the 
appearance of the building. 

Take care to keep a sufficiency of Oats, 
and the best of your old Hay on hand. I 
shall have eight or ten horses of my own 
with me, and there will be many others 
with visitors .... 

If Miss Nelly Custis should apply to 
you for a Cart to Transport her Trunk 
and other things from Doctor Stuarts to 
Mount Vernon, let it be done as soon as 
applied for and something to cover and 
secure the contents against rain, in case 
any should fall while they are on the 

I perceive Mrs. Washington's Mem m . 
herewith sent contains nearly the same 
requests that are made in this letter, but 
I send it notwithstanding. 

I wish you well and am 
Your friend 

G? Washington. 

[Sparks' "Washington" contains some 
letters and papers referring to the fore- 
going subject, as well as diagrams for the 
rotation of crops similar to that on the 
following page, but for earlier years. 
The " Travels " of Brissot and Wansey 
contain accounts of visits they made to 
Mt. Vernon in 1788 and 1794, which the 
interested reader would find it worth his 
while to examine. By a glance at his 
last "plan" it will be seen that he had 
carried it only about half way through at 
the time of his decease.] 




Number of 
the Fields. 








Corn & 

Wheat Rye 
or &c 

Buck wheat 
or &c 

Oats or 

barley with 


or Pulse 

Pasture & 


Pasture & 

Corn & 

Wheat Rye 
or &c 

Buckwheat 1 ,° atSOr . f1 
or&c barley Math 

or Pulse 


or Pulse 

Pasture & 

Corn & 
Pota s 

Wheat Rye 
or &c 

Buck wheat 
or &c 

Oats or 

barley with 



Oats or 

barley with 


Clover or 

Pasture & 

Corn & 

Wheat Rye 
or &c 

Buck wheat 
or &c 


Buck wheat 
or &c 

Oats or 

barley with 


or Pulse 

Pasture & 

Corn & 

Wheat Rye 
or &c 


Wheat Rye 
or &c 

Buck wheat 
or &c 

Oats or 

barley with 


or Pulse 

Pasture & 

Corn & 

JT^tJf &?■ 

o*c . 




&y6 &* 






[The rare tract reprinted below was dis- 
covered by Mr. Halliwell about twenty 
years ago. In 1865 he reprinted it to 
the extent of twenty-five copies, fifteen 
of which be destroyed. In 1875 Bernard 
Quaritch printed twenty-five copies, from 
one of which we produce it now. Halli- 
well, curiously enough, calls this piece a 
little " poem." 

The composition is indeed so much 
doggerel, but historically it is of interest, 
while the student of Shakspeare will con- 
nect it'with the " still vext Bermoothes." 
Mr. Carew Hazlitt thinks that "R. Rich 
was probably related to Barnaby Rich,"] 


With the happy Arriual of that famous and 

worthy knight S r Thomas Gates : and 

the well reputed and valiant Cap- 

taine M T . Christopher New- 

porte, and others, into 


With the maner of their distresse in the Hand of 
Deuils (otherwise called Bermoothawes) 
where they remayned 42. weekes, 
and builded two Pynaces, 
in which they re- 
turned into 



Printed by Rdw : Allde, and are to be solde by Iohri 
Wright, at Christ-Church dore. 1610. 

READER, — how to stile thee I knowe 
not, perhaps Learned, perhaps 
unlearned ; happily captious, happily en- 
vious ; indeed, what or how to tearme 
thee I know not, only as I began I will 

Reader, thou dost peradventure imag- 
ine that I am mercenarie in this busines, 
and write for money (as your moderne 
Poets use) hyred by some of those ever 
to be admired adventurers to flatter the 
world. No, I disclaime it. I have 
knowne the voyage, past the danger, seene 
that honorable work of Virginia, and I 
thanke God am arrivd here to tell thee 
what I have seene, don, and past. If 
thou wilt believe me, so ; if not, so to ; 
for I cannot force thee but to thy owne 
liking. I am a soldier, blunt and plaine, 
and so is the phrase of my newes ; and I 
protest it is true. If thou aske why I 
put it in verse, I prethee knowe it was 
onely to feede mine owne humour. I 
must confesse that, I had not debard 
myselfe of that large scope which to the 
writing of prose is allowed, I should have 
much easd myselfe, and given thee better 
content. But I intreat thee to take this 
as it is, and before many daies expire, I 
will promise thee the same worke more 
at large. 

I did feare prevention by some of your 
writers, if they should have gotten but 
some part of the newes by the tayje, and 
therefore, though it be rude, let it passe 
with thy liking, and in so doing I shall 
like well of thee ; but, how ever, I have 
not long to stay. If thou wilt be unnat- 
urall to thy countryman, thou maist, — I 
must not loose my patrymonie. I am 



for Virginia againe, and so I will bid thee 
hartily farewell with an honest verse, — 

As I came nether to see my native land, 
To waft me backe lend me thy gentle 

Thy loving Country-man, 

R. R. 






IT is no idle fabulous tale, 
nor is it fayned newes : 
For Truth herselfe is heere arriv'd, 
because you should not muse. 
With her both Gates and Newport come, 

to tell Report doth lye, 
Which did devulge unto the world, 
that they at sea did dye. 

Tis true that eleaven monthes and more, 

these gallant worthy wights 
Was in the shippe Sea-venture nam'd 

depriv'd Virginia's sight. 
And bravely did they glyde the maine, 

till Neptune gan to frowne, 
As if a courser prowdly backt 

would throwe his ryder downe. 

The seas did rage, the windes did blowe, 

distressed were they then ; 
Their ship did leake, her tacklings breake, 

in daunger were her men. 
But heaven was pylotte in this storme, 

and to an iland nere, 
Bermoothawes cail'd, conducted then, 

which did abate their feare. 

But yet these worthies forced were, 
opprest with weather againe, 

To runne their ship betweene two rockes, 
where she doth still remaine. 

And then on shoare the iland came, 
. inhabited by hogges, 

Some foule and tortoyses there were, 
they onely had one dogge. 

To kill these swyne, to yeild them foode 

that little had to eate, 
Their store was spent, and all things scant, 

alas ! they wanted meate. 
A thousand hogges that dogge did kill, 

their hunger to sustaine, 
And with such foode did in that ile 

two and forty weekes remaine. 1 

And there two gallant pynases 

did build of seader-tree ; 
The brave Deliverance one was cail'd, 

of seaventy tonne was shee. 
The other Patience had to name, 

her burthen thirty tonne ; 
Two only of their men which there 

pale death did overcome. 

And for the losse of these two soules, 

which were accounted deere, 
A sonne and daughter then was borne, 

and were baptized there. 
The two and forty weekes being past, 

they hoyst sayle and away ; 
Their ships with hogs well freighted were, 

their harts with mickle joy. 

And so unto Virginia came, 

where these brave souldiers finde 

1 On the foregoing see Strachey's " True repor- 
tory of the wracke," etc., in " Purchas His Pil- 
grimes," iv., 1734. Recent discussions of the 
subject by "The New Shakspere Society" ren- 
der it probable that Strachey's narrative suggested 
the play of "' The Tempest." 



The English-men opprest with greife 

and discontent in minde. 
They seem'd distracted and forlorne, 

for those two worthyes losse, 
Yet at their home returne they joyd, 

among'st them some were crosse. 

And in the mid'st of discontent 

came noble Delaware ; 
He heard the greifes on either part, 

and sett them free from care. 
He comforts them and cheeres their hearts, 

that they abound with joy ; 
He feedes them full and feedes their soules 

with Gods word every day. 

A discreet counsell he creates 

of men of worthy fame, 
That noble Gates leiftenant was 

the admirall had to name. 
The worthy Sir George Somers knight, 

and others of commaund ; 
Maister Georg Pearcy, which is brother 

unto Northumberland. 

Sir Fardinando Wayneman knight, 

and others of good fame, 
That noble lord his company, 

which to Virginia came, 
And landed there ; his number was 

one hundred seaventy ; then 
Ad to the rest, and they make full 

foure hundred able men. 

Where they unto their labour fall 

as men that meane to thrive ; 
Let's pray that heaven mayblesse them all, 

and keep them long alive. 
Those men that vagrants liv'd with us, 

have there deserved well ; ' 
Their governour writes in their praise, 

as divers letters tel. 

1 This was predicted by Hakluyt, who saw mul- 
titudes around him living loosely for lack of work. 

And to th' adventurers thus he writes 

be not dismayd at all, 
For scandall cannot doe us wrong 

God will not let us fall. 
Let England knowe our willingnesse, 

for that our worke is good ; 
Wee hope to plant a nation, 

where none before hath stood. 2 

To glorifie the lord tis done, 

and to no other end ; 
He that would crosse so good a worke, 

to God can be no friend. 
There is no feare of hunger here, 

for corne much store here growes, 
Much fish the gallant rivers yeild, 

tis truth without suppose. 

Great store of fowle, of venison, 

of grapes and mulberries, 
Of chesnuts, walnuts, and such like 

of fruits and strawberries, 
There is indeed no want at all, 

but some, condiciond ill, 
That wish the worke should not goe on, 

with words doe seeme to kill. 

And for an instance of their store, 

the noble Delaware 
Hath for the present hither sent, 

to testifie his care 
In mannaging so good a worke, 

two gallant ships, by name 

2 After the return of Gosnold from New Eng- 
land in 1602, Walter Raleigh wrote, "I shall yet 
live to see it an Inglish nation " (JV. E. Hist. Gen. 
Reg., 1878, p. 76). He lived to see the coast of 
Maine alive with British industry, while represen- 
tative government was already established in Vir- 
ginia when the Pilgrims landed at Cape Cod. See 
Bancroft's History, revised edition, 1883, I., ch. 
vii., "Virginia Obtains Civil Liberty;" and 
page 105, where Shakspeare declares that King 
James shall " make new nations." 



The Blessing and the Hercules, 
well fraught, and in the same 

Two ships, are these commodities, 

furres, sturgeon, caviare, 
Blacke walnut-tree, and some deale boords, 

with such they laden are ; 
Somepearle, some wainscot andclapbords, 

with some sassafras wood, 
And iron promist, for tis true 

their mynes are very good. 

Then, maugre scandall, false report, 

or any opposition, 
Th' adventurers doe thus devulge 

to men of good condition, 
That he that wants shall have reliefe, 

be he of honest minde, 
Apparel, coyne, or any thing, 

To such they will be kinde. 

To such as to Virginia 

do purpose to repaire ; 
And when that they shall thither come, 

each man shall have his share. 
Day wages for the laborer, 

and for his more content, 
A house and garden plot shall have ; 

besides, t'is further ment 

That every man shall have a part, 

and not thereof denaid, 
Of generall profit, as if that he 

twelve pounds ten shillings paid ; 
And he that in Virginia 

Shall copper coyne receive, 
For hyer or commodities, 

and will the country leave 

Upon delivery of such coyne 

unto the Governour, 
Shall by exchange at his re turn e 

be by their treasurer 

Paid him in London at first sight, 
No man shall cause to grieve, 

For 'tis their generall will and wish 
That every man should live. 

The number of adventurers, 

that are for this plantation, 
Are full eight hundred worthy men, 

some noble, all of fashion. 
Good, discreete, their work is good, 

and as they have begun, 
May Heaven assist them in their worke, 

and thus our newes is done. 



The little hatchet — An editorial 
almanac, calculated for the new year, in 
the place of the prognostications found 
in " The Old Farmer's Almanac," would 
contain hints for the guidance of the 
knights of the quill. Thus, early in 
February, where " Robert B. Thomas " 
warns the simple husbandman to "expect 
rain, or snow, or variable weather," we 
might find an admonition to look out 
sharply for squibs about George Washing- 
ton, and be prepared to say smart things 
concerning his "little hatchet ;" for the 
"variable" February of the perennial 
Thomas is not more inevitable than the 
stale jests that flow from the paragrapher's 
pen upon the return of the day observed 
as the anniversary of Washington's birth. 
It seems hard for some persons to believe 
that Washington ever had a hatchet, and 
still harder to believe that he ever chopped 
a tree. Hardest of all is it for them to 
believe that one whose m,anhood and old 
age were alike exempt from falsehood, 



and who afforded the loftiest example of 
probity and honor, should not, when 
questioned, without hesitation tell a lie. 
They need to go only one step farther, 
and deny that Washington ever was a 

Seriously, have we not had enough of 
this sort of thing in years past, and would 
it not add to the dignity of American 
history if we could have fewer of these 
venerable gibes about Washington in the 
years to come ? 

The sharpless-washington portrait 
— tobias lear — The portrait of Washing- 
ton engraved for the current number of 
The Magazine is from an original crayon 
and water-color study in possession of 
Frederick S. Tallmadge, Esq., of New 
York City, who kindly consents to its 
reproduction. It forms one of the series 
made by Sharpless in 1796, and after, 
other specimens of which are mentioned 
in Mrs. Johnston's recent work on 
Washington's portraits. In that work 
she introduces a photograph of the Sharp- 
less picture, formerly in possession of the 
Custis family in Virginia, and which was 
pronounced by Miss Custis one of the 
most faithful in existence. The present 
portrait is of equal fidelity and value, 
and especially interesting from the fact 
that it was a gift from Washington 
himself to his old friend, Colonel Ben- 
jamin Tallmadge, in whose family it has 
remained ever since. No Sharpless- 
Washington has been engraved before 
this, with the exception of that by Aiken 
and Harrison, in 1800, and a plate made 
from another specimen for a private col- 
lector, which was destroyed after the 
printing of fifty copies. The latter, we 

believe, were never published. The por- 
trait represents the Father of his Country 
as he appeared two years before his 
death — or the latest known. 

Tobias Lear, whose extensive signature 
appears below, reduced in size, became 
Washington's Secretary in 1785 and con- 
tinued with him until his death. The 
Washington farm-letters, in possession of 
the Long Island Historical Society, show 
that Lear was interested in the planting 
of trees on the Mount Vernon estate. 



The oglethorpe portrait — The Gen- 
tleman's Magazine, 1735, p. 778, offers 
a medal to the person writing the best 
poem on the "Christian Hero." It was 
to bear "the head of the Rt. Hon. the 
Lady Elizabeth Hastings on one side, 
and that of James Oglethorpe, Esq., 
on the other, with this Motto — England 
may Challenge the World, 1736." 
The medal actually awarded does not 
bear the foregoing motto, and, in the place 
of Lady Hastings, we find Tillotson, as 
given in the same magazine, 1747, op- 
posite page 525. It weighed " ten guin- 
eas," as stated on page 526. Wright, 
in his Memoir of Oglethorpe (p. 390), re- 
fers to a portrait of the founder of Geor- 
gia as having been in the possession of 
one Mrs. Dickinson, of Tottenham, and 
says that "the only engraved likeness" 
of Oglethorpe was taken shortly before 
his death while he was reading without 
glasses at the sale of Dr. Johnson's library, 



1 785. In Evans' sale catalogue of portraits 
(p. 254) it is put down as a print in quarto, 
by Ireland, priced at one and sixpence. 
Number 7832 in the same catalogue is a 
portrait of Oglethorpe in octavo, marked 
sixpence. Wright also says (p. 390) that 
Oglethorpe sat to Reynolds for his por- 
trait in 1780, and that the picture was 
destroyed by fire at Belvoir ; while another 
portrait of the General, with an Indian 
pupil standing by his side, was presented 
by himself to Mr. Noble Jones, of Geor- 
gia. This, according to McCall (i. 324) 
was lost at the capture of Savannah by 
the British. The Gentleman's Magazine, 
1785 (p. 517), says of the medal, that it 
was " broken after a few were struck off." 
The portrait on the medal, which we give 
on page 120 of The Magazine, may, pos- 
sibly, be regarded as the basis of the like- 
ness on page 117, from a copy furnished 
by Col. T. Bailey Meyers. Stevens, who 
gave a copy of the portrait in his His- 
tory of Georgia, says that his copy was 
made from an original engraving in the 
possession of George Wymberly Jones, 
which was inherited by that gentleman 
from his great-grandfather, George Jones. 

Muscongus — Prof. F. W. Putnam, Cu- 
rator of the Peabody Museum, writes 
respecting Muscongus, the island home 
of Samoset (vin. 820) : " I made a visit 
last September to the island which tra- 
dition gives as the home (and some say 
burial-place) of 'Samoset.' It is now 
called Muscongus Island and Lands 
Island. There was formerly an Indian 
burial-place at the northern end of the 
island, but the sea has washed the point, 
and now there is nothing but a low re- 

gion of sand and stones washed by high 
tides. On the sand we found a large 
number of chips of stone, several ham- 
mer-stones, and a number of chipped 
stone points (arrow-heads, etc.). There 
is a small shell heap on the higher land 
at the end of the island. There is no 
doubt about a number of skeletons hav- 
ing been washed out, and several years 
ago one was washed out of the sand. I 
did not find any signs of human bones, 
and it is very likely that the point where 
the burials took place has been entirely 
washed away. On the islands and main- 
land, on both sides of Muscongus Sound, 
there are many shell heaps, and the one 
I gave my special attention to is on the 
land a little to the north of Muscongus 
Island. The place is called Keene's 
Point or Neck." 

A Washington letter — The follow- 
ing autograph memorandum of Washing- 
ton belongs to Professor Charles E. An- 
thon, of this city, and is curious as 
bearing the General's signature in two 
forms, while it illustrates his private hab- 
its, his minute carefulness, and his orthog- 
raphy : 

" Colonel Laurens will be so good as 
to bring the following things for 

" Gen'l Washington 

" A Travelling razor case with every- 
thing complete — To be strong — portable 
& compendious — Leather perhaps would 
be best. 

"A best pocket reconnoiterer — or 

" A very small case of Pocket Instru- 
m'ts, containing a scale, dividers, &c. 

"A good Saddle, bridle & furniture 



(excluding Pistols fit for a repulican Gen- 

11 2 doz'n dishes sized ] w f 
" 4 doz'nSoup-& [§ j something 
"Sdoz'nShaller j 5 I very light tor 

J I the Fild. 
"A watch string 

"Go. Washington. 
"30th Jan'y. 1781." 

The secret of our military suc- 
cess — Died at Great Barrington, Mass., 
March 24, 1812, in the one hundred and 
third year of his age, Mr. John Whitty. 
He was born at Anspach, in Germany, 
January 1, 1710. He was in the service 
of the King of Prussia, Frederick the 
Great, at the famous siege of Prague, 
and was with that monarch in several 
battles. He used to state that he had 
been in the service of seven powers, and 
had deserted from all excepting America. 
He always gave as a reason why he had 
not deserted from the service of the United 
States, that here he found a plenty of good 
f . — Evening Post, April 14, 181 2. 


Russell Smith, of London, printed the 
following description of a rare Maryland 
tract in his catalogue for December, 1882 : 

Letter from Donald MacPherson, a 
young Lad who was sent to Virginia with 
Captaine Toline in 1715, on account of 
having joined his Chieftain (the Old Pre- 
tender) in the cause of his King and 
Country ; he was born near the House of 
Culloden, where his father then lived. 
Small folio Broadside. ^5. 5s. 1777. 

A singular and perhaps unique Broad- 
side, relating to Maryland, written in 

broad Anglo Scotch. Tonal Makaferson, 
as he signs himself, dates from Portoba- 
go, in Marylan, te 2nd June, 171 7, and 
describes how the "Tombako, and de 
Switis an de Apels an de Shirris, an de 
Pires grou in the Wuds wan tin Tyks aput 
dem, de Swynes, de Teuks, and Durkies 
giangs in de Wuds wantin Mesters, de 
Tombako grous shust lyke de Dokins 
at de Bak o de Lairts Yat," etc., and is 
not surprised the u Servants grou uncou 
rich." He addresses his letter " for 
Shames Makaferson, neir to Lairt of Cul- 
lottin's Hous, neir Inverness, in de Nort 
ofScotlan." Collector 

Yorktown panorama — This exhibi- 
tion, now open at the corner of Fifty- 
ninth Street and Madison Avenue, New 
York City, deserves mention as presenting 
a well-known historical scene in a graphic 
and instructive manner. It is the famous 
field of 1 78 1 on canvas, skilfully repro- 
duced, the topography, which includes 
the country for some miles around York- 
town, being made a special study by the 
artist, M. Roul Arus, of Paris. The spec- 
tator finds himself in the centre of an 
American redoubt overlooking the field 
on all sides, and witnessing especially 
the act and ceremonies of the surrender. 
The artist has been compelled to sacri- 
fice some details for the sake of clearer 
illustration, but the total impression is 
effective and correct. The British line 
of defences is omitted, which strikes us 
as a mistake, and the position of the 
troops on the occasion of the surrender 
is not the actual one ; but it is evident that 
the latter could not have been retained 
as a prominent feature from the selected 
view-point. An n Indian Contingent " 



is introduced on the American side (on 
what authority is not stated), nor did 
O'Hara and his staff appear on horse- 
back j but the uniforms, the arms, equip- 
ments, standards, company formation, 
style of marching, are faithful in histori- 
cal detail. Barring minor and perhaps 
necessary inaccuracies, the whole is a 
picture of great interest and merit. 

The canvas is some four hundred feet 
long and sixty feet in height, the scene 
brilliantly executed, and the perspective 
quite remarkable in its gradation of dis- 
tances. Although the enterprise is purely 
a private and business one, it is worth 
noticing that it is French in conception, 
a French company having been organized, 
in the enthusiasm of the " Yorktown Cen- 
tennial" in 1881, to exhibit a scene which 
reflected a common glory upon America 
and France. 


Father of his country — When was 
this title first applied to Washington in 
a public manner — either in an address, 
book, or newspaper ? Colonel Richard 
Butler, of Pennsylvania, introduces it in his 
Yorktown diary in a connection from 
which one would infer that he was not 
repeating a current expression. Men- 
tioning, September 13, 1781, the arrival 
of Washington at Mount Vernon, on 
his way to Yorktown, he adds : " He 
has not been within his own door for 
seven years, indeed not since he was 
first a member of Congress in the year 
1775, all of which time he has been a 
most faithful patriot and servant of his 
country. From the citizen he was a 

counsellor, then a general, and in reality 
the Father of the people ; he has nobly 
shared in all their misfortunes, showing 
the utmost fortitude and regularity of 
conduct — indeed the able statesman has 
appeared in all his actions." — Hist. Mag., 
vol. viii., p. 105 (1864). D. J- 

Seal of the "council for new Eng- 
land" — In arranging for the publication 
of the "Trelauny Papers," it being de- 
sirable to have a. facsimile of the patent 
from the Council to Robert Trelauny, I 
thought it would add to the interest of 
the subject to have a correct representa- 
tion of the seal of the Council attached ; 
but, upon examination, much to my re- 
gret, I found a large portion of the seal 
gone. I supposed, however, at the mo- 
ment, that I could find a copy of the 
Council's seal somewhere ; but I now 
learn that no specimen has yet been 
found, but that it was supposed that the 
arms impressed on the reverse of the title- 
page of Captain Smith's "Advertisements 
for the Unexperienced Planters of New 
England, or Anywhere," London, 1631, 
were identical with it. Dr. Palfrey, in 
the large paper edition, " History of New 
England," published in 1865, refers to the 
subject as follows: "The title-page to 
this edition is embellished with an en- 
graved copy of what was probably the 
seal of the Council for New England. 
When I was in England I took great 
pains to find an impression of that seal, 
but without success, which surprised me, 
the patents issued by the Council having 
been so numerous. An impression of 
the seal in wax is attached to the patent 
of Plymouth Colony, issued in 1629; but 
it has been so broken and defaced that 



the device is un distinguishable. Mr. 
Charles Deane believes that he has dis- 
covered this in an embellishment of the 
title-page of two of the publications of 
Captain John Smith. I might do injus- 
tice to Air. Deane's ingenious argument 
(which, I understand, will soon be pub- 
lished in a volume of the Proceedings 
of the Massachusetts Historical Society) 
should I attempt to exhibit it. It will 

be found to have great force. — J. G. P. 
Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1865, July 21." 
Those interested in examining further 
what has been printed on the subject, 
are referred to the Proceedings of the 
above-mentioned Society, pages 469 to 
473, for 1867, and pages 94 to 99, for 
1867 and 1869. From the fragments at- 
tached to the Trelauny Patent, of which 
a drawing is appended, I am led to be- 
lieve that the seal used by the Council 

differs materially from the one repre- 
sented in Smith's publications. It will 
be seen that on the larger fragment is a 
part of the hull of a vessel, and that on 
the portion bearing the lower part of a 
human figure the legs are crossed, 
neither of which are to be found in the 
seal hitherto supposed to be the seal of 
the Council. Fortunately, too, we have 
three letters of a motto, namely, A, G, 
and another broken, but evidently N. 
Upon examining the motto on the sup- 
posed seal, no such letters are found in 
juxtaposition, showing that the motto on 
this seal was not the one borne upon the 
seal of Trelauny's Patent. I have been 
sufficiently interested in the matter to or- 
der impressions to be taken of the frag- 
ments in the British Museum, hoping 
that by thus doing I may be able to re- 
construct the Council's seal, or a goodly 
portion of it. Perhaps some reader of 
The Magazine may be able to add to our 
information on the subject. 

James P. Baxter 

McNeil — Can you give me any infor- 
mation, or direct me how to go to work 
to get at the facts relative to the career 
of Captain Daniel McNeil, U. S. N., who 
was dropped from that service, owing to 
reduction, about 1802 ? He joined the 
Revenue Cutter Service, and Cooper in 
his " Naval History " says : " He per- 
formed a gallant thing while in command 
of a cutter." 

He was, I believe, a native of South 

H. D. Smith, Lt. U. S. N. 

Navigation of the susquehanna — 
The newspapers of May. 18 12, contain this 



item : " Mr. William Bennet died lately 
in Chenango township, aged 101 years. 
He built the first keel-boat that ever 
floated on the Susquehanna." 

Will some subscriber in Pennsylvania 
kindly add to this the date and particu- 
lars of construction ? Minto 

The British hero — " The British 
Hero in Captivity. A. Poem. Dedi- 
cated to His Royal Highness, the Prince 
of Wales." 4to, 1782. This title is from 
Nichol's Literary Anecdotes, vol. viii., 
p. 118, 1814. The hero is Lord Corn- 
wallis. The principal subjects are the 
surrender of Yorktovvn, the horrors of the 
American War, the perfidy of France, 
and the praises of Major Andre, General 
Arnold, and Prince William. Has this 
piece ever been reprinted ? 

J. C. Brevoort 


The statue of king george — On this 
subject, already referred to in The Maga- 
zine [viii. 854 and ix. 71], I may give the 
following statement respecting the dis- 
covery of some remains of the statue. It 
is furnished by Mr. E. B. Coley, of Wilton, 
Conn. D. 

"The circumstances connected with the 
case are traditional, none being authenti- 
cated by record. This piece of the statue 
was in the possession of a family by the 
name of Sloane, consisting of Daniel and 
his sister. They were sturdy Royalists, 
having been born in England. They 
owned a small place in what is now Wil- 
ton, and were very eccentric in their 
habits. At the death of the brother, the 

sister applied to the town for support, 
which she received until the time of her 
death. After the occurrence of this event 
the town officials visited the place, to see 
if anything could be found to compensate 
the town for the aid and support furnished. 
In searching the premises several bundles 
of carpet-rags were found, which appeared 
heavier than such articles usually are. 
These being opened, $110 in silver was 
found, besides other articles of value. 
As regards the statue, it was generally 
known that they had a portion thereof, 
and at different times efforts were made 
to obtain it, but no consideration would 
induce them to part with it, they having 
apparently a reverence for this memento 
of departed royalty. After their death 
it could not be found, and it was surmised 
that it had been secreted by its possessors. 

" The property changed hands and their 
humble dwelling was demolished, but no 
trace of the fragment of the statue could 
be found. In the spring of 1871, while 
levelling and improving a piece of ground 
a few feet to the rear of where the old 
Sloane place stood, I dug up the lead. It 
was some three feet under ground, and 
must have lain there nearly one hundred 

" Tradition says that it was brought from 
New York in a transport, which stopped 
on the beach between Norwalk and 
Saugatuck, and the cargo was then taken 
inland. Some of the tories obtained 
pieces and hid them. The greater portion 
of it, however, was taken to Litchfield and 
converted into bullets for the use of the 
patriot army." 

Friar leo — On this subject [viii. 855] 
I may say that while spending the win- 



ter of 1873-4 at Rome, I improved the 
opportunity to make some inquiries, 
but with little success. The General of 
the Order referred me to a work just then 
published, and gave me a note of intro- 
duction to the head of a convent in a 
distant part of the city, whither I was 
piloted by a monk, who insisted upon 
walking, and forced me to travel several 
miles on foot — my guide being barefoot. 
Upon reaching our destination, the 
brother to whom I had been recom- 
mended was found to be no wiser than 
myself. Three hours of tramping on a 
sharp frosty morning led to nothing more 
than the following entries in my note-book: 

" Notes of Friar Leo, of Paris. Cap- 
uchin General at Rome says that Friar 
Leo went to America in the year 1632. 
Leo appears to have founded the house 
in Maine, June 8, 1648. 

" 1. See 'Annal. Francise,' Juin, 1865, 
p. 645. 

" 2. See * Storia Dell Missioni Cap- 
pucini.' Barberini, Rome, 1873, vo ^ i n -> 
p. 680. 

"3. See 'Storia Dell Missioni Cap- 
pucirie.' By P. Roco Da Cerneols, vol. i. 
Published by P. Letheilene, Paris, Rue 
Casselle, No. 23. 

" Also see ' Eloges Historiques des 
illustres Capucins de la Province de 
Paris,' vol. hi." D. 

General samuel meredith — I desire 
to correct the following paragraph in Mr. 
Wharton Dickenson's interesting sketch 
of General Samuel Meredith which ap- 
peared in The Magazine for September, 
1879 [ill. 555]: "Reese Meredith, the 
father, was a native of Leominster, Here- 
fordshire, where he was born in 1708. 

His father John Meredith, a woollen mer- 
chant of that town, was the youngest son 
of Richard Meredith of Presteigne, gen- 
tleman, living in 1673," etc - This should 
read : 

Reese Meredith, the father, was a 
native of Llandoglen, in the County of 
Radnor, Wales, where he was born in 
1705. His father, "Reese Meredith of 
Llandoglen, Esquire," was the son of the 
representative of the senior line of Mere- 
diths of Radnorshire, to whose junior 
branch in the person of Edward Mere- 
dith, son of Griffith Meredith and grand- 
son of Thomas Meredith, Queen Eliza- 
beth confirmed the following arms in 
1572, which had been those of the senior 
line from time immemorial, viz. : 

Arms — Argent, a lion rampant, sable 
gorged with a plain collar and chain, or 
— and charged on the shoulder with a 
crescent. [To distinguish the junior from 
the senior line.] 

Crest — A demi lion sable, gorged with 
a ducal coronet, with chain attached and 
reflexed over the back, or. E. M. R. 

Albany, N. Y. 

The arms of officers [ix. 69] — In a 
letter by the late Joseph H. Pierce, com- 
municated to the Boston Tra?iscript, 
and describing the pre-revolutionary 
Corps of Grenadiers of that city, the 
writer says : " The officers were armed 
with carbines as well as cut and thrust 
swords." Boston 

Kosciusko again [viii. 854] — In the 
" Memorial History of Boston " (iii. 99) is 
a facsimile of a drawing by Kosciusko, 
of Captain Judah Alden of the Revolu- 



tionary Army, the original of which is 
owned by Alden's descendants. J. W. 

I have a portrait of Jefferson, with this 
inscription : " Dessine par Tadee Kos- 
ciusko, grave sur acier, 1820, par Antoine 
Oleszezynski." Charles Henry Hart 

There is in the possession of the New 
Haven Colony Historical Society a draw- 
ing in pencil, said to have been made 
by Kosciusko. The subject is the cabin- 
boy of the ship on which Kosciusko 
crossed the Atlantic, probably on the oc- 
casion of his second visit to America, in 
1797. A likeness, in water-colors, by 
the same hand, of the commander of the 
vessel (Captain Lee), is preserved by 
the widow of Captain Lee's adopted 
son, Mrs. Hannah Scranton, of Madison, 
Conn., by whom the pencil sketch was 
given. W. G. A. 

Washington as an angler [viii. 
855] — Washington was an extensive sur- 
veyor, and was there ever one of his craft 
who didn't handle the fishing-rod ? That 
he had a true angler's taste is evident 
from two brief notes which appear in the 
lately printed family memorial of General 
Samuel B. Webb, of the Revolution — one 
from General Robert Howe, running in 
part as follows : 

" Robinson' Sj 6 th June, 1782. 
" Dear Sir : — General Washington 
dines with me to-morrow ; he is exceed- 
ingly fond of salt fish.... If you could 
conveniently lend me as much fish as 
would serve a pretty large company for 
dinner to-morrow (at least for one Dish), 
it will oblige me and shall be in a very 
few days returned in as good Dun Fish 
as ever you saw. 

"Excuse this freedom and it will add 

to the favor — could you not prevail upon 
Somebody to catch some Trout for me 
early to-morrow morning." 

The other note is from Washington to 
Webb, 1 781: 

" Gen Washington presents his Com- 
pliments to Col. Webb, and begs his ac- 
ceptance of a Salmon — herewith. 

" Tuesday Mor'g." 

[See on this ante, p. 127.] 

LAND [viii. 766] — The following extract 
from an English newspaper of March 25, 
1876, will be of interest in connection 
with your notes on this subject : 

" The Washington Family in Furness. 
— We hear that the indefatigable enthu- 
siast [Miss Fanny Bland] who is pursuing 
the tangled trail of the Washington pedi- 
gree, has found a perfect nest of Wash- 
ingtons at Dalton-in-Furness. A refer- 
ence to that valuable book, ' West's 
Guide to Furness,' will show that the 
chief families of Furness bore a coat of 
arms of red and white stripes, denoting 
that they held under the Lancasters, Bar- 
ons of Kendal, who bore the same. The 
American flag, the famous * stars and 
stripes,' is said to have been taken from 
George Washington's coat of arms, and 
thus probability is added to the idea that 
his ancestors came from Furness. Can 
any of our Furness friends look up their 
old title deeds, and see what property the 
Washingtons held in that district ?" 

The History of the Parish ofSedbergh, 
and of the Sedbergh Grammar School 
[compiled by A. E. Piatt], published at 
London by Longmans & Co., 1876, con- 
tain reference to the Washingtons. 





The historical and philosophical 
society of ohio — This Society held a 
meeting December 4th, in the College 
Building, Cincinnati, President M. F. 
Force in the chair. The Librarian re- 
ported that the library contains : Bound 
volumes, 7,896, against 7,598 last year; 
pamphlets, 35,877, against 31,039 last 
year, being a gain of 298 volumes and 
1,838 pamphlets. The contributions 
have been: Bound volumes, 291, against 
253 last year; pamphlets, 2,623, against 
1,945 last year. The contributions to 
the cabinets have been many and valu- 
able. Mr. A. T. Goshorn's gift of 67 
volumes, 303 pamphlets, and over 400 
photographs, all relating to the Centen- 
nial Exposition at Philadelphia, 1876, is 
one of the most valuable ever made to 
the Society, the historical importance of 
these documents increasing with time. 

The Treasurer reported the receipts 
for the year at $1,497.09. The Endow- 
ment, $7,220. Life Membership Fund, 
$1,009. Building Fund, $6,871.93. 

The officers elected for 1883 are : 
Manning F. Force, President ; Smith- 
son E. Wright, Vice-President ; Jacob 
Burnet, Vice-President ; Robert Clarke, 
Corresponding Secretary ; Julius Dexter, 
Recording Secretary ; Eugene F. Bliss, 
Treasurer ; Eliz H. Appleton, Librarian ; 
Gustav Bruehl, John D. Caldwell, Charles 
P. Davis, Albert H. Chatfield, H. A. 
Rattermann, Curators. 

of Weymouth history. The subject has 
been the puzzle of students of this period 
prior to 1644, and it was with no little 
interest that he was listened to. The 
ablest investigator who has hitherto treat- 
ed the subject is Charles Francis Adams, 
Jr., and in his following there are only a 
few, and among them, allowing judgment 
to be formed from this paper, is Mr. 
Nash. Weymouth was the rendezvous 
of the Morton adventurers. They were 
here in the fall of 1622, and there were 
those who came with the Gorges a year 
or two later. The colony, according to 
Mr. Nash, never entirely disbanded. 
There are no early records in the town 
or church, and all that is left to build 
upon are the hints found in other papers 
and documents, and these authorities are 
Puritanic. The early settlers of Wey- 
mouth were of the Established Church, 
and the Rev. Mr. Morrell, who was with 
them, was their pastor. 

The new England historic gene- 
alogical society — At the December 
meeting, Mr. Gilbert Nash, of Weymouth, 
gave a paper upon the first twenty years 

Massachusetts historical society 
— At a recent meeting, Mr. Charles 
Deane placed upon the table a photo- 
graphic reproduction of the interesting 
map known as Cabot's mappemonde, 
preserved among the treasures of the 
national library at Paris. This map was 
found in Germany in 1842, and given to 
the Paris library the following year. A 
description of it was prepared by the em- 
inent scholar, M. d'Avezac, and published 
in the "Bulletin" of the French Geog- 
raphical Society ; M. Jomard included it 
in his " Monuments de la Geographie," 
and this learned editor intended to pre- 
pare a volume of texte, which should in- 
clude the historical inc'riptions, or Vegendes, 
on this map, but his death interrupted the 



work. It was again stayed by the death 
of M. d'Avezac, who had consented to 
complete Jomard's labors. There are 
thirty-eight of these inscriptions, in Span- 
ish and Latin. From one of them we 
get the well-known extract that John 
Cabot, a Venetian, and Sebastian, his 
son, discovered a country, hitherto un- 
known, in the year 1494 (1497), on the 
24th of July (Junej, about five o'clock in 
the morning. The landfall is laid down 
at Cape Breton. All these inscriptions 
are reproduced in the photograph now 

Mr. Deane said that he would not now 
enter into any discussion of the different 
opinions concerning this map, nor of the 
questions raised by it. He contented 
himself with giving an account of the at- 
tempts that had been made to obtain a 
good copy of the map and its legends. 
Thanks to the kind intervention of the 
Society's president, Hon. Robert C. Win- 
throp, during his late visit to Paris, all 
the many difficulties had been overcome. 
He had now the pleasure to present to 
the Society, in Mr. Winthrop's name, a 
very successful copy of this interesting 
and valuable map. Nine additional cop- 
ies of this photograph had been subscribed 
for by prominent libraries in this country, 
and are expected to arrive without delay. 

In this connection reference may be 
made to the fact that Mr. Higginson, in 
Harper 's Monthly for January, gives a 
section of what purports to be the Cabot 
map, the very portion, in fact, now so ac- 
cessible, but which, in this case, turns out 
to be nothing more than a reproduction 
of the sketch by Nicholls, of Bristol. 
Thus Mr. Higginson joins with the trans- 
Atlantic author in transmitting the eleven 

thousand unhappy Virgins (Onsmel y 
giuis) into a mountain [Mt. Semcl 
gines). The error was pointed out in 
The Magazine [viii. 633], and yet the 
war against the virgins is pushed here in 
America. Now, however, that the Mas- 
sachusetts Historical Society has secured 
a photographic copy of the map, it is to 
be hoped that this incorrigible persecu- 
tion may be put a stop to. 

The new England societies — New 
York and Brooklyn each have societies 
of this order, and by selecting different 
days for celebrating the Landing of the 
Pilgrims, the members of both have a 
chance to eat two dinners ; since ferries 
are not like those interposing mountains 
that "make enemies of nations." The 
two celebrations passed off this year on 
the 2 1 st and 2 2d, with much spirit. These 
celebrations, however, are phenomenal 
and unequalled, as might be pointed out 
if there were space ; but we are only able 
to observe here that this year in particu- 
lar they were noticeable, (1) from the 
fact that the speeches raised shouts of 
laughter over those principles that the 
Leyden Pilgrims held sacred, and (2) from 
the fact that the loudest applause attend- 
ed the statement of other principles at- 
tributed to them, but which in reality they 
disowned. The moral is easily discov- 
ered. Read some tolerable book of New 
England History before attempting Pil- 
grim orations, and subscribe for The 
Magazine of American History. 

Wisconsin historical society — The 
annual meeting took place at Madison, 
January 5th, Vice-President Harlow S. 
Orton in the chair. The Secretary, Dr. 



Lyman C. Draper, read his annual re- 
port, showing volumes and pamphlets 
added during the year, 5,189, making a 
total of 100,189. Among other impor- 
tant additions is the completion of a set 
of autographs of the fifty- six signers of the 
Declaration of Independence, and a full 
set also of the thirty-nine signers of the 
Constitution of the United States. The 
Treasurer reported the disbursements for 
the year as $4,991.79, and the funds of 
the Society, $10,279.96. The following 
officers, among others, were elected : 
President, Hon. John A. Rice, of Mer- 
ton, Waukesha County ; Vice-Presidents, 
Hon. Harlow S. Orton, LL.D., Madison ; 
Hon. Morgan L. Martin, Green Bay ; 
Hon. James T. Lewis, LL.D., Columbus ; 
Hon. James Sutherland, Janesville • Hon. 
M. M. Davis. Baraboo ; Chauncey C. 
Britt, Esq., Portage City ; Hon. John 
H. Rountree, Platteville ; Hon. Simeon 
Mills, Madison ; Hon. J. F. Potter, East 
Troy; Samuel Marshall, Esq., Milwau- 
kee ; Hon. John T. Kingston, Necedah ; 
Gen. David Altwood, Madison ; Hon. 
Moses M. Strong, Mineral Point ; Hon. 
Thad. C. Pound, Chippewa Falls ; Hon. 
J. J. Guppey, Portage City ; Fred. S. 
Perkins, Esq., Burlington ; Correspond- 
ing Secretary, Lyman C. Draper, LL.D; ; 
Recording Secretary, Robert M. Bash- 
ford ; Treasurer, Hon. A. H. Main ; 
Librarian, Daniel S. Durrie ; Assistant 
Librarians, Miss Isabel Durrie and Isaac 
S. Bradley. 

fifty-four years. The regular business of 
the Society was attended to during the 
morning and afternoon. An address was 
given by Professor F. W. Putnam, of Cam- 
bridge, on the " Shell Heaps of Maine," 
and a valuable paper was read by Mr. E. 
H. Elwell, on " Our Poet Governor "— 
the late Governor Lincoln. Mr. John T. 
Hull also read a paper on the " Records of 
York and Cumberland Counties." In the 
evening, the Hon. J. W. Bradbury made 
an opening address to Professor Packard, 
and Mr. J. P. Baxter read a poem of 
much beauty and excellence, entitled 
" Greetings to the Mentor," being fol- 
lowed by General Chamberlain's address, 
to which Professor Packard made a very 
happy reply. The Hon. William Goold, 
and others, made admirable addresses, and 
Mrs. Abbey Goold Woolson sent a son- 
net. A large number of letters from per- 
sons unable to be present were sent to 
the Secretary, Mr. H. W. Bryant, and 
extracts were read, forming so many de- 
served tributes to the character and 
worth of Dr. Packard. 

Maine historical society — Decem- 
ber 23d, at Portland, the Society celebrat- 
ed the eighty-fourth birthday of Professor 
Alpheus S. Packard, of Brunswick, who 
has been a member of the Society for 


the annual meeting, held on Tues- 
day evening, January 2d, the following 
ticket was elected : President, Augustus 
Schell ; First Vice-President, Hamilton 
Fish ; Second Vice-President, Benjamin 
H. Field ; Foreign Corresponding Sec- 
retary, William M. Evarts ; Domestic 
Corresponding Secretary, Edward F. de 
Lancey ; Recording Secretary, Andrew 
Warner ; Treasurer, Benjamin B. Sher- 
man ; Librarian, Jacob B. Moore. The 
usual annual reports were read, show- 
ing that the Society is free from debt 
and in a healthy condition. 





uel B. Webb, of the Revolutionary Army. 
By his Son, J. Watson Webb. Published ex- 
clusively for Family Circulation. 8vo, pp. 412. 

New York: 1S82. 

No more delightful task could fall into the 
hands of an appreciative and grateful son than to 
prepare for permanent preservation the memorials 
of a father who had figured with honor and dis- 
tinction in the eventful struggle for American 
independence. The present work is an instance 
of such a task — a work undertaken, as its pages 
express throughout, con amove and with becoming 
pride. Readers of The Magazine who recall a 
sketch of General Samuel B. Webb which ap- 
peared in the fourth volume (p. 427) need not be 
reminded of the place he filled in the line of Re- 
volutionary worthies — of his gallant participation 
in the battle of Bunker Hill — of his promotion in 

1775 as aid to General Putnam, and again in 

1776 as aid to Washington — of his soldierly con- 
duct at White Plains and Trenton — of his appoint- 
ment in 1777 to the Colonelcy of one of the "ad- 
ditional " Continental regiments — of his misfortune 
in being made a prisoner — of his final exchange, 
and resumption of his duties as Colonel of the 
Third Connecticut- — of his command in 1782 of 
the Light Corps — and of his continuation in the 
service to the close of the war. During this long 
and busy period General Webb's correspondence 
had become voluminous ; but, as in many other 
instances, it suffered upon his death in the division 
of his estate, and much that was valuable disap- 
peared early in the present century. Fortunately, 
enough remained at scattered points to make a 
volume of rare historical interest and worth, and 
to the collection of these precious fragments Gen- 
eral J. Watson Webb, of New York, has devoted 
himself of late years with results which should 
give genuine satisfaction not alone to the imme- 
diate descendants but to all interested in the 
literature of that contest. 

The correspondence covers the period from 
1774 to 1788, and includes letters to and from 
Washington, Greene, Deane, Hamilton, Tall- 
madge, Parsons, Putnam, Reed, Schuyler, and 
others, including several officers of the Connecticut 
line, and relates to matters of varied interest, 
from the stern orders of the field to the gossip of 
camp and the politics of the constitutional era. 
Perhaps no portion of this is more valuable than 
the purely social correspondence, which throws 
light on the subjects of prevailing interest at the 
time and lets one behind the scenes. The volume 
properly begins in the form of reminiscences, and 
the letters are inserted with the author's obser- 
vations interspersed. At the close is added a 
genealogy of the Webb family, while a portrait 

of General W ebb faces the title-page. It is to 
be hoped that while the work is intended for 
private circulation only, it will eventually fall 
upon shelves where the historical writer, specially 
interested in the Revolution, can have it at his 
command, for in rewriting many portions of the 
struggle he would find it a leading source of in- 
formation. Above all it is indispensable in a re- 
study of New York and Connecticut matters. 

Words of Jehovih and his Angel Em- 
bassadors. A Sacred History of the Domin- 
ions of the Higher and Lower Heavens, on the 
Earth for the past Twenty-four Thousand Years; 
together with a Synopsis of the Cosmogony of 
the Universe, the Creation of the Planets, the 
Creation of Man, the Unseen Worlds, the 
Labor and Glory of Gods and Goddesses in the 
Etherean Heavens, with the New Command- 
ments of Jehovih to Man of the Present Day. 
With Revelations from the Second Resurrec- 
tion, formed in Words in the Thirty-third Year 
of the Kosmon Era. 4to, pp. 890. New 
York and London : Oahspe Publishing As- 
sociation, 1882. Anno Kosmon 34. 

W r e are told by authority that the object of 
"Oahspe" is not to supplant former Bibles, and 
that it is not a revision of any sacred book, but 
that it is a " New Bible," and one not for a single 
tribe or race, but for all mankind, though show- 
ing that former sacred books were parts of one 
stupendous plan for bestowing light upon mortals. 
Thus, " through Oahspe" we learn why the Chi- 
nese were Confucians, the Hindoos, Brahmins and 
Buddhists, and the western migratory people, 
Jews and Christians. Yet this is the only Bible 
that reveals the affairs of angels and the part they 
play, and brings before us " a heaven worth living 
for." We are not told how the book was writ- 
ten, and the author assures us that this point is of 
no consequence, especially, since, to use his own 
felicitous terms, the book " blows nobody's 
horn." However this may be, those who are 
curious in such matters will very likely want a copy, 
and such persons will do well to secure one at once, 
as the volume may become rare, inasmuch as it 
will find more uses than one. This work contains 
something adapted to all tastes, and is illustrated 
with many curious and wonderful pictures. The 
book " Saphah," for instance, goes into theearliest 
kind of early American Cartography, and puts 
even the Ptolemies to the blush, showing, as it 
does, the lost continent of " Pan," lying between 
Australia and North America ; while tl Es daugh- 
ter of Jehovih " shows (p. 759) that Cotton Mather 
was a worshipper of the "false Kriste," who 



persecuted the Quakers ; giving a letter that will 
appear new to the most learned student of the 
literature of the Mathers, and which, in fact, does 
not even appear in Dr. Moore's " Slavery in 
Massachusetts." Mather in this letter, addressed 
to John Higginson, advises that William Penn, 
sailing in the Welcome, be apprehended on 
his way to Pennsylvania, " as near ye coast of 
Codd as may be," and sold with his "ungodly 
crew" at the Barbadoes. "where slaves fetch 
good prices in rumme and sugar." The date of 
the letter is 1682, but this is of little consequence 
in connection with a " New Bible " that " blows 
nobody's horn," except in so far as it renders the 
matter more interesting. The volume, however, 
must here be turned over to the collector of 
Americana, who will find it a notable production. 

States on France in the XVIIIth Cen- 
tury. By Lewis Rosenthal. Second edition, 
revised. 12 mo, pp. 302. New York: Henry 
Holt & Co. 1882. 

The purpose of Mr. Rosenthal's monograph is 
to consider the relations of France and the 
United States between 1776 and 1794, and to de- 
termine what influence the young Republic exerted 
during those years, first, on the subjects of the 
old monarchy, then, on the citizens of a new 

The author outlines, in his opening chapter, 
France and America as they stood on the eve of 
the American Revolution. He next considers 
the alliance and traces the influence it exerted 
upon France. 

With great erudition he proceeds to show, in 
his third chapter, that this influence had not spent 
itself after the war, but was still a living power 
up to the convocation of the States-General. 

The chapters " America in the Constituent As- 
sembly," "America and Public Opinion," "Amer- 
ica, the Gironde and the Montagne," demonstrate 
how American influence, powerful in the early, 
constructive stages of the French Revolution, be- 
came less and less potent with the advance of the 
doctrines of Robespierre and the Convention. 

Franklin, Jefferson, Lafayette, and Paine appear 
as central figures in the book ; and about them 
are grouped the events of history. These men 
were to the French of the eighteenth century 
representative American advocates. How their 
words and deeds became the talk of Paris and the 
Provinces, has never before been brought out so 
clearly as in this work. 

The author of this work was, we understand, 
connected in an unofficial capacity with General 
Noye>, U. S. Minister to France. He evidently 
made good use of his time and opportunities while 
in the French capital. Pamphlets, State papers, 
journals, songs, correspondence, memoirs, all 

these have been employed to shed light upon the 
theme. Mr. Rosenthal has ferreted out a great 
mass of material which was hidden away in libraries 
and archives, and presented it in an admirable 
style. The notes are full, and the general plan 
of the work is well conceived. Paine might have 
been treated more at length, and new facts in re- 
gard to Joel Barlow would have been acceptable ; 
but, as it remains, Mr. Rosenthal has produced a 
valuable monograph, which will be consulted by 
every one who wishes to obtain a thorough ac- 
quaintance with a very interesting period of Amer- 
ican history. 

ENCE. The Official Letters which passed be- 
tween Washington and Biig.-Gen. William 
Irvine, and between Irvine and others, concern- 
ing Military Affairs in the West from 1781 to 
1783. Arranged and annotated with an intro- 
duction containing an outline of events occurring 
previously in the Trans-Alleghany Country. 
Illustrated. By C. W. Butterfield, author 
of '' Crawford's Campaign against Sandusky," 
'"' History of the Discovery of the Northwest 
by John Nicolet," and other works. 8vo, pp. 
430. David Atwood. Madison, Wis. : 1882. 

The author has chronologically arranged and 
carefully annotated the letters which passed be- 
tween Washington and Brigadier- General William 
Irvine, while the latter was in command of Fort 
Pitt, Pittsburg. This correspondence, which is 
mostly official, is of special interest, inasmuch as it 
is wholly confined to events transpiring at the most 
critical period of our national existence, and is a 
valuable addition to our Revolutionary history. 
The book contains, in addition to the letters of 
the two Generals previously named, many which 
passed during the same years between Irvine and 
a number of other army officers on public business, 
and between him and several military command- 
ers, and United States, State, and county officials 
— the whole correspondence consisting of more 
than two hundred and fifty letters, to which have 
been added a large number of illustrative notes. 
There is an Introduction, giving an outline his- 
tory of the country west of the Alleghany Moun- 
tains from the beginning of the Revolution to the 
commencement of the before-mentioned corre- 
spondence, and containing a Biographical Sketch 
of General Irvine, derived from the most authentic 
and reliable sources. The work contains a steel 
portrait of Washington from a Stuart picture, and 
one of General Irvine, from a painting of B. Otis, 
after one by Robert Edge Pine. With some 
caution Mr. Butterfield, who is well known as the 
author of " Crawford's Campaign," has revised 
various phrases that occurred in the original letters, 



and tells us that in cases where words are omitted, 
on account of the pain that they might give the 
living, he has indicated the fact by stars. The 
author has made a valuable contribution to our 

TY in the Vermont Historical Gazet- 
teer : including a County Chapter, and the 
Local Histories of the Towns Montepelier, Cap- 
ital of the State, East Montepelier, Earre, 
Berlin, Cabot, Calais, Fayston, Marshfield, 
Middlesex, Moretown, Northfield, Plainfield, 
Roxbury, Waitsfield, Warren, Waterbury, 
Woodbury, and Worcester, by Native and Re- 
sident Historians. Collated and published by 
Abby Maria Hemenway. 8vo, pp. 932. 
Montpelier, Vt. : Vermont Watch?nan and 
State Journal Press. 1882. 

This ample volume forms the fourth of the 
series of Vermont County Histories, projected 
about twenty years ago by Miss Hemenway. It 
is perhaps the largest literary undertaking ever 
conducted by a woman in this country. It is one 
that requires business talents combined with the 
ability to handle historical questions ; and these, 
it seems fair to say, are united in Miss Hemen- 
way, who has pursued her great task with fidelity 
and zeal, having summoned to her aid the best 
assistants to be found in the State. In fact she 
anticipated by many years the recent movement 
in favor of co-operative historical authorship. 
Works like these, in time, will render it possible 
to write, first, the history of each State, and then 
the history of the United States. A description 
of this volume would not be possible within a 
limited space, as it covers individual and family 
history, and includes many of those valuable de- 
tails usually found in a gazetteer, together with 
specimens of the compositions of native writers 
who at least have obtained local celebrity. The 
town histories have been written by residents, 
and in some cases a board composed of leading 
men selected the materials and the writer. No 
other State has had its history written with so 
much minuteness and fulness of details, including 
those relating to churches, schools, colleges, 
clergymen, lawyers, doctors, politicians, and states- 
men. The work, therefore, is of great value, not 
only to the people of Vermont, but to collectors 
at large, who know the worth of such painstaking 
labor as that bestowed upon this undertaking, 
which deserves the highest degree of encourage- 
ment on the part of all lovers of American his- 
tory. The volume contains a large number of 

WHO WROTE IT? An Index to the Author- 
ship of the more Noted Works in Ancient 
and Modern Literature. By William A. 
Wheeler. Edited by Charles G. Wheeler. 
4to, pp. 174. Boston: Lee & Shepard. 

A portion of this was printed before the death 
of the author, so well known by his " Dictionary 
of the Noted Names of Fiction," and who per- 
fectly understood the difficulty attending the task 
he so modestly essayed. His purpose was to 
furnish a handy-book for ascertaining or verifying 
the authorship of famous poems, plays, essays, 
novels, romances, philosophical and literary trea- 
tises. The design is not exhaustive, and hence 
while we find "New England Primer," there is 
no notice of Morton's "New English Canaan." 
Any number of cases of this kind could be pointed 
out, but we prefer to emphasize the fact that the 
book forms a desideratum, as well for the histori- 
cal student as for the general reader. 

Miscellaneous Information, including the names 
of Celebrated Statues, Paintings, Palaces, 
Country Seats, Ruins, Churches, Ships, Streets, 
Clubs, Natural Curiosities, and the Like. 
Begun (but left unfinished) by William A. 
Wheeler. Completed and edited by Charles 
G. Wheeler. 8vo, pp. 583. Boston : James 
R. Osgood & Company. 1882. 

This more ambitious volume was designed as a 
companion to the " Dictionary of the Noted 
Names of Fiction." It was left by its projector 
in an advanced condition. The work is one 
called for, inasmuch as the press teems with al- 
lusions, by writers who have become familiar, by 
travel and research, with things both in the old 
world and new that are very poorly known by 
the majority of readers. The volume is compiled 
with excellent taste and judgment and forms a very 
charming half-hour book, though in many cases 
better references might be given, as, for instance, 
"Mount St. Michael" (p. 337). Also, while the 
various hills in and around Boston are mentioned, 
there is no reference to Mount Benedict, nor to 
Prospect and Winter Hills. In connection with the 
" Maid of the Mist," we are told that she was run 
through the rapids to escape the sheriff, quoting 
Trollope. But Holley, in his " Falls of Niagara " 
(p. 89), says that the run was made for another 
purpose. We do not, however, expect any book 
of this kind to be perfect. Inaccuracies and omis- 
sions are inevitable, and Mr. Wheeler's book is to 
be judged by its many excellences, and not by its 



COUNT of the Life and Labors, and of 
the Times of the Venerable Dr. Johann 
Ebel, late Archdeacon of the Old Town 
Church of Konigsberg, in Piussia. Drawn 
from Authentic Sources. By J. I. Mombert, 
D.D. i2mo, pp. 318. New York: Anson 
D. F. Randolph & Co. 1882. 

William Hepworth Dixon, in his book on 
" Spiritual Wives," has introduced Dr. Ebel to 
those who, unwittingly, may have wasted their 
time over the former's pages, which, so far as they 
relate to Ebel, were disposed of in the Biblio- 
thica Sacra for October, 1869. The subject is 
touched upon again in the present deeply inter- 
esting volume, the chief title of which is mislead- 
ing, though the work is one of peculiar value, 
and should be read, if for no other reason than 
that it will correct the many false impressions 
entertained by Americans respecting religious 
and ecclesiastical life among the Germans, and 
give us a better appreciation of the character of 
much of the human material that is now being 
brought to this country, and which in the future 
is to enter into such important uses in connection 
with American history. 

Including a Brief History of the Norman Race 
(to which all Families of k< Paine" belong), from 
its Origin until the Conquest, and the Crusade 
in which Hugh de Payen served. By Albert 
W. Payne, Bangor, Maine. 8vo, pp. 184. 
Printed by O. F. Knowles & Company. 

This unique and valuable work is quite com- 
prehensive in some respects, beginning as it does 
with Aryan traditions, and embracing about five 
hundred years of history in which the Paines or 
Payens figured, at last reaching the Paines of Ips- 
wich, who form a distinct branch. The author 
has worked with diligence and zeal. He gives an 
account of early manufacturing enterprise in New 
England, and of the iron works at Lynn and 
Braintree, with many items of information re- 
specting the early settlement of the Colonies in 
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and New York, and 
concerning the Salem witchcraft excitement. Also 
biographical and obituary notices of individual 
members of the family add interest to the work. 
The origin, history, and meaning of the family pat- 
ronymic ''Paine" are given, with an engraving 
of the family coat-of-arms, and its interpreta- 


Seventy-fifth Birthday. Proceedings of 
the Maine Historical Society, February 27, 
1882. i2mo, pp. 171. Portland: Hoyt, 
Fogg & Don ham. 1882. 

This tasty volume contains among other pieces 
the address of the Hon. W. G. Barrows, Mr. 
Baxter's poem, " Laus Laureati," Mr. Elwell's 
" Portland of Longfellow's Youth," and Talbot's 
"■Genius of Longfellow," all delivered February 
27, 1882. These are supplemented by the "In 
Memoriam " services of May 25th. This volume 
shows that Maine knows how to value and honor 
her distinguished sons, and forms a substantial 
contribution to the literature of the subject. The 
volume contains a fine steel portrait. 

Institution of the United States. 
Quarterly. Governor's Island, N. Y. , 1882. 
Vol. III., No. 11. 

This valuable magazine contains the Prize Es- 
say for the year, on "The Improvements in the 
Art of War during the last Twenty Years," by 
Lieut. -Colonel H. M. Lazede ; "Electric Tele- 
graph in Warfare," by Lieutenant F. C. Crugan ; 
" The Command of the Army," by Generals Frye 
and Wayne ; together with other valuable mat- 
ter. The journal is handsomely printed, ably 
conducted, and richly deserves attention and 

rietta Lee Palmer, author of " The Strat- 
ford Gallery." Edited by John Williamson 
Palmer. Two hundred and twenty illustrations. 
Svo, pp. 428. Boston : James R. Osgood 
& Company. 1882. 

This historic and archaeological work is valuable 
and attractive, giving much information culled 
from varied sources, and being well worthy of a 
place on the library shelf. 

Worship of the Reciprocal Principles 
in Nature among the Ancient Hebrews. 
By J. P. MacLean. i6mo, pp. 22. Cincin- 
nati : Robert Clarke & Co. 1882. 

Errata — In September number, last year (vol. 
VIII. p. 621), ninth line from top, the word 
"imported" should be imparted. The words 
"It is," beginning the twenty-first line from top 
of p. 622, viii., should be ft- it, with an interro- 
gation point at end of sentence. H. H. H. 

UnqdTjy EB.MlV. x Sans, TTtuTirflt 


Vol. IX MARCH 1883 No. 3 


IN a former article I have spoken of the Scotch-Irish in America, and of 
the prominent part they have taken in founding, establishing, and 
moulding the Republic. The subject being national in extent, the 
treatment, necessarily, was general in its character. In the present paper 
it is intended to trace this people in their settlements through the New 
England States. 

As early as 1638, a colony from Ulster projected a settlement in New 
England. This was about thirty years after their migration from Scotland to 
the north of Ireland. In September of the above year one hundred and forty 
passengers sailed from Loch Fergus for the Merrimack. The ship was driven 
back by stress of weather, and nearly three-quarters of a century elapsed be- 
fore we hear of the arrival of the Scotch-Irish in the New England Colonies. 
It was in the year 1718 that a band of these people resolved to seek in the 
New World what they had failed to secure in the Old, namely, " security 
for their labor, freedom of religious worship, and repose from persecution." 
With their native caution and prudence, before launching on this hazardous 
undertaking, they selected the Rev. William Boyd as their agent to go out 
and examine the country. 

He carried with him an address to Governor Shute, of Massachusetts, 
asking for land and the right of settlement. The address was dated March 
26, 1718, and was signed by two hundred and seventeen citizens of Ulster. 
Mr. Boyd's report was so encouraging that, on August 4, 17 18, five vessels, 
containing one hundred and twenty families, sailed for New England and 
arrived safely in Boston. The city at that time contained about twelve 
thousand inhabitants. Here the immigrants broke up into little companies, 
and separated to begin life anew in a strange land. One company went to 
Worcester County, another to Andover and neighborhood with Mr. Mc- 
Gregor at their head; while still another, with the Rev. Mr. Moorehead, 
established themselves in Boston. Twenty families also, among whom were 


the Armstrongs, Means, McKeens, and Greggs, set out in their brigantine 
to explore the eastern country for a place of settlement. Late in the autumn 
they came to Falmouth, now Portland, where they passed a most severe 
winter, for which they were poorly provided, having to accept relief fur- 
nished by the General Court for "the poor immigrants." The Maine 
Historical Collections, to which I am chiefly indebted for many of the facts 
contained in this article, state that " this was the first company of that peo- 
ple [the Scotch-Irish] which came to Maine." Discouraged by the expe- 
rience of their first winter in a climate so much colder than that to which 
they had been accustomed, they resolved, when spring came, to seek a 
milder latitude. Sixteen families, with Mr. McGregor for their pastor, se- 
lected Nutfield, now Londonderry, New Hampshire. Here Mr. McGregor 
preached his first sermon under the shade of a wide-spreading oak. A por- 
tion of those who wintered at Falmouth settled there, and their worthy 
descendants — the Armstrongs, Means, Jamesons, and others — are still well- 
known and esteemed names in Portland. The Rev. Mr. Moorehead became 
the shepherd of the " little flock" that remained at Boston, and established 
the first Presbyterian church in that place. " In 1729 that society united 
with other of their scattered brethren and established the first presbytery in 
New England, called the presbytery of Boston." In 1789 this presbytery 
reported to the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United 
States that it consisted of forty-six ministers — representing all the New 
England States except Maine — two thousand nine hundred and fifty-four 
communicants, and had expended twenty-four thousand dollars in carrying 
on its Church work. 

The company which went to Worcester encountered such bitter preju- 
dice and violent persecution that many of them abandoned the town, some 
going to Pelham, in Hampshire County, and others followed their pastor, 
the Rev. John McKinstry, to Sutton, in Worcester County. Some remained 
in the town of Worcester and tried to brave it out, but finally were obliged 
to remove from the narrow bigotry and prejudice, both national and relig- 
ious, which there embittered their lives. The South is not the only section 
of our country where blind and foolish prejudice has retarded progress. 

In this Worcester colony were many honored names, to whom the whole 
country, as well as New England, owes much of its liberty and progress. 
One of the children of this colony, Matthew Thornton, became a most dis- 
tinguished statesman of New Hampshire, and was a signer of the Declara- 
tion of Independence. Many of the names of this colony sound familiar to 
those who have lived in Scotland and in the north of Ireland, as the writer 
can testify from experience. 


We find among them the names of McGregor, McKinstry, Clark, Gray, 
Ferguson, Crawford, Graham, Blair, Barbonr, Duncan, McClintock, Stark, 
Re'id, Bell, Anderson, etc. " This little band of one hundred and twenty 
families contained the elements of a mighty growth and progress," many 
of whom " have given vigor to our institutions, and adorned various de- 
partments in our civil, military, and ecclesiastical affairs." They are ac- 
credited with the introduction of the potato plant and the spinning-wheel, 
and the manufacture of linen. The spinning-wheel produced quite a sensa- 
tion in Boston, and societies were founded and schools established for 
teaching the art of spinning. At the first anniversary of its introduction 
prizes were awarded to the most skilful. Now the daughters of these spin- 
sters, instead of parading the Common with a spinning-wheel on their 
shoulder, are found in collegiate contests disputing for the Greek or mathe- 
matical prize with their brothers. 

Another colony of the Scotch-Irish was introduced into New England 
about the same time as the former. This was effected by Robert Temple, 
the great-grandson of Sir John Temple, of Stanton Bury, who died in 1632. 
After correspondence with the Plymouth Proprietors, and a personal inspec- 
tion of several sections of the country, he finally concluded to plant a colony 
on the east side of the Kennebec River, on land belonging to Colonel 
Hutchinson and the Plymouth Company. He became a partner in the 
Company. "The same year, 17 18, he chartered two large ships, and the 
next year three more, to bring families from Ireland to carry on the settle- 
ment. In consequence of these arrangements there were several hundred 
families landed on the shores of the Kennebec River, in various locations, 
from the mouth of Merrymeeting Bay, in the years 1719 and 1720." Some 
of the immigrants settled on the Topsham shore, others near the mouth of 
the river Ex, a third party in the north of Bath, in Cork, or Ireland, as 
the place was called after the country of the settlers. 

The colony had given great promise of becoming prosperous and pow- 
erful when the Indian wars interfered and scattered many of the families - 
some taking refuge with their brethren at Londonderry, " but the greater 
part removed to Pennsylvania." 

Temple, in 1727, married into the English branch of his family, tak- 
ing for wife a second cousin of his own, the daughter of John Nelson, 
of Gray's Inn, London. By her he had six children. His second son, 
John, married a daughter of Governor Bowdoin, of Massachusetts, whose 
Huguenot ancestors first settled at Falmouth as early as 1686. Their 
daughter, Elizabeth, married Thomas L. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, and 
thus this grand old Huguenot Bowdoin family, the Winthrop family de- 


scendants of the first Governor and founder of Massachusetts, and the re* 
nowned Irish Temple family, of which Lord Palmerston was a member, 
were united, forming one of the towers of the nation's strength ; " so 
that, if this adventurer, Robert (Temple), who in 17 17 was seeking a 
farm in New England, had brought only himself, he would have conferred 
a great benefit on the country in the numerous, useful, and illustrious de- 
scendants who, springing from him, have adorned our annals." 

After the restoration of peace with the Indians, many of the old settlers 
returned to occupy the deserted places. Speculators and adventurers also 
entered the field, and the project of separating it from the government 
of Massachusetts and making it an independent colony was conceived. 
Colonel David Dunbar, a Scotch-Irishman, was at the head of this move- 
ment. In the course of two or three years, his liberal offers of land and 
privileges had induced over one hundred and fifty families, mostly of his 
countrymen, to settle in the territory. They were, of course, Presbyteri- 
ans, and had for their pastor the Rev. Robert Rutherford. To his coun- 
trymen — Montgomery, Campbell, and McCobb — Dunbar ceded the towns 
of Bristol, Nobleboro', and Boothbry, which he named Harrington, Wal- 
pole, and Townsend. " Throughout those towns, and scattered far beyond, 
over the whole State, are descendants of these colonists ; and we trace in 
the respectable names of McCobb, Campbell, Montgomery, McClintock, 
Huston, McLean, McKeen, McFarland, Caldwell, Dick, Forbush, Brown, 
and Mclntyre, the offspring of men who once trod in pride and power the 
land ' of brown heath and shaggy wood/ who wandered on the beautiful 
banks of Ayr, or reposed in the shade of Ettrick, or mustered for the fray at 
the pibroch's spirit-stirring sound and the shrill slogan of the McGregor." 

Puritan pluck, however, had no idea of submitting to this usurpation of 
Dunbar, whose government was brought to a close in 1732, and the juris- 
diction restored to Massachusetts by the mother country. Dunbar pur- 
sued a romantic career. Almost five years after losing control of the 
colony, he returned to England, where he was imprisoned for debt. Re- 
leased through the liberality of his friends, in 1743 he was appointed Gov- 
ernor of St. Helena, the scene of Napoleon's exile. 

Samuel Waldo, one of the patentees of the territory, had observed with 
deep interest the thrift, energy, and integrity of the immigrants from Ulster. 
He therefore determined to secure some of them for his own waste lands. 
For this purpose he crossed the ocean, and by liberal offers of land and 
other inducements, he received considerable accessions to his colony from 
the north of Ireland, together with some of their countrymen who were 
already in New England, some of them since 1718. 


In 1735 about twenty-seven families were located on the banks of 
the St. George, in Warren. Each family received one hundred acres of 
land. General Waldo was continually affording encouragement to them 
in the erection of mills, and opening for them commercial advantages. 
The sterling qualities of this people — the Pattersons, Howards, Kilpat- 
ricks, Morrisons, Nelsons, Starretts, and others — are still perpetuated in 
their worthy descendants. 

The next addition to the colony was in 1740, when the ship Grand 
Design, from the north of Ireland, was wrecked on Mount Desert. She 
was laden with passengers of " superior wealth and connections," bound for 
Pennsylvania, where they intended to establish a colony. The island was 
uninhabited. They were discovered by a party of Indians after many 
months of hardship and suffering, during which many died— notably one 
hundred able and vigorous young men, who were making their way to the 
mainland for assistance, perished in the wilderness. A portion of the res- 
cued immigrants joined the colony at Warren. The next addition was a 
company of sixty adults and some children, collected by General Waldo in 
Scotland, and landed at George's River, September, 1753. It is said to be 
the last immigration of this people to the Eastern shores prior to the Revo- 
lution. They named their settlement Stirling, in honor of the ancient royal 
city of Scotland. 

The flourishing city of Belfast, Maine, situated in the county of Waldo, 
at the northwest angle of Penobscot Bay, and about twenty-six miles from 
its entrance, was founded by the Scotch-Irish. The first settlers were a 
young swarm, not very numerous, from the old hive at Londonderry, New 
Hampshire. Among the sixteen families from the north of Ireland at the 
latter place — of which we shall presently speak — was a child five years old, 
John Mitchell by name. In early life he followed the trade of a house- 
carpenter, which he afterward abandoned and became a surveyor and 
teacher of the higher mathematics. It was in the summer of 1765 that 
Mitchell visited Penobscot Bay, and first looked upon the place where the 
city of Belfast now stands. It was then a primeval forest. Mitchell was 
doubtless charmed with the wild beauty of the landscape, and saw, too, the 
natural advantages which the place afforded for settlement. At Fort Pow- 
nall he learned that the land was for sale, and accordingly he communicated 
the information to his friends at Londonderry. A company was soon 
formed for its purchase, and on October 4, 1768, thirty-five proprietors held 
their first regular meeting at the above place. The land contained by esti- 
mate fifteen thousand acres. Among the first articles of agreement is the fol- 
lowing : " That we bind ourselves that no one shall own a right amongst 


us that is unable to produce a certificate of good moral character to the 
satisfaction of the community, and of the gentlemen of whom we purchase." 
The land was purchased from the heirs of General Waldo for the sum of 
fifteen hundred pounds, or about twenty cents an acre. In dividing it 
among the purchasers care was taken to set off one hundred acres for the 
first minister of the gospel that should settle among them, and also land for 
a common, a " meeting-house," a " graveyard," and a " training field." 

The company was incorporated June, 1773, by the General Court of 
Massachusetts. The town was named Belfast after the city of this name in 
the north of Ireland, from which some of the original settlers at London- 
derry came. It is an old city, first mentioned about A.D. 13 15, being the 
capital of Ulster. It was granted by James I. to Sir Arthur Chichester in 
1612, and erected into a corporation. It is to-day a city of industry, thrift, 
education, and progress, worthy of the men who have perpetuated its name 
in the New World. Belfast has given to New England some of her best 
citizens and most honored names, among whom it is sufficient to mention 
the author of the " Dutch Republic," the courted and courtly John Lothrop 
Motley, whose great-grandfather, according to Oliver Wendell Holmes, 
came in the earlier part of the last century from Belfast, Ireland, to Fal- 
mouth, now Portland. 

Belfast was settled, according to Williamson's History — to which I am 
indebted for most of the facts concerning this daughter of the Ulster capital 
— about the year 1770. "About the middle of May, 1770, James Miller 
and three other proprietors, with their families, left Londonderry for their 
new home in the wilderness," accompanied by others, making a party of 
about thirty persons in all. 

The Londonderry men wished to give the name of their own town to 
the new settlement ; but Miller, who was from Belfast, Ireland, earnestly 
insisted on its present appellation. The dispute, tradition says, was good- 
naturedly ended by tossing up a penny. 

Matters of more weighty importance, however, demanded the attention 
of these hardy, unconquered people. The clearing of the forest, erection of 
their log-cabins, providing protection against wild beasts and savage men, 
all the dangers and difficulties common to the frontier settlers of the New 
World, taxed to the utmost the courage and endurance of this heroic people. 
Said one, " If I ever felt to cry in my life it was when we first set ashore in 
Belfast." And again, " The roaring sea on one hand, and the howling wil- 
derness on the other." Another writes, " But we had no time to lose. The 
tide was coming in, and by great effort we removed our goods above high- 
water mark before dark," and, "We will not stay here, for the Indians will 


kill us before morning." These quotations indicate some of their experi- 
ences on landing where now stands the pleasant city of Belfast, Maine. 

We find that Morrison and Steele were accidentally drowned in Decem- 
ber, 1770. This left at the close of the year the following settlers : On the 
western side, Cochrane, Chambers, and Miller ; on the eastern, Reid, Mit- 
chell, Barnet, the three Pattersons, and McLaughlin ; ten in all. At the 
beginning of the third year the entire population amounted to only fifty 
persons of every age and sex. In 1779 the town was abandoned for fear of 
the British. It then contained eighteen families, numbering one hun- 
dred and nine persons, mostly women and children. By the year 1784 
some fourteen families were again in the settlement, when they petitioned 
the General Court for authority to reorganize themselves into a municipal 
government. The petition was granted, a town meeting called, officers 
elected, and the young colony, as may well be imagined, in greatly impov- 
erished circumstances, began again to cut down the forest and rear the 
town. During the next ten years the population had increased to about 
four hundred persons. According to Williamson, the census of 1800 gives 
674 inhabitants; 1810, 1,274; 1820, 2,026; while the following table ex- 
hibits the valuation and number of polls in Belfast during the different de- 
cades of years since Maine became a State : 1820, polls, 402 ; estate, 
$146,046. 1830, polls, 629 ; estate, $286,404. 1840, polls, 802 ; estate, 
$658,523. 1850, polls, 992; estate, $1,323,979. i860, polls, 1,310; es- 
tate, $1,802,307. 1870, polls, 1,363 ; estate, $2,660,879. 

The noble part which this city took in the late war for the preserva- 
tion of the Union was worthy of its founders, whose ancestors had been 
led to victory by such world-renowned heroes as Bruce and Wallace. Their 
support of education and Christianity, their care for the promotion of tem- 
perance and social reforms, show that the spirit of the sires, who reared the 
kirk and the school-house in the wilderness by the side of their log-houses, 
still lives in the sons, the pledge of a free government and a prosperous 

We next pass to Londonderry, New Hampshire. It has already been 
stated that of the immigrants who spent such a hard winter at Falmouth, 
succeeding their arrival in August, 17 18, sixteen families removed the fol- 
lowing spring to Nutfield, New Hampshire. Here they formed a settle- 
ment and named it Londonderry, after the city of that name in the north of 
Ireland, from which many, perhaps most, of the immigrants came. The 
parent city has been quite renowned in history and deserves here a brief 
notice in passing. Its ancient name was Derry. It was founded in the 
sixth century, and was several times pillaged by the Danes, and occupied 


by the English at the invasion. It received its title of Londonderry from 
the London Company, who rebuilt the old sacked town, and colonized that 
part of the north of Ireland during the reign of James the First, when the 
Plantation of Ulster was established. Londonderry city is the capital of 
the county of Londonderry, in the province of Ulster, and is situated on 
the left bank of the river Foyle. The city is beautifully situated upon a hill 
which overlooks the river Of its ancient wall, nearly a mile still remains, 
and forms a pleasant promenade, but the city has extended far beyond the 
wall. In 1 87 1 it had a population of 24,242. The left bank of the river 
is connected by an iron bridge 1,200 feet in length, with an extensive 
suburb called Waterside, which contains many beautiful villas and private 

The siege of Londonderry forms one of the most thrilling chapters of 
modern history, while the victorious defence displays an endurance, a cour- 
age, and a heroism unsurpassed in the annals of any people. The 
county of Antrim joins that of Londonderry on the east, and is distant 
from the west coast of Scotland only about twenty miles. Across this frith 
or strait flowed from the northeast a population distinguished for thrift, in- 
dustry, and endurance, and which has given a peculiar and elevated charac- 
ter to that portion of the Emerald Island. 

The McDonald clan, it is said, were first and prominent in this col- 
onization, settling chiefly in the counties of Down, Londonderry, and 
Antrim, and aided largely in building up their principal cities — Newry. 
Bangor, Derry, and Belfast. Many of the immigrants from Scotland were 
from Argyleshire, some of them of the Scotch nobility, who were re- 
warded for distinguished military or civil service by large grants of land 
in Ulster from the crown ; others were adventurers, while a few were 
hardy Highland farmers, who came to Ulster in the hope of finding more 
fertile lands than the heather moors and rugged hills of their native 
land afforded. Such were the original settlers of the three northwesterly 
counties — Down, Antrim, and Londonderry, in Ulster. The English occu- 
pied the western part of the province. It was these Scotch-Irish that 
founded Londonderry in New Hampshire. They were persecuted by the 
Celtic Irish, whose forfeited lands they occupied. They were taxed to sup- 
port the English State Church, to whose ritual they were averse, being all 
"dissenters" of the Presbyterian order, and in other respects unjustly 
treated by a Government which owed its existence largely to the loyalty 
and heroism of this very people. Strong as are the ties of home and 
kindred in the Scottish heart, stronger still is the sense of justice and the 
love of liberty. In search of these they determined to emigrate to the New 


World. To this undertaking they were greatly encouraged by the re- 
ports of a young man named Holmes, the son of a Presbyterian clergy- 
man, who gave glowing accounts of the civil and religious privileges en- 
joyed in the American colonies, which he had just visited. The settlement 
at Nutfield — so called on account of the quantity and variety of nuts it pro- 
duced — was begun April n, 1719, old style, when, with their pastor, the 
Rev. Mr. McGregor, the families came to occupy the log-huts previously 
erected by the men. Some of the families had passed the winter at Haver- 
hill on the Merrimack, the Rev. Mr. McGregor teaching at Dracut. 
Pastor and people were now happily together again. He addressed them 
in affectionate terms, congratulated them on having terminated their wan- 
derings, and on their preservation from the perils of the sea and of the 
wilderness. He was called to be their pastor, a relation constituted by 
the mutual and solemn pledges of minister and people — no presbytery 
being yet in existence to perform the official ceremony of installation. The 
names of the sixteen men who, with their families, first settled London- 
derry, were : James McKeen, John Barritt, Archibald Clendenin, John 
Mitchell, James Sterrett, James Anderson, Randal Alexander, James 
Gregg, James Clark, James Nesmith, Allen Anderson, Robert Weir, John 
Morrison, Samuel Allison, Thomas Steele, and John Stewart. They were 
strong, robust men, in middle life, and most of them lived to an advanced 
period, the average age of thirteen of their number being seventy-nine 
years, six attaining to nearly ninety, and two exceeding it. John Mor- 
rison, the oldest of the company, came within three years of being a centena- 
rian. For mutual protection against the Indians and social intercourse, the 
families planted themselves on either side of West-running Brook, each on 
a lot thirty rods wide, fronting on the brook, and extending back fat- 
enough to include a farm of sixty acres. Soon after their arrival an Indian 
war broke out. The settlers constructed two stone garrisons, to which the 
families fled at night whenever there seemed to be danger. One James 
Blair, a man of giant stature, and equal courage, scorning this protection, 
remained well armed outside and alone. The Indians once plotted to kill 
Blair, as he was working alone in the field ; but the story goes, seeing his 
huge stature, they desisted, supposing him to be a god. The town, how- 
ever, was never assailed, owing, it is said, to the great influence of the Rev. 
Mr. McGregor with the French Governor of Canada, the Marquis de Vau- 
dreuil, and also with the Roman priests, who had great control over the 
Indians. Perhaps the most potent reason was that the settlers secured a 
fair and acknowledged title to their lands from the Indians. Many of their 
countrymen from various parts of New England joined the colony, and 


with constant additions from Ireland its increase was rapid and steady, 
the sixteen families in six months having increased to seventy families. 
Each settler secured a royal gift of one hundred and twenty acres of 
land. The place soon became noted for its fine manufactures of woollen 
and linen cloth. 

We are told that during the Revolutionary war Mr. Montgomery received 
from Congress ^40 and a diamond ring, as a premium for linen woven for 
Washington and the officers of the army. Parker, in his History of Lon- 
donderry, an exceedingly rare and valuable work, says that it became a 
perfect beehive of industry. The hum of the spinning-wheel, the clatter 
of the loom in the houses, and the sound of the woodman's axe in the forest, 
''from early morn till late at e'en," constituted the music of a thrifty, 
healthy, happy people. The physical strength and energy, the domestic 
virtues, mental vigor, and moral religious principle of the female portion of 
the community, the same historian says, have never been excelled : " They 
most happily exemplified the portrait of the good housewife drawn by the 
inspired pen." The colonists applied to the General Court of Massachusetts 
for a charter. The Court refused, on the ground that the land was within 
the territory of New Hampshire. Some three years after settlement, in 
1722, the colonists obtained a just and valid title to their lands, and were 
incorporated into the township of Londonderry. Still, there were not 
wanting persons to annoy them by asserting prior claims. One of these 
was a man named Harriman, who led a large party from Haverhill, armed 
and prepared to contest forcibly their claims to the property. He de- 
manded payment for the land, in default of which he threatened immediate 
ejectment. He arrived on a Friday afternoon, when the families were as- 
sembling, according to the Presbyterian custom, at the "preparatory ser- 
vice " preceding the communion to be administered on the following Sun- 
day. The assailants agreed to refrain from all acts of violence until the 
services were over ; but they were so impressed with the undaunted spirit 
of the men and the solemnity of their worship that Harriman said to his fol- 
lowers : " Let us return ; it is in vain to attempt to disturb this people, for 
surely the Lord is with them." The organization of the colony into a mu- 
nicipal government is thus described by Mr. Parker: "Although they did 
not at first obtain an act of incorporation as a township, yet, receiving the 
protection of government and the benefits of law, they proceeded to organ- 
ize themselves into a civil community, and to appoint suitable officers for 
the due management of its concerns, and the promotion of its interests. 
Their first regular meeting for the transaction of town business, was held 
November 9, 1719." The town voted Mr. James McKeen for Moderator. 


On the said day was voted for town-clerk, John GofTe. At an adjourned 
meeting, November 20, 17 19, the town voted that seven men should be 
chosen as a committee for the managing of the public affairs of the town. 

Crude as everything was in the new colony, and poor as most of the 
people were, they at once adopted measures for the building of a "meet- 
ing-house," " church " savoring too much of Episcopacy. That term was 
never used by them except to designate the body of believers. Two years 
after the settlement a suitable building was finished and solemnly dedicated 
to the worship of God. The school-house soon followed, being built in 
1723, on the Common close by the meeting-house. The saw-mill and the 
grist-mill were put up as soon as possible. We read that until the erection 
of these mills the inhabitants were subject to great inconvenience in ob- 
taining their meal. Oxen and horses not being yet common among them, 
many were obliged to carry their grain upon their shoulders a distance of 
some miles to be ground. In some families the hand-mill, of which we read 
in Scripture, was used. 

The prize of a farm of land was to be given to the first-born son of Lon- 
donderry. Jonathan, son of John and Margaret Morrison, born September 
8, 1719, was the successful new-comer ! The first marriage was that of John 
Walis and Annie Barnard, May, 1721. In October, 1729, an earthquake, 
" the severest ever known in New England," caused great fear and con- 
sternation. The shock occurred at ten o'clock in the evening, and extended 
several hundred miles. At Newbury, Massachusetts, only twenty miles 
distant from Londonderry, the earth opened in several places. It resulted 
in a general seriousness, a reformation of morals, and large additions to the 
churches. The first store in the town was opened about the year 1750 by 
John Pinkerton, who, early in life, began peddling, carrying his wares in a 
pack upon his back. He devoted thirty thousand dollars of his well-earned 
fortune to the support of religious institutions, and the endowment of an 
academy which still perpetuates his name in the town of Londonderry. 
His younger brother, James, succeeded him in business, and followed his 
example in benevolence. 

In 1730 the settlement had so increased that a petition was presented at 
a town meeting for a second parish, to be formed in the western part of the 
township. In 1735 the petition was granted, and about sixty families con- 
stituted the West Parish of Londonderry. In 1741 the parish of Windham 
was formed in the south part of the town. "In 175 1 the town of Derryfield 
was incorporated. It was composed of a part of Chester, a part of London- 
derry, and of lands not before granted to any town." Londonderry seemed 
to be the great centre of attraction for the Scotch-Irish. Accessions from 


various parts of New England and from Ireland greatly increased its num- 
bers and added to its progress, so that it early " sent forth many colonies to 
form new settlements in the vicinity, and in more remote parts of the coun- 
try, now open for cultivation." Londonderry furnished many of the pion- 
eers of civilization in the States of New Hampshire, Vermont, Maine, New 
York, and Nova Scotia. The first swarm from the old hive came off in 1737, 
crossed the Merrimack River and settled in Bedford, where they were after- 
ward joined by numbers of their brethren from Ireland and from Massachu- 
setts. Several families from Londonderry joined an English colony from 
Massachusetts which had settled in Merrimack, adjoining Bedford, and there 
joined the Congregational Church. In 1741 the settlement of Cherry Val- 
ley, west of the Hudson, was begun by families from Londonderry. About 
the same time, other families, joined by some of their countrymen from 
Lunenburg, Massachusetts, succeeded, after some difficulties, in forming a 
settlement at Peterborough. Still others removed to Nova Scotia, after 
its evacuation by the French, and settled in the towns of Truro and Lon- 
donderry about the year 1 760. Seven years after this a settlement was 
formed in Antrim by Londonderry emigrants. Other companies located in 
Herkimer and Deering. In 1766, a small party removed to Acworth, in 
the State of New Hampshire, and united with a few families from Connecti- 
cut in forming that township. About the year 1774 a few families removed 
from this town to a tract of country in Vermont, which had been purchased 
by a Mr. James Rogers. It was subsequently incorporated into two town- 
ships, Londonderry and Windham, as the early settlers were mostly from 
these towns. New Boston, another of their settlements, was composed al- 
most exclusively of Scotch-Irish. Litchfield, Hudson, Amherst, Dunstable, 
and Chester received numerous accessions from the old Nutfield colony. 
There is, probably, not a State in the Union to-day without some of the de- 
scendants of this colony, first planted in the wilderness by sixteen families in 
1718. It has been estimated by their historian, Parker, who wrote in 1850, 
that full one hundred thousand persons had descended from the early settlers 
of Londonderry. Nor has there been a post of honor, trust, responsibility, or 
importance in the nation that has not been nobly filled and adorned by 
some of these heroic people. Horace Greeley was one of their descendants 
and a representative of the rugged virtues of these colonists. The Rev. 
Joseph McKeen, D.D., the first President of Bowdoin College, Judge Mc- 
Keen, of New York, Judge Grier, of Pennsylvania, and many other distin- 
guished names, trace their origin to the same ancestry. Grier was orig- 
inally McGregor, the Mc being dropped by those of the clan who migrated 
from Scotland to Ireland. The names Greer, Gregg, Gregory, etc., are all 


derived from the same source. Thus we find that a distinguished Judge of 
the Supreme Court of the United States, in Pennsylvania — Judge Grier — 
derives his origin from " the same wild tribe which, under the guidance of 
Rob Roy McGregor, was the terror of the high and lowlands of their native 

A noble race have been the McGregors. Of the Rev. James McGregor, 
who came with the first settlers to Londonderry as their pastor, friend, and 
fellow-servant, it is said : " Though at the time but a youth, he was among 
the brave defenders of Londonderry, in Ireland, and discharged from the 
tower of the cathedral the large gun which announced the approach of the 
vessel that brought them relief." 

In the English and French- Canadian wars, Londonderry bore an honora- 
ble part, and her patriotic sons have never been wanting at the call of duty. 
In these wars and those of the Revolution, Stark, Reid, McClary, McNiel, 
Miller, etc., displayed much of the spirit and courage that swelled the brave 
hearts of Wallace and Bruce. " Inheriting," says Dr. Barstow, " the same 
great traits of character, the American heroes of Scottish descent have made 
the achievements of Bunker Hill, Bennington, and Bridgewater not un- 
worthy to be associated in history with those of Flodden, Melrose, Dundalk, 
and Bannockburn." 

Their great force of character and strong individuality bravely resisted the 
influences that effeminate a weaker race. Hence the Scotch, through long 
generations, have transmitted to their posterity many of the stern but ster- 
ling qualities of their noble ancestry, of which the late Thomas Carlyle 
was a good illustration. His hatred of shams, his contempt for conven- 
tionalities, his downright sincerity and earnest spirit, and withal, his 
genuine kindly nature beneath a rough exterior, showed him to be a true 
Scot and an illustrious representative of this people. 

Some of the ungentle ways in society alleged of Carlyle would accord 
with what has been said by L. H. Morrison, one of the Londonderry colo- 
nists : " If at any time a man has hard thoughts of his neighbor, he did not 
whisper it about in private scandal, but the offender was the first to hear it ; 
there was no secret underhand dealing, but their voices were always loud, 
their gait erect, their conduct open." 

With all their sternness of character and Puritan devoutness, their ready 
wit and love of fun were proverbial. Old and young, gay and grave, hailed 
weddings, huskings, log-rollings, and raisings as fit occasions for frolic. 
Says Morrison, already quoted and a descendant of the colony : " Our 
ancestors dearly loved fun : there was a grotesque humor, and yet a serious- 
ness, pathos, and strangeness about them which, in its way, has perhaps 


never been excelled. Ii: was the sternness of the Scotch Covenanter, soft- 
ened by a century's residence abroad, amid persecution and trial, wedded 
there to the comic humor and pathos of the Irish, and then grown wild in 
the woods, among these our New England mountains." 

Of this peculiar trait of character many quaint and mirth-exciting 
anecdotes might be given, especially of the eccentricities of some of their 
greatly revered clergy, of their deacons and deacons' wives. One of the 
innovations in religion of those times was the introducing of stoves into their 
cold, cheerless meeting-houses. The sermon surely must have been warm, 
for the devout people would sit in a freezing house for two hours listening 
to it. The stove in these churches, like the organ now in the mother 
churches in Ireland, met with great opposition. " We remember one case 
where Mrs. Deacon S. had fought against a stove, and Mrs. Deacon B. for 
one, till finally, when Mrs. Deacon B.'s party prevailed, Mrs. Deacon S. was 
carried out faint, and when she recovered, said that it was that terrible hot 
stove that caused it ; but though the stove was there, no fire had been 
made in it ! " 

Tea was seldom used — except by some of the more wealthy, but none 
were wealthy according to the present estimate of wealth. Alcoholic 
spirits were used often, on all social and festive occasions, and even at 
funerals, and by minister and people, men, women, and children. The 
custom was not peculiar to this people, but a degeneracy of those rude times, 
and we doubt not a great evil, though some are wont to say, " there was 
less drunkenness then than now." Many, however, are the testimonies 
borne to the worth and excellence of these hardy immigrants in New Eng- 
land. " They were always a high-minded, generous people. Though poor, 
they were never mean in spirit. They have also been marked by a true 
loftiness and generosity of soul, which, in all their trials, has not forsaken 
them. It mingled with their courage in war, and guided their intelligence 
in politics." " In their influence, great or small, in high or in low stations, 
upon the councils of the state or nation, this people as a body have always 
been on the side of a liberal, generous policy, whatever might be its effect 
upon their private interest." They have been the promoters of free schools, 
education for the people, the firm supporters of law and order. 

In addition to the colonies founded in New England by this people, they 
joined in groups, large or small, many of the colonies already planted. 
Separate families have located in English settlements, have readily affiliated 
with them, and the mingling of this English and Scotch-Irish blood has given 
us some of the noblest leaders, North and South, of which the nation boasts. 
The following is one out of many illustrations of this fact which might be 


given, and it is designedly taken from one of the New England States, of 
which nothing has yet been said in this connection, of the Scotch-Irish im- 
migrants and their influence in the State, of which De Tocqueville said : 
1 ' All de great men in Amerique corned from dat leetel State dey call 

The town of Lyme, Connecticut, was settled in 1666, "by an active, 
sensible, resolute, and blue-blooded people, who gave it a moral and intel- 
lectual character which it has never outgrown." The town is situated on 
the Sound, in a most picturesque and beautiful section of country. It was 
named after Lyme-Regis, a watering-place in the south of England, of roman- 
tic and historic traditions. There is, probably, no more classic ground in 
our own country than Lyme, Connecticut. It contains the homestead of 
the ancient, learned, and laborious Mathers, one of whom — son and name- 
sake of Cotton Mather, of Boston — wrote three hundred and eighty-two 
works. Increase Mather, for sixty-two years the pastor of North Church, 
Boston, was in the habit of studying sixteen hours a day. Lyme is also 
the home of the Griswolds, Wolcotts, Waites. The present Chief-Justice 
belongs to the latter family, and many other distinguished names of the old 
English gentry. Connected with these families, and the equal of any of 
them, is the McCurdy family, of Scotch Irish descent, and of revolutionary 

Side by side with the Mather mansion stands the oldest house in Lyme, 
in which Lafayette was twice entertained — the last time in 1825, as the guest 
of Richard McCurdy — and from which issued various documents that has- 
tened on the cause of freedom in the Colonies. The house contains many 
rich and rare historic relics of the family connections of the owner. It is 
the residence of Charles Johnson McCurdy, LL.D., an eminent jurist, 
United States Minister to Austria, and for a long period Judge of the Su- 
preme Court. 

It was he who, when Lieutenant-Governor of Connecticut, in 1848, orig- 
inated and carried into effect through the Legislature that great change in 
the common law by which parties may become witnesses in their own case 
— a change which has since been adopted throughout this country and in 
England. This house has been in the possession of the McCurdy family 
since 1750. Many of the richest veins in New England life are filled with 
the blue blood of the Scotch Covenanters. 



Among the remarkable but not generally known adventures that oc- 
curred on this continent in the sixteenth century were those of David 
Ingram, an English sailor, of Barking, Essex, who, in 1567, was set on 
shore in the Bay of Mexico by the famous Sir John Hawkins, and who 
made his way overland to the shore of the Bay of Fundy, sailing thence to 
France. This sailor and his two companions were the first Englishmen now 
known to have entered any portion of the present territory of New England. 
Let us, therefore, hear Ingram's story. It will be necessary first, however, 
to notice the voyage of Hawkins, the unfortunate termination of which left 
this rough sailor a wanderer in the forests of America. 

During October, in the year 1567, Captain Hawkins, who, through 
piracy and the slave-trade attained great renown — the crest of his arms 
bearing a half-length figure of a negro child bound with cords — sailed to 
the coast of Guinea with five ships, where " by purchase or force " he loaded 
his vessels with human flesh and sailed for Spanish America. At de la 
Hacha he disposed of his freight, and on his way home he entered the har- 
bor of St. John d'Ulloa, where, while at anchor, he was attacked by the 
Spaniards, and lost four ships. With the two remaining vessels he escaped 
in a disabled condition and put to sea, September 3, 1768. 

October 8th, many of his men being in a suffering condition from wounds, 
while all were sadly straitened for the want of food, Hawkins put into the 
mouth of the River Tampico, on the Bay of Mexico, in latitude 23 30' 
north. Here, after some discussion, it was agreed to separate the crew 
into two companies, one of which should remain and subsist as it could, 
while the other proceeded to England ; Hawkins promising to return the 
next year and bring them off. When it was first proposed to divide the 
crew, the idea struck the sailors with much favor ; yet, when the moment 
came to carry it into execution, many changed their minds, so that in the 
end the occasion led to great cruelty. Miles Phillips, one of the party, writes, 
in Hakluyt, as follows : 

" For the more contentation of all men's Mindes, and to take away all 
occasions of offense, to take this order : First hee made choyce of suche per- 
sons of service and account as were neede full to stay, and that being done, 
of those that were willing to go hee appointed such as he thought might be 
best spared, and presently appointed that by the boate they should be set 


on shoare. . . . Heere agayne it would haue caused any stony heart to 
have relented to hearr the pitifull mone that many did make, and how loth 
they were to depart : the weather was then somewhat stormey and tempes- 

[Facsimile of an old copperplate.] 

tuous, and therefore we were to passe with great danger, yet notwithstand- 
ing theere was no remedy, but we that were appointed to go away, must of 
necessitie doe so. Howbeit those that went in the first boat were safely set 
ashoare, but of them that went in the second boat, of which number I my- 


self was one, the seas wrought so high, that we could not attayne to the 
shoare, and therefore we were constrained, through the cruel dealing of John 
Hampton, Gaptaine of the Minion, and John Sanders boatswaine of the 
Jesus, and Thomas Pollard his mate, to leape out of the boate into the maine 
sea, having more than a mile to shoare, and so to shift for our selves, and 
either to sinke or swimme. And of those that so were throwen out and 
compelled to leape into the Sea, there were two drowned." They were 
probably left on the bar in shallow water and obliged to wade to land, oc- 
casionally swimming. Job Hortop, who was one of those thus put on shore, 
gives an account more favorable to Hawkins. He writes (folio 9) : 

" Then wee set saile and sought for the iland of Panico, to take in fresh 
water, for we had but little left, our victualls wared scant, in so much that 
wee were compelled through hunger to eate hides, cats, rattes, mice, parats, 
monkies and dogges, besides many other things which we were not accus- 
tomed unto, all which wee esteemed as verie good meate, and greatly 
praised God for the same. By reason whereof our Generall was constrained 
to divide his companie through extremitie of hunger, and many of us de- 
sired rather to bee on the shoare among wilde beastes then to famish on 
shipboard through hunger, whereupon our Generall set on shoare of our 
companie, four score and sixteene : and gave unto every one of us, five 
yardes of Roan cloth, and monie to those that did demand it. Then he 
lovingly embraced us greatly lamenting our distressed estate and having 
persuaded us to serve God, and to love one another, he bad us all farewell, 
promising to do what he might for us hereafter, if God lent him and us life 
to meet again, and so he departed from us, leaving us to God's providence." 1 
Hawkins soon set sail for England, where, after enduring great sufferings, 
he arrived, January 20, 1568. 

The company passed the night where they landed, having found a sup- 
ply of water and some fruit, and the next morning, it being the 8th of Oc- 
tober, 1567, they began to travel westward along the coast. Soon these 
unhappy people were attacked by the Indians. Being without arms, they 
were obliged to yield to their savage enemies, who killed eight of them and 

1 The only copy of Hortop's work the writer has seen is that in the British Museum. The title 
runs as follows : 

"THE RARE Trauailes of lob Hortop, an Englishman, who was not heard of in three and 
twentie yeeres space. Wherein is declared the dangers he escaped in his voiage to Gynnie, where 
hee was set on shoare in a wilderness neere to Panico, hee endured much slaverie and bondage in 
the Spanish Galley. Wherein also he discouereth many strange and wonder-full things seene in the 
time of his trauaile, as well concerning wild and sauage people, as also of sundrie monstrous beasts, 
fishes and foules, and also Trees of wonderfull forme and qualitie. London. Printed for William 
Wright 1591." 


robbed the entire company of their clothing, afterwards allowing the sur- 
vivors to depart, at the same time directing them to the Spanish settlement 
ofTampico, distant about thirty miles. They, however, were not unani- 
mous in desiring to throw themselves upon the hospitality of the Spaniards, 
and accordingly a motion was made to divide the company. Phillips says : 

" We thought it best to divide ourselves into two companies, and so 
being separated, halfe of us went under the leading of one Anthony Godard, 
who is a man yet alive, and dwelleth at this instant in the Towne of Plim- 
mouth, whom before we chose to be captaine ouer us all, and those which 
went under his leading, of which number I Miles Phillips was one, trauelled 
Westword that way which the Indians with their hands had pointed us to 
go. The other halfe went under the leading of one John Hooper, whome 
they did choose for their captaine, and with the company that went with 
him, David Ingraham was one, and they tooke their way and trauailed 
Northword, and shortly after within the space of two days, they were again 
incountred with sauage people, and their captaine and two more of his com- 
pany were slaine : then again they diuided themselves, and some held on 
theyr way still Northword, and other some, knowing that we were gone 
Westword, sought to meet us again, as in truth there was about the num- 
ber of five & twentie or six and twentie of them that mette with us in the 
space of three or four days againe, and then we began to reckon amongst 
our selues, how many we were that were set on shoare, and we found the 
number to be an hundred & fourteen, whereof two were drowned in the 
sea, and eight were slaine at the first incounter, so there remained an hun- 
dred and foure, of which five and twentie went Westward with us, and two 
and fiftie to the North with Hooper and Ingram : and as Ingram since 
hath often tolde me, there were not past three of theijr company slaine, and 
there were but five and twentij of them that came againe to us, so that of 
the company that went Northword, there is yet lacking, and not certainely 
heard of, the number of three and twentie men." Phillips adds: "And 
verily I doe thinke that there arr of them yet alive, and marryed in thesayd 
countrey, at Sibola, as hereafter I purpose (God willing) to discourse of more 
particularly, with the reason and the causes that make me so to think of them 
that were lacking, which were David Ingram, Twide, Browne and Sundry- 
others, whose names we could not remember." 1 Hortop (folio 10) says : 

' ' Being now left on land by the sea side in a place not inhabited, but onely 

1 See "A discourse written by one Miles Phillips Englishman one of the Company put a shoare in 
the West Indies by Mr Iohn Hawkins in the yeere 1568," in Hakluyt's " Principall Navigations." 
Ed. 1589, p. 562. On page 556, in the account of the Voyages of Hawkins, the matter is disposed 
of in five lines, it being said, " such as were willing to land I put them apart." 


with horses and wild people, we lay by the sea side upon the first night, where 
we kept watch, fearing them that were in troops not farre from us. About 
sun-rise we marched three and three in a rancke into a great field under a 
groue where the Indian people came upon us, asking what people we were : 
to whome two of our companie speaking good Spannish, answered they were 
Englishmen that neuer came into that countrie before : then they demanded 
by what meanes, and for what intent, answere was made that we had lately 
fought with the Spaniards, and for want of victualls constrained to land. 
They demanded of us whither we would go, we said to Pannico, a towne inhab- 
ited by Spaniards : then the Captaine of the Indians, willed us to give them 
some of our cloth and shirtes, which we did. Then they commanded us to 
giue them all, which we denied to do : thereupon one of our company 
called Iohn Carnish was presently slaine with an arrow by an Indian boy : 
but for so doing the Indian Captaine smote the boy with his bow in the 
necke, that he lay for dead, and willed us to follow him, which we did ; 
who brought us to fresh water, willing us to sit downe and drinke, and he 
with other company woulde goe kill fiue or sixe deare for us that we might 
eate thereof, but we stayed for them verie long some of our company de- 
ported into a groue, where by the Indians they were stripped of all their 
clothes, and one of them hurt with an arrowe in the arme and then came 
unto us. Afterward we divided ourselves into two companies, and went two 
wayes to Lake Pannico, and before we met again manie of us were spoiled of 
our apparaell. After our two companies had met together, we set watch and 
staied together till morning, where entering between two groves a huge num- 
ber of Indians set vppon us, who robbed us of our clothes and left us naked 
as wee were borne of our mothers, they hurt many of us and killed eight of 
our companie. Afterwards the Indians showed us the way to Pannico." 

Here we leave Hortop, who suffered incredible hardships, but finally 
reached England by the way of Spain, where he published his remarkable 
story. The other detachment, as we have already seen, travelled northward 
for two days, when another division took place after two more men had 
been killed. Then Hooper and twenty-six others went and rejoined Godard, 
while twenty-five for a time held on with Ingram. Only Twide and Browne 
continued with him to the end. Ingram does not say what became of the 
rest of his company, but Phillips tells, as we have seen, that he thinks they 
went to Sibola and " marryed." ' Job Hortop did not reach England until 

1 Hakluyt gave a version of Ingram's narrative in the edition of 1589, but omitted it in 1599. 
The fact that Ingram made the overland journey was never questioned. It was the inevitable outcome 
of his attested departure. Many of his stories were, properly, discredited. Purchas referring to 
Hakluyt, says (iv. 1 179), "it seemeth some incredibilities of his report caused him to leave him 
[Hortop] out in the next impression." Yet many of his stories are quite explicable to-day. 


twenty-three years afterward, 1 though Ingram got home in twelve months, 
making remarkably good time. 

In the year 1582 Ingram was called by the authorities to make a state- 
ment concerning the countries that he visited, this being the time when 
Gilbert was preparing for his expedition. The State Paper Office contains 
a manuscript which shows that Sir Humphrey was interested in Ingram. It 
is called "The report of them that have travelled the aforesaid countreys 
w~ the note of such things as they have found there, over and above that 
which Ingraham upon his examinacion did confesse, whose names are : 
vererzanus, Jacques Gartier, John Barros, Andrewe Thevett, John Walker, 
of w - number S r Humfrey Gylbert did conferse in person with the three 
last named." 2 

The reports of the first four are not found. Thevet's absence will not 
be regretted, but possibly that of Verrazano might have given some light 
respecting the map presented to Henry VIII. which then existed. The first 
relation of Ingram was prepared in response to definite queries, 3 and it was 
followed by a still larger statement. 4 

The queries referred to are entitled " Certayne questiones to be demanded 
of Davy Ingram sayler dwellinge at Barkinge in the Countye of Essex 
what he observed in his travel on the north side of the ryver May, where he 
remayned three months or thereabouts." The questions relate to the pro- 
ductions of the country, the character of the people, the style of their dwell- 
ings, of the precious metals obtainable, and the character of the animals of 
the country. This relation is made up from personal knowledge and reports 
in general circulation at the time, especially those relating to Cibola, which 
he employs in the sailor fashion. While some statements are perversions of 
facts and others almost baseless, the bulk of his narrative is true. 

With respect to the route pursued, it would appear that he left the border 
of Texas and started for the Atlantic coast, where he hoped to find some 
English vessel. He appears to have reached or have heard of the Altamaha 
in Georgia, and kept on northeasterly, passing through the present territory 
of New York, Connecticut, and Massachusetts. He speaks of his journey 

1 Cabeza de Vaca, who came to America with Narvaez in 1528, was six years in captivity, and 
spent twenty months in his travels to escape. See his narrative edited by Buckingham Smith. 

2 Bib. Americana, London, 1789, p. 28, gives the title of an Italian extract from Ramusio, cover- 
ing the voyage of Verrazano ; and Abbe Laverdiere, Champlain's editor, mentions a MS. of Thevet's. 
CEuvres, ii. 131. 

3 The document is preserved in the State Paper Office, and a copy is in the possession of the 

4 This larger statement forms the " Relation " of Ingram, printed in the present number of The 
Magazine as an original document. It is the version of the narrative which the writer found pre- 
served in the Bodleian collections, being in substance the same as that published by Hakluyt. 


as made from the Bay of Mexico " through a great part of America untill 
he came within 5° leagues of Cape Britton." He testifies to Secretary 
Walsingham that he travelled M in those countries from beyond Terra 
Florida extending towards Cape Britton aboute xi monethes in those coun- 
tries which lye towards the North of the River Maie [May], in which time 
. . . he travailed by land 2,000 miles at least, and never continued in any 
one place above 3 or 4 daies saving only at the city of Balma." As he 
went on, he met with kind treatment among those Indians who knew 
nothing of the Spaniards. He says that he passed over " manie great rivers 
in those countries in canoe or boats some 4 some 8 some 10 miles over, 
whereof one was so large that they could scarce cross the same in 24 hours." 
These " rivers" were evidently bays on the Atlantic coast. 

Toward the end of the manuscript we read: " After long travell the 
aforesaide David Ingram with his two companions Browne and Twid came 
to the head of a river called Gugida which is 60 leagues west from Cape 
Britton wher they understode by the people of that countrie of the arivall 
of a Christian. Wheruppon they made ther repaire to the sea side and 
ther found a Frenche Captaine named MonsI Champaigne who took them 
into his shipp and brought them unto Newhaven Anno dni 1569." 

The difficulties encountered in this journey must have been very great, 
while the sufferings of Ingram and his companions were no doubt severe. 
First of all they did not have any good idea of the geography of America, 
the prevailing notions of which were reflected in Mercator's misshapen but 
popular chart of 1568 ; a chart that, until the opening of the seventeenth 
century, continued its unfortunate and mystifying work in connection with 
American geography. A glance at the maps of the period would enable 
the reader to see how easily Ingram might have misunderstood the whole 
situation. Then again at the south, as we have seen, he encountered the 
hatred of the natives, whose natural kindliness had already been destroyed 
by the cruelties practised upon them by the representatives of Spain. To- 
ward the north, where the influence of the politic French had been felt, the 
feeling among the Indians was different, and to this circumstance Ingram, 
no doubt, was indebted for his escape. He must have received much hos- 
pitality at the hands of the various tribes ; while at that time the continent 
was covered by thousands of miles of Indian trails trodden by the red man 
for generations, and along which Ingram travelled from the Gulf of Mexico 
to Cape Breton. Nevertheless it was a remarkable journey, and whatever 
may be said of the imaginary character of a portion of his narrative, reflect- 
ing, as it does, the former brain and heart-sickness of a distressed and 
superstitious sailor, it contains a solid substratum of truth. This truth is 


that he actually travelled from the Gulf of Mexico to the eastern border 
of Maine ; this was never doubted, even though Hakluyt, in his edition 
of 1599, left the narrative out. Abundant means were at hand at the time 
for verifying, not all his statements, but the fact that he travelled through 
the continent of North America, as alleged. Ingram, therefore, at present, 
must be regarded as the first Englishman now known to have entered New 
England. Consequently we have to regret that he did not leave a better 
account of his journey. 

In the course of his narrative he mentions a number of Indian cities, one 
of which " Ochala," or Hochelaga, the present Montreal, he had heard by 
report. In one place he also saw water, which, in accordance with the notions 
of his times, he fancied to communicate with India, and says that his ex- 
perience agrees with that of Coronado, who, however, referred to the Pacific. 
He is also repeating the stories of Cibola, in saying that certain houses had 
pillars of silver and crystal; that in every house were " coupes of silver 
and christall," and " in everie house coupes and buckets and diverse other 
vessels of massie silver, wherewith they do throw out the water and dust." 

We have, however, something credible when he comes to the region of 
the Penobscot and mentions, " Bega a countrie and a towne of that name 
three quarters of a myle, ther are good store of oxe hides," by which he 
probably means the buffalo. This is probably the town referred to in connec- 
tion with the series of questions that has been mentioned, where it is noted 
that " he hath confessed " that " he sawe a town half a myle longe," with 
" many streets farre broader than any street in London." He also professes 
that the people " between Norumbega and Bariniah have teeth like doggs/' 
and are " Canniballs," a story repeated by one of the Popham journalists. 

In attempting to fix the northern limit of Ingram's journey we do not 
essay a hopeless task. This was said to be about sixty leagues from Cape 
Breton ; but, more to the point, he says that he sailed from a river called 
" Gugida," which in a previous passage reads " Guinda," that being the 
name of a small town and river, and the most northerly place visited. In 
the manuscript now in the State Paper Office, it appears that the name of 
the river as given by the recorder is "Bauda," and it is said that Ingram 
"ymbarked when he came home at the River called Bauda, where he met 
a french ship of New Haven by chance, who came within sight of the Ly- 
zarde wi th in 20 dayes saylinge after they departed from the said coast." 
Possibly this is another name applied to the river. But it is probably a 
clerical error. Still it is clear that he took the French ship near the most 
northerly place reached ; and, by turning to Lescarbot's " Nouvelle France," 
Ingram's river and town are recognized in Lescarbot's River and Town of 


" Ouigoudi ; " for these are simply different attempts to express the same 
sounds. Assistance is also derived from maps of the period, on which the 
River Seguido is found in the region of the Bay of Fundy. 1 But by refer- 
ring again to Lescarbot the " Ouigoudi " ' itself is found identified, this be- 
ing the Indian name of the River and Town of St. John, so named by Cham- 
plain, who visited, not discovered, the river on St. John's Day, 1604. This 
writer gives the Indian name as " Ouygoudy, Ingram's Gugida." 3 

That Ingram sailed for France from this region is evident from the fact 
that he refers to the Bay of St. Mary, on the west coast of Nova Scotia. 
His first narrative says, "A mountain w= lieth to the northwordes of the 
sea coaste about 30 leagues from the Bay of St. Maries as he judgeth it, 
wS is called Banachoonan w= seemed very rich of mynes both by color 
therof as by the plenty of Silver amongst the inhabitants." The silver was 
perhaps derived from Europeans, but the Bay figures on Cabot's map of 
1544. Around the Bay he saw " fire dragons which make the air very red 
as they fly." These are the harmless fireflies (Mouches) celebrated in the 
verses of Lescarbot. 4 From the foregoing it is sufficiently evident that In- 
gram and his companions reached the headwaters of the St. John, when, 
hearing of the arrival of a ship on the coast, they descended the stream in 
season to secure their passage to France. 

It is also said that about a fortnight after reaching New Haven, the " said 
examinat and his two companions 5 came to M r ' John Hawkins who had sett 
them ashore oppon the Baie of Mexico and unto each of them he gave a re- 
ward." Hawkins himself never took any pains to ascertain what became 
of the men he left behind ; but he was alive in 1582, the date of Ingram's 
deposition, and probably called the attention of Secretary Walsingham to 
Ingram, when, in connection with Sir George Peckham and Sir Humphrey 
Gilbert, he was seeking information concerning the New World. Of Captain 
" Champaigne," who commanded the Gargarine, nothing is now known. 6 


1 In the Museum of Dinan is a beautiful map dated 1632, evidently a copy of a map of the six- 
teenth century. It shows " R. Segundo." Wytfliet (1603) calls the river " Sequido." This may 
be what the Spaniards and others called in their respective tongues the Second River. 

2 Lescarbot says that the town was inclosed, and that Chhoudan was the chief. Nouvelle France, 

P. 598. 

3 CEuvres, III., 22. 4 Les Muses de la Nouvelle France, p. 34. 

■' Richard Browne was killed in 1577, in an engagement on board the Elizabeth, Captain Cockins, 
of London ; and Twide died two years later at Red Cliff. 

6 The names being generally misspelled, the reading, possibly, is "Champlain," which would give 
an early introduction to the name in America. 


The mounds of the Mississippi basin, apart from their history, have an 
interest in themselves. No one who has not previously examined these 
works can have any adequate idea of their magnitude and extent. Those 
who have seen them as they lie thickly scattered through the fertile valleys 
of the West and South are surprised at the evidence they present of a vast 
population which once inhabited this wide domain. 

The mounds of the Mississippi Valley vary much in form and size. The 
greater number are small, being from one to four feet in height, and from 
eighteen to one hundred and fifty feet in diameter. There are thousands 
of mounds in Mississippi and Arkansas, and there are probably as many in 
Minnesota. My own personal surveys in the latter State now exceed one 
thousand, and the localities of at least as many more are known. Those in 
the bottom lands in the former States are generally composed of black sandy 
loam, and an examination proves them to be burial mounds. In addition 
to human remains they usually contain earthen vessels and pipes of all sizes 
and shapes. Occasionally flint and stone implements, stone pipes, articles 
of copper, and other relics, are found. In Arkansas, on the prairies and 
uplands, there is also a great number of these mounds. They are generally 
built of clay, and it is very seldom that they contain any implements or 
pottery. The same may be said in regard to the clay mounds on the bluffs 
along the Mississippi. High mounds are not very numerous. In fact, 
mounds of twenty feet and upward in height are to be found only occa- 

Temple mounds are always associated with mounds of other forms and 
are never isolated. They have approaches or graded roadways built to 
their summit, and generally have aprons or terraces on their sides. Their 
size, and the great amount of labor and expense attached to their excava- 
tion, has probably prevented the true character of the mounds from being 
known. But it is a well-known fact that the smaller ones having the same 
forms were used for burial purposes. A few years ago some parties made 
an excavation in the top of a temple mound on Captain Hunt's plantation, 
near Greenville, Miss. They found portions of two human skeletons, several 
broken clay vessels, and one carved stone pipe. This mound is sixty 
feet high, and has one approach and one apron. Numerous as may be the 
mounds in Ohio, there are but three known and described as temples. 


Platform mounds are but another class of temple mounds, and have from 
one to four approaches. Some of these are also known to contain human 
remains. One having four approaches is situated on the Sterling plantation, 
near Stoneville, Miss. I saw it when the ground was first cleared up. It 
was square, with the sides of equal length, and so steep that it was diffi- 
cult to plow. After several years of cultivation human remains and large 
quantities of broken pottery were thrown out. All the other mounds in 
the group that were put under cultivation were also burial mounds. 

There is another class known as hearth mounds. What they were built 
for is difficult to say. They hardly ever reach four feet in height, and the 
hearth is covered with earth from three inches to two feet in depth. In 
one class the hearth is regular and unbroken, while in others it is composed 
of broken pieces of burnt clay, resembling broken brick, intermixed with 
earth. The hearths vary in thickness from one and one-half to thirteen 
inches. In some mounds there are two hearths separated by eight or ten 
inches of earth ; in which case the upper hearth is much the thicker. In 
only two instances have I found them to contain human remains. In one 
with a convex top some human remains were found directly beneath the 
centre of the hearth. In another the remains were upon the hearth, on the 
south side. They had evidently been placed there after the fleshy portions 
of the body had decayed. In one mound, in which the earth had a concave 
top, the concavity was overlaid with broken pottery. In another the cavity 
contained a double handful of clay beads. The largest mound of this 
class I have seen is on Brighton plantation, in Washington County, Miss., and 
is used as a burial ground. It is about seven feet high, and the hearth is 
thirteen inches thick. It is composed of burned clay intermixed with grass 
and sticks. So far as I could learn, there had never been any human 
bones exhumed, though occasionally a clay vessel or an implement has been 
found in the soil above the hearth. I also examined a mound of this class 
in Drew County, Ark. It was used in making a railroad dump, and 
although the soil to the depth of five feet below the natural surface was re- 
moved, there were no indications of human remains, and one small arrow- 
head was all that was found. These mounds could hardly be called altar 
mounds, for there are more having conical tops than there are having flat 
or concave tops. In some cases the hearths are burnt hard, but in every 
instance the ashes have all been removed, and at most only a few pieces of 
charcoal are found. If they had been used as dwelling places there would 
be quantities of rubbish found, such as naturally accumulate. 

The mounds continue at intervals along the Mississippi River as far 
north as Little Falls, Minn., and up the Minnesota River to Big Stone 


Lake, thence along that lake and Lake Traverse, and down the Red River 
Valley beyond Winnepeg, in Manitoba. In the northeastern portion of 
Minnesota, between Snake River and Rainy Lake River, there seem to be no 
mounds, with the exception of one on Eshquagoma Lake, observed by Mr. 
George R. Stuntz. About the geographical centre of the State, and in the 
region immediately adjacent, earthworks are often found, there being 
some very noticeable ones in Otter Tail County. There are many mounds 
around Lake Minnetonka and along Crow River ; indeed, there are more 
or less on nearly every small stream and lake in Central and Southern 
Minnesota. The largest one known in the State is on the lower end of 
Dayton's Bluff, in St. Paul, its former height being eighteen feet. Another 
very handsome mound is located in the village of White Bear, near the 
lake shore. It is conical in form, and thirteen feet high. Several years 
ago two young ladies of the neighborhood were led by curiosity to make 
an excavation in the side of it, and were rewarded by finding some human 
bones and two clay pipes. Many groups in this State have one or more 
mounds with an approach. They are generally small. The largest I 
have yet seen is at the mouth of Pioneer Creek, in Wright County, and is 
seven feet in height, with an approach one hundred feet in length. In at- 
tempting excavation, I found it so hard and compact that it was impossible 
to complete it without great labor. In this regard it is built much more 
solidly than any that I have met with heretofore. In the same group is 
the only square mound that I have seen in the State. Nearly every group 
has one or more elliptical-shaped mounds, ranging in height from one to 
eight feet. Truncated cones are also occasionally found. 

The mounds that I have examined — both in the upper and lower valley 
— seem to have been constructed for burial purposes, and the modes of 
burial were relatively the same. The vertebrae and other small bones are 
wanting. The skeletons are not in a natural position. The relics are gen- 
erally found near the skulls, and are of the same forms. 

On the Summers plantation, in Washington County, Miss., is a mound 
eight feet high, with an approach one hundred and forty feet long. In this 
mound the skeletons were found either by ones or sevens. Where there 
were seven, only a single vessel was found, and in one case there was none 
at all. When there was only one skeleton, there were from five to thirteen 
vessels surrounding the skull. The bones were piled up in heaps, and 
where there was more than one skull they were placed side by side, with 
faces turned in every direction. In another mound, examined in the same 
county, the bones and skulls were thrown together without regard to any 
system. There were several broken vessels and some partially decayed 


mussel-shells mixed with the bones. This mound must have contained over 
fifty skeletons. Along Crowley's Ridge, in Arkansas, the general custom 
seems to have been to place the vessels and other relics about two feet from 
the top of the mound, and the skeletons two or three below these. In a 
mound on Griffith's plantation, near Harrisburg, there were four vessels 
near the surface. The central one was made of a substance resembiing 
slate, and contained a human lower jaw, a part of which is now in the pos- 
session of Mr. William Ainsworth, of Harrisburg. But of a large number 
of mounds that I opened on the ridge, I found only one or two that proved 
exceptions to the general rule. In a mound on the Taylor plantation, near 
Cherry Valley, the relics were found near the skulls. One skull was in a 
vessel, and the other bones of the body were placed around upon the out- 
side. The vessel and skull were broken by the pressure of the earth. The 


skull was too much decayed to save, but the vessel I retained and cemented 
together, and found but a small portion missing. In a clay mound near 
Monticello, Ark., I found the skulls all near the centre, lying on their 
right sides, the extremities extending outward. This is the only case in 
which I have found the bones in a natural position, though many of the 
smaller bones were missing. Excepting the skeletons, the mound con- 
tained nothing else of note. In a mound opened in Ramsey County, 
Minn., there was a large conical heap of stone. Under the rocks were the 
remains of eleven persons. The bones of each were piled up in a separate 
heap, and the skull placed at the end. In two or three instances the lower 
jaw was placed at the opposite end. Evidently the bones had first been 
placed in heaps and covered over with earth. Then a conical heap of lime- 
stone placed over them, and these in turn were covered with earth. Many 


of the skulls and bones had been knawed by animals, probably wolves. In 
another mound in the same group, there was a circle of boulders about two 
feet from the top, with one in the centre of the circle. Under this central 
boulder was a very ancient skull. There were other skeletons scattered 
through the mound, but none were so dark and decayed. Near Her- 
man, Grant County, I opened a mound that was five feet high and eighty 
feet in diameter. At a depth of three feet and nine inches, human bones 
were discovered. 

They had been deposited in an earthen vessel, the skull being placed 
upon the top. The vessel was thirteen inches in diameter and about the 
same in depth. The bottom was rounded off, and the sides were nicely 
ornamented with rows of dots. It had been broken by the pressure of the 
earth surrounding it, and the greater portion of it was softer than the 
adjacent soil. The bottom of the vessel was about two inches below the 
natural surface. Within it, besides the human bones, were six arrow-heads, 
five broken arrow-heads, one broken dart-head, one broken drill, one 
spear-head, and two other small implements resembling scrapers, but much 
too small for that purpose. Surrounding the vessel, and about one inch 
above the bottom, was a circle of mussel-shells, about five feet three inches 
in diameter. The shells were placed about five inches apart. 

The low flat mounds of Minnesota and Dakota are often classified as the 
remains of dwelling-houses of the aborigines. The theory is that poles 
were first set up and then sods placed upon the outside, and that after a 
time the dwelling was abandoned ; that the poles having rotted away, the 
structure fell to the centre, and in the course of a few years the top became 
levelled by the accumulation of dust and decayed vegetation, thus forming a 
mound. There is no doubt that the Indians used the mode referred to, but 
the structure, however, having once fallen, would become an irregular mass 
with a concave top, with an opening upon the side where the entrance had 
been. It is true that after a few years the debris would form a solid mass, 
but it would still retain the concave top and would remain practically un- 
changed in after years, as no action of the elements would ever make its top 
level or convex, while the opening in its side would still be apparent. 
Clay and black loam, of which the mounds of Minnesota are formed, does 
not have an upward tendency. On the contrary, the movement is in an op- 
posite direction. . As most of the mounds are built upon ridges, it would 
be impossible for them to take form in this way. Another point to be 
taken in consideration is, that all the mounds in an. undisturbed state are 
very symmetrical, sloping gradually from the highest point at the centre to 
the outer edge at the base. After being thrown up they must have been 


sodded over, for unless this were done, they would not have retained their 
perfect shape and even surface. An illustration of this may be seen along 
any railroad. The sides of the road-bed are continually washing down, so 
that earth has to be added from time to time until vegetation has gained a 
foothold. Another fact not to be lost sight of is, that the mounds show no 
signs of ever having had a fire built in any portion of them. In nearly all 
the mounds, however, more or less charcoal is found, and occasionally a 
heap of ashes ; but a careful examination of the earth shows no sign of its 
ever having been subjected to heat. This is evidence enough that the 
ashes were placed there at the time of the building of the mound. I have 
examined a number of old village sites used by the Indians from twenty-five 
to fifty years ago. Where the land has remained undisturbed, the former 
location of the tepees is plainly visible. Trenches from eight to twelve 
inches deep were made on the outside of them, extending about three- 
fourths of the way around, and the soil placed against the bottom of the 
tepee. Only a few are circular in form. The majority are square or nearly 
so, with the one side open, there being neither trench nor embankment. 
Where some of these village sites have been cultivated, numerous scraps 
of modern utensils, pieces of iron, beads, and other relics are discovered. 
On the other hand, there are no relics of any description found on the site 
around the mounds in Minnesota. Further south, ancient village sites are 
readily distinguishable by the numerous implements, flint chips, and broken 
pottery mixed with the soil. 

Some authors claim that many of the mounds were used as a base for 
Pueblos. There are none in Minnesota that would have answered this pur- 
pose ; and there is no evidence that the large flat mounds of the lower 
valley were of this character. Were they so used, there would be depres- 
sions upon the top where the posts and rows of pickets had been planted. 
The top would be uneven, and the places used for fires would easily be dis- 
tinguished by the charcoal and ashes, the earth showing the action of the 
heat. The approaches, or the side in front of the opening, would be irre- 
gular. A thorough examination of these mounds shows that the top and 
sides are regular and even, and that no ashes are to be found thereon. The 
approaches are also regular and show no signs of use. A question naturally 
arises, why are there so many human skeletons found within these mounds? 
Would the builders have constructed them for burial purposes, and after- 
ward used them as dwelling-places ? So far as my examinations have ex- 
tended, all the evidence goes to show that they contain many human 
skeletons, and are simply places of sepulchre. 



Prompted by generous impulses and a becoming gratitude, the Con- 
tinental Congress voted from time to time, as the events transpired, to 
perpetuate in some enduring form the memories both of the victories won 
and of the distinguished leaders who fell in the Revolutionary struggle. 
Lack of means and the pressure of absorbing public matters delayed the 
execution of these pledges, and in many cases they have failed of being re- 
deemed until within the present decade. Of those still remaining unful- 
filled is the pledge to honor the name of Major-General Baron De Kalb, 
whose gallantry and sacrifice at Camden, together with the soldierly conduct 
of the troops he led, retrieved in no small degree the disgrace of that disas- 
trous field. What the Congress of 1780 proposed as a fitting memorial was 
expressed in a resolution passed on October 14th of that year, as follows : 

"Resolved, That a monument be erected to the memory of the late 
Major-General the Baron De Kalb, in the city of Annapolis, in the State of 
Maryland, with the following inscription : 

Sacred to the memory of 

The Baron De Kalb, 

Knight of the Royal Order of Military Merit, 

Brigadier of the armies of France, 

And Major-General in the service of the United States of America : 

Having served with honor and reputation for three years, 

He gave a last and glorious proof of his attachment to the liberties of mankind and the 

cause of America, 

In the action near Camden, in the State of South Carolina, 

On the i6 ,h of August, 1780: 

Where, leading on the troops of the Maryland and Delaware Lines against superior numbers, 

And animating them by his example to deeds of valour, 

He was pierced with many wounds, and 
On the 19 th following expired, in the 48 th year of his age. 

The Congress of the United States of America, • ' 

In gratitude to his zeal, services and merit, 
Have erected this monument." 

This resolution, it is gratifying to notice, has been taken up and so far 
respected by the present Congress, that a bill, introduced by Senator J. B. 
Groome, of Maryland, appropriating $10,000 to erect the monument in 
question, has passed the Senate and now awaits the action of the House of 


Representatives. A qualifying clause provides that " the Secretary of 
State shall have the management and control of the erection of said monu- 

De Kalb merits some such remembrance. Among the foreign officers 
who came to our assistance, few were more experienced and none more 
unpretending. Prior to the Revolution he held the rank, although a Ger- 
man by birth, of brigadier-general in the French army, and in 1776, at the 
instance of Silas Dearie, engaged to enter the service of the American 
colonies. Acquainted with Lafayette, he joined him in his adventurous 
voyage from a Spanish port, and, after a sail of seven weeks, reached 
Georgetown harbor, S. C., on June 15, 1777. Landing and making their 
way that night to the summer residence of Major Huger, the strangers 
were soon put at ease by the cordial hospitality of their host. Proceed- 
ing to Charleston, and anxious to reach the army without delay, they 
there hired horses and carriages, took the coast route northward, pass- 
ing through Williamsburg, Va., and reached Philadelphia in July. La- 
fayette, who had come to offer his services without pay, was speedily com- 
missioned by Congress, and in three weeks' time found himself the bosom 
friend of Washington. De Kalb and other French officers at first met with 
disappointment. Congress felt it necessary to shut the door against the 
increasing number of foreign applicants for commissions, and as the army 
had been arranged and officered for the campaign, De Kalb was rejected — 
a sum of money being voted to enable him and his friends to return to 
France. The engagement entered into by Deane with these officers was 
held by Congress not to be binding, on the ground that he had no authority 
in the case. But before De Kalb returned, the need appeared or was cre- 
ated for an additional major-general, and he promptly received the appoint- 
ment, September 15, 1777. 

Apart from the chivalric manner in which he closed his career, De 
Kalb's military record is without any striking features. Opportunity failed 
to favor him. During the three years down to Camden he was not engaged 
in any battle, nor is he often mentioned in the correspondence of the day 
even in connection with routine matters. Lafayette, Steuben, and our 
own officers of equal and lesser rank fill a much larger space ; but this was 
not De Kalb's fault, and the end showed what would have been his worth 
had he been placed in the gap at any time before. He first appears in 
camp after the battle of Germantown, when he was sent with St. Clair and 
Knox, in November, 1777, to report upon the advisability of holding our 
posts on the Delaware below Philadelphia. He is next found at Valley 
Forge in command of a division of Massachusetts troops— Learned's and 


Glover's brigades — and when the army moved out in June, his command 
included these brigades with that of Paterson's added. These men were 
'* veterans" of the Burgoyne campaign, and it would have fallen to him to 
be at their head at Monmouth, had not a long illness deprived him of the 
honor. He followed the army as soon as prudent, and joined it at White 
Plains in July. From that point he wrote the following letter to the Presi- 
dent of Congress, which is of special interest as one of the very few that we 
have from his pen. A copy of it is contributed to The MAGAZINE by 
Colonel T. Bailey Myers, of New York, who is the fortunate possessor of 
the original : 

"Camp at Greenwich near White Plains, July 21 st 1778 

Give me leave to give your Excellency & Congress Joy to be once more in Philadelphia, but 
more particularly on the superiority america hath got over her Enemies. I hope with the assistance 
of your good ally, you will be able to Expel them entirely from the Continent & the american Coasts 
in a short tine. I expect also, that what Count d'Estaing's tedious passage has ma:le us miss in 
Delaware may be taken in New York Bay, and all their Shippings and troops there will fall into your 

Since a few days I am recovering pretty fast from my late illness, and am actually much better 
& stronger, then I had reasons to expect not long ago. 

Your Excellency's multiplied Businesses does not permit me to trouble you any longer with the 
care of my letters for Europe, as there is a King's minister residing with those States, I will apply to 
him for the future for that purpose. I only request you to send him the inclosed. 
I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect 

Your Excellency's 

Most obedient & very 
humble Servant 
The Baron de Kalb. 
His Excellency Henry Laurens Presid 1 " of Congress." 

To this may be added another, in the possession of Dr. Thomas Addis 
Emmet, of New York, which gives us a glimpse of Continental values at 
that time : 

" Camp at Fishkill Town Oct ber 9 th - 1778 

The Bay horse I had at Philadelphia arrived here two Days ago, cost me 690 Dollars, perhaps 
more than he may be thought to be worth, and is a good horse not yet five years old, if Col Cox has 
a mind to purchase him for the said price of 690 Dollars you may dispose of him whenever you please 
though I should not part with (sic) but to oblige a friend 

I have the Honor to be Sir 

Your most obedient Servant 
The Baron de Kalb. 
Col Charles Pettit, D. Q. M General." 

Old order-books show that at White Plains De Kalb was frequently on 
duty as General Officer of the Day, and that he kept with the main army in 


its various movements. In the early part of the year he was appointed 
second in command under Lafayette, to lead an expedition into Canada ; 
but that project failed, and in 1779 we meet him again with the right wing 
of the army, in the Highlands, on the west side of the Hudson, in command 
of the division of Maryland troops, including the famous fighting Delaware 
regiment. This division was assigned to him first at White Plains, on Sep- 
tember 7, 1778. In the Highlands he appears once in a Council of War (as 
he had been at Valley Forge), advising with Generals Putnam, Smallwood, 
Muhlenberg, and Gist, what positions their troops should defend in case the 
British ventured an attack, in force, after their humiliation at Stony Point. 
The severe winter of 1780 following he spent with the troops in and around 
Morristown, N. J., and in the month of March commanded the advance 
lines at Springfield, Westfield, Newark, and Elizabeth, where the two Con- 
necticut brigades were then on duty. The following brief order he issued 
upon leaving this command is still another valuable reminiscence of his 
service : 

"Springfield, April 3 d , 1780. 
" Major General the Baron de Kalb is relieved by Brig. General Huntington. The Baron re- 
turns his warmest thanks and acknowledgments to the Connecticut Division for their constant zeal 
and vigilance for the security of the Lines, their orderly Behaviour in regard to the Inhabitants & 
their Readiness & truly military spirit manifested in everything Concerning the service." 

Two months later De Kalb started out on the ill-fated campaign which 
cost him his life. Its particulars are too familiar to be repeated in detail, 
and we simply recall the facts that in May, 1780, he was ordered to march 
with his Maryland division to relieve Charleston, but was superseded in 
North Carolina by General Gates, who pushed on with fatal haste, to be 
confronted suddenly and at a disadvantage by Cornwallis near Camden, 
S C. In that defeat De Kalb nobly held his ground for a time, and at 
last fell, pierced with eleven wounds, from the effects of which he died 
three days later, on August 19, 1780, a prisoner in the enemy's hands. 

De Kalb was born on June 29, 1721, in the German town of Hutten- 
dorf, and twenty-two years later appears as a lieutenant in a German regi- 
ment in the service of France. He seems to have earned a reputation as a 
subordinate in the Seven Years' War. Before our Revolution he had been 
in America as a secret agent of the French government. His " Life " has 
been written by Friedrich Kapp, which the late Professor Geo. Washington 
Greene epitomized in a very interesting essay published in " The German 
Element in the War of Independence." An episode of the Camden cam- 
paign appeared in THE MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY in July, 1882. 


Vol. xxii. of the Southern Quarterly Review also contains a valuable sketch 
of the subject. 

Personally De Kalb was a man of towering proportions, ruddy com- 
plexion, sedate and philosophic in his temperament, abstemious in his habits, 
and as a soldier was prudent and safe rather than brilliant. His grave at 
Camden, S. C, is marked by a monument, erected by the citizens in 1825, 
its corner-stone being laid by Lafayette, during his southern tour, on March 
10th of that year. The ceremonies of the occasion were touching. Lavas- 
seur, Lafayette's secretary, present at the time, describes the effect at the 
most interesting moment as follows: " The General's hand resting upon 
the stone followed it in its slow descent, while the crowd regarded in 
solemn silence the veteran French warrior as he thus rendered, after the 
lapse of nearly half a century, the last honors to the German warrior upon 
a soil which they both had reddened with their blood, and which their 
arms had combined to free." H. P. JOHNSTON 

Note — Since the foregoing was in type the House of Representatives has passed the Senate hill 
authorizing the monument to DeKalb. The inscription proposed by the old Congress puts his age at 
forty-eight, but according to his biographer he was in his sixtieth year. 


I. Sir henry clinton and the burning of new London — The 
following letter, from the original in the Public Record Office, London, 
throws some light on the movements and intentions of the British about 
the time that Washington was preparing to march on Yorktown in 178 1. 
The reference to the New London expedition is of interest as showing its 
original design, and tends to confirm the theory that it was not undertaken 
to recall Washington from his southern march, but was an independent, 
minor operation. As the enterprise against Rhode Island had to be aban- 
doned, an attack upon New London seems to have been a natural sugges- 
tion. This view, it may be recalled, was adopted by General Joseph R. 
Hawley, in his address at the centennial celebration in September, 1880, 
and the letter goes to fortify it : 

" New York 4 th September 17S1 
' ' My Lord : 

"It having been Rear Admiral Graves and my Intention to make an Attempt upon the French 
Fleet at Rhode Island, at a time when the Works which covered them, tho strong, were garrisoned 
with only a few French Troops and Rebel Militia, every thing was got in Readiness for the Expe- 
dition, and we only waited for some small Repairs to some of His Majesty's ships to proceed on the 


" However, Sir Samuel Hood having in the Interim arrived on the 28 th ultimo with a Squadron 
from the West Indies, the Troops were instantly embarked. But we received that evening certain 
Intelligence that the French Fleet had sailed from Rhode Island on the 25 th - 

"The Admirals in Consequence of this Information put to Sea on the 31 st with their Joint 
Squadrons, amounting to nineteen ships of the Line ; and the Troops were, of course, disembarked. 
But as it is my Wish to give to the Enemy every annoyance in my Power, I propose sending imme- 
diately a small Expedition under the orders of Brigadier General Arnold, to endeavour to bring off or 
destroy the Privateers and Naval and other Stores collected at New London. The success of which 
I shall probably be able to report to your Lordship before the Packet sails. 
" I have the Honor to be with the greatest Respect 
" Your Lordship's 

" Most obedient & 

" Most Humble Servant 

(Signed) " H. Clinton 

" To the Right Hon ble Lord George Germaine." 
Endorsed : " New York, 4 th Sept. 1781. 

" S r . Henry Clinton 
kt No. 139 
"By 3 d Nov. 

" Read by the King." 

II. Washington's reprimand of Arnold — While the proceedings 
of the Court-martial which tried Arnold for misconduct in Philadelphia 
in 1778 have been published in full, the sentence of the court as carried 
out by Washington appears to have escaped notice. Marbois, indeed, has 
given a version of Washington's words, which have been accepted by some 
writers as a quotation of the original, but their grandiloquent flow and the 
dramatic pose which the Commander-in-Chief is made to assume are so 
unlike his language in similar instances, and so foreign to his character, 
that some suspicion has attached to their genuineness. A search for Wash- 
ington's original order, in which Mr. F. D. Stone, Librarian of the Pennsyl- 
vania Historical Society, has been especially interested, has lately been re- 
warded with the discovery of a copy of it in the Order-Book of Lieutenant 
Joseph Ashton, Adjutant of Colonel Lamb's Second Regiment Continen- 
tal Artillery, now in the possession of the New York Historical Society. 

Arnold was found guilty of two offences : First, for giving permission 
to a vessel " belonging to persons then voluntarily residing" in Philadel- 
phia with the enemy, to enter Wilmington without the knowledge or au- 
thority of the State or of the Commander-in-Chief; and, Second, for making 
improper requests for public wagons to remove his own private property 
from danger. For these derelictions the court sentenced Arnold to re- 
ceive "a reprimand from his Excellency the Commander-in-Chief." Ac- 
cording to Marbois this reprimand ran as follows : 


" Our profession is the chasest of all. Even the shadow of a fault tar- 
nishes the lustre of our finest achievements. The least inadvertence may 
rob us of the public favor so hard to be acquired. I reprimand you for 
having forgotten, that, in proportion as you had rendered yourself formida- 
ble to our enemies, you should have been guarded and temperate in your 
deportment towards your fellow-citizens. Exhibit anew those noble quali- 
ties which have placed you on the list of our most valued commanders. I 
will, myself, furnish you, as far as it may be in my power, with opportuni- 
ties of regaining the esteem of your Country." 

In reality the reprimand, as given in the Order-Book mentioned, was 
announced as follows : 

"Head Quarters, Morristown, 6 th April, 1780. 
****** ***** 

"The Honorable the Congress have been pleased to confirm the foregoing sentence by the follow- 
ing Resolution lately received — ' In Congress Feby 12 th , 1780 — Congress resumed the consideration 
of the proceedings of the Court-martial on the tryal of Major Genl. Arnold, and on motion — Re- 
solved that the sentence of the Court-martial be confirmed.' 

" The Commander-in-Chief would have been much happier in an occasion of bestowing com- 
mendations on an officer who has rendered such distinguished services to his Country as Major 
Genl. Arnold. But in the present case a sense of duty and a regard to candour oblige him to declare 
that he considers his Conduct in the instance of the permit t as peculiarly reprehensible both in civil 
and military view, and in the affair of the waggons as imprudent and improper." 

III. Corps OF RANGERS in 1780— Was the corps mentioned in the fol- 
lowing warrant ever raised, and what is known of Charles Grenic? Who, 
also, was J. Brown, the Lieutenant-Colonel? 

"To Charles Grenic Gentleman 

"By Virtue of the Power and Authority to me given by his Excellency General Washington 
Commander-in-Chief of the United States within the Colonies laying on the Atlantic Ocean, from 
Nova Scotia to West Florida Inclusive, &c. &c. &c. To Rais one Battalion of able bodied Rang- 
ers, to serve two years, or if required dureing the Continuance of the present War, in North America, 
to Receave the same Pay, and to be under the same Discipline as the Troops of the United States. I 
do hereby authorise You the said Charles Grenic to raise and Inlist a number of able-bodied men, 
to serve in the said Battalion for two years, or if Required Dureing the Continuance of the Present 
War in North America. On Fifty Men being Inlisted, Inspected & Approved : You will be Intitled 
to a Captain's Commission in the said Battalion — The Number of men to be Raised by Virtue of this 

Warrant are to be ready for Inspection in months from the date hereof. And for so doing 

this shall be your sufficient Authority. 

" Given under my hand at Peckskill the 29 th of July 1780. 

" J. Brown, L*. Col." 



The pioneer of French travellers to the country west of the great lakes, and the 
first white man who is reputed to have reached a northern tributary of the Mississippi, 
was Jean Nicolet, who in 1634, or thereabouts, made treaties with the Indians at 
Green Bay, and ascended Fox River. 

The "Relation de ce qui s'est passe en la Novvelle France, 1640," Paris, 1641, 
gives the earliest indication of this voyage, and a summary description is given in the 
Relation of 1642-43. These reports are reprinted in the "Relation des Jesuites," 
vol. i., Quebec, 1858. Margry's " Decouvertes etetablissementsdes Francais," vol. i., 
pp. 47-53, contains the portions of the above which refer to Nicolet, and a translation 
of the account in the Relation of 1640 is printed in Smith's " History of Wisconsin," 
vol. hi. Du Creux's " Historia Canadensis." Paris, 1664, gives the first connected 
history of the life and exploits of this explorer. A translation of Du Creux's narra- 
tive is appended to Butterfield's " History and Discovery of the Northwest, by John 
Nicolet," Cincinnati, 1881. 

Shea states, in his " Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi," that Nicolet 
descended the Wisconsin to the Mississippi. This opinion was adopted by Parkman 
in his "Jesuits in North America," p. 166, but his later judgment is given in the 
"Discovery of the Great West." A more careful examination of the evidence 
demonstrates the improbability that his travels extended farther than the Wisconsin, 
and in the opinion of Butterfield, the latest writer upon this voyage, he did not reach 
that river, but stopped at the country of the Mascoutins upon Fox River. 

Benjamin Suite, a Canadian historical writer, in writing upon Nicolet, in his 
"Melanges d'Histoire et de Litterature," Ottawa, 1876, shows, for the first time, 
that this journey was probably made in 1634, instead of 1638 or 1639, as before 

Suite's article, with notes by L. C. Draper, is printed in the " Wisconsin Historical 
Society Collections," vol. viii., pp. 188-194; also in the "Canadian Antiquarian," 
vol. viii., pp. 157-164. 

Butterfield, who has carefully investigated the records, agrees with Suite in as- 
signing 1634 as the true date, and brings out additional, if not conclusive evidence 
to support this theory, in his monograph cited above. Margry, in the " Journal de 
l'lnstruction publique," 1862, under the caption, *' Les Normands dans les Vallees 
de rOhio et du Mississipi," describes Nicolet's travels and Gravier's " Decouvertes 
et etablissements de La Salle;" Harrisse's "Notes pour servir a l'Histoire [etc.] de 


la Nouvelle France," and Parkman's " La Salle," also give some account of the 

In 1642, Jogues and Raymbault. two missionaries, penetrated as far west as 
Sault Ste. Marie, at the outlet of Lake Superior. See account of this mission in the 
Jesuit Relation of 1642. Margry's Collection, vol. i., pp. 45-47, contains a reprint 
of the narrative of this journey. See also Shea's Charlevoix, vol. i., p. 137, for notice 
of the undertaking. 

The next recorded visit to the West is that of two French traders, who wintered 
upon the shores of Lake Superior in 1658. See the Jesuit Relation of 1659-60, and 
the extract in Margry's Collection, vol. i., pp. 53-55, and translation in Smith's 
Wisconsin, vol. iii., p. 20. Father Menard began a mission at St. Theresa Bay, 
Lake Superior, in 1661. See Lallemant's letter in the Relation of 1662-63. A 
translation of this letter is in Smith's Wisconsin, vol. iii. See also Perrot's " Me- 
moire sur les mceurs des sauvages," Paris, 1864; Shea's Charlevoix, vol. i., p. 49, 
and a note by Shea in Historical Magazine, vol. viii., p. 175. Menard's letter, 
written just before his departure for Lake Superior, with notes by E. D. Neill, may 
be found in the "Minnesota Historical Society Collections," vol. i., pp. 135-138. 

In 1665, Claude Alloiiez, another missionary, began a mission at Chegoimegon, 
Lake Superior. See the journal of his travels in Le Mercier's Relation of 1666-67, a 
translation of which is in Smith's Wisconsin, vol. iii. Marquette took charge of this 
mission in 1669, and Alloiiez went to the Baie des Puantes (Green Bay), and in 
1670 made a visit to the Mascoutins on Fox River. Harrisse thinks he crossed to 
the Wisconsin at this time. In reporting his operations, Alloiiez describes the 
" Messi-sipi " from information given by the Indians. See Dablon's Relation of 
1669-70, p. 100. Translation in Smith's "Wisconsin," vol. iii. 

Alloiiez spent many years among the Indians upon Green Bay, and in the 
Illinois country. See the Jesuit Relations covering the years 1669-79. The full 
titles of these Relations are given in chronological order in Harrisse's " Notes pour 
servir a l'Histoire [etc.] de la Nouvelle France." Dr. Shea printed in the Cramoisy 
series the abridged Relations for 1672-79, and Martin's " Mission du Canada" prints 
them for the first time in full. Shea gives a life of Alloiiez in his " Discovery and 
Exploration of the Mississippi." See also notes upon him in Margry's Decouvertes, 
etc., vol. i., pp. 57-72 ; also in Bancroft, in Shea's Charlevoix, vol. iii., and in Shea's 
" Catholic Missions in the United States." Gravier and Parkman also give some 
account of his travels. 

In June, 167 1, St. Lusson, in the presence of a large number of Indians, took 
possession of the country on the lakes in the name of France. The " Proces verbal " 
of the ceremony is in Margry, vol. i., pp. 96 et sea. 

Perrot, a noted Canadian voyagenr, in 1670-71 travelled along the shores of 
Green Bay. Perrot's journal, which records the daily events of his life among the 
Indians from 1665 to 1726, was edited for the first time at Paris, in 1864, by 
Father Tailhan. It is entitled " Memoires sur les mceurs et coustumes et relligion 


[sic] des sauvages de FAmerique septentrionale." Tailhan's notes add value to the 
work. See regarding Perrot, Shea's Charlevoix, vol. iii., p. 165, and Historical 
Magazine, vol. ix., p. 205. 

A description of the geography of the country as known previous to the explora- 
tion of the Mississippi by Joliet and Marquette is given by Dablon in the " Rela- 
tion de la Nouvelle France, les annees 1670 et 1671," Paris, 1672. See the Quebec 
reprint in "Relation des Jesuites," vol. iii. The Relation, as printed in 1672, gave 
a map of the great lakes; for a description of which see Parkman's "La Salle," p. 


In 1673 Jacques Marquette and Louis Joliet navigated the Mississippi in canoes 
to the Arkansas. Father Marquette's narrative of the voyage, in an imperfect form, 
was published by Thevenot in his " Recueil de Voyages," Paris, 1681. Thevenot 
also published it as an independent work, with the title, " Voyage et decouverte de 
quelques pays et nations de l'Amerique septentrionale." In this latter shape it was 
reproduced by Rich, at Paris, in 1845. The map accompanying this version, and 
which is inserted in fac-simile in Bancroft, is said not to be by Marquette. The 
authentic map was first published in Shea's " Discovery and Exploration of the 
Mississippi," where the two maps are compared. The Thevenot text appears trans- 
lated in French's "Historical Collections of Louisiana," pt. 2, pp. 279-297, and 
Spark's " Life of Marquette," in the "Library of American Biography," vol. x., is, in a 
measure, a translation of it. 

Marquette's complete journal, prepared for publication, in 1678, by Claude 
Dablon, Superior of the Canadian Missions, remained inedited until Shea published 
it in his "Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi/' New York, 1853, giving 
the original text and a translation. This version, known as the Ste. Marie text, was 
reprinted in 1855, with important annotations, by Shea, under the title, "■ Recit des 
voyages et des decouvertes du R. P. J. Marquette, en l'annee 1673, et aux suivantes ; 
la continuation de ses voyages par C. Alloiiez, et le journal autographe, du P. 
Marquette en 1674 et 1675." [Albanie : Imprimerie de Weed, Parsons et Cie.] 
1855 (10), 169 (2), pp. Map, 121110. Martin's "Mission du Canada, Relations 
inedites (16 72-1 679)," vol. ii., contains a modified version of the Ste. Marie text. 
Hennepin's spurious "New Discovery," London, 1698 and 1699, has, as an appen- 
dix, a poor translation of the Thevenot production. 

Joliet, while on his way to Montreal to report his discoveries, lost his memoranda 
and maps. He was enabled, however, to draw up a brief recital from memory, which, 
with a map, he presented to Frontenac in 1674. 

Two versions of this narrative are printed in Margry's Collection, vol. i., pp. 259- 
270. Dablon despatched to his Superior at Paris an account derived from Joliet' s 
verbal testimony, which may be found printed in Martin's " Mission du Canada," 
vol. i., pp. 193-204. A translation is given in the Historical Magazine, vol. v., pp. 
2 37 _2 39- A letter sent by Joliet from Quebec, October 10, 1674, briefly recounts 
his late adventures. It may be found in Harrisse's " Notes pour servir a l'Histoire [etc.] 


de la Nouvelle France," pp. 322 and 323. A narrative based upon Joliet's report 
is appended to Hennepin's "New Discovery," London, 1698. 

Joliet made several maps, showing his discoveries, only one of which has been 
edited. Gravier's " Etude sur ime carte inconnue, la premiere dressee par L. Joliet 
en 1674," contains a fac-simile of the map in question. A letter from the discoverer 
to Frontenac is inscribed upon it. Gravier considers this map, apparently with good 
reason, to be the earliest representation of the course of the Mississippi from personal 

Frontenac' s letter announcing the successful result of Joliet's mission is printed 
in Margry, vol. i., p. 257, and a translation is inserted in the "New York Colonial 
Documents," vol. ix., p. 116. See the following for notices of Joliet : Faillon's " Histoire 
de la Colonie francaise en Canada," vol. iii. ; Ferland's "Notes sur les registres de 
Notre-Dame ; " Margry' s articles in the Revue Canadienne, December, 1871, January, 
March, 1872. French's Historical Collections, second series, has a brief biography. 
The works hereafter cited upon the history of the discovery of the Mississippi neces- 
sarily include a history of the Marquette- Joliet expedition. 

We now come to La Salle, Hennepin, and Tonty, 1669-87. Margry' s " Decou- 
vertes et etablissements des Francais dans l'Ouest et dans le Sud de l'Amerique 
septentrionale, 1614-1698," Paris, 1879-81, contains the documents which the editor 
collected in the archives of France. This work now comprises four large octavo volumes, 
three of which are mainly devoted to documents upon La Salle's explorations. The 
contents of these three volumes are arranged under the following heads : ire partie, 
" Voyages des Francais sur les grands lacs et Decouverte de l'Ohio et du Mississipi 
(1614-1684) ;" 2me partie, " Lettres de La Salle;" 3me partie, "Recherche des 
bouches du Mississipi (1 669-1 698)." The more important of these papers are in- 
dicated hereafter in their chronological order. The fourth volume of this collection 
embraces the documents relating to D'lberville's colony, at the mouth of the Missis- 
sippi, 1698-1703. 

In 1669 La Salle, accompanied by Dollier and Gallinee, set out from Montreal 
to discover the Mississippi. They proceeded in company to the western extremity 
of Lake Ontario. At this place La Salle, professing illness, parted from the mission- 
aries, ostensibly to return to Montreal. Dollier and Gallinee continued their journey 
along the northern shores of Lake Erie, thus taking a course hitherto untravelled, 
and reached Sault Ste. Marie in May, 1670, having spent the winter on the shores of 
Lake Erie. Gallinee's journal, entitled " Recit de ce qui s'est passe de plus remar- 
quable dans le voyage de MM. Dollier et Gallinee," is printed in Margry, vol. i., 
pp. 1 12-166. The Abbe Faillon, who first discovered the records of this journey, 
gives a synopsis of Gallinee's recital, with a fac-simile of his map, in the third volume 
of his " Histoire de la Colonie francaise en Canada." 

O. M. Marshall's pamphlet, entitled "The First Visit of La Salle to the Senecas," 
Buffalo, 1874, contains a textual translation of this document. The Societe historique, 
of Montreal, published in 1875 an edition of this journal, with notes by the Abbe 


Verreau. Margry prints in his collection, vol. i., pp. 342-402, a narrative which he 
calls " Recital d'un ami de l'Abbe de Gallinee." This purports to be notes, taken by 
the writer, who Margry thinks was the Abbe Renaudot, of conversations had with 
La Salle at Paris in 1678, in which he recounted his adventures in Canada from 
1667 to 1678. In it is stated that after leaving Dollier and Gallinee, instead of 
going to Montreal La Salle kept on until he reached the Ohio, and later went to the 
Mississippi by way of the Illinois. Parkman prints extracts from this paper in his 
" Discovery of the Great West," but does not credit it wholly ; he, however, admits 
that La Salle discovered the Ohio, and most likely the Illinois. It is upon this doc- 
ument, that Margry bases his claim that La Salle was the first to reach the Missis- 

The following writers take issue with Margry : Briicker, " J. Marquette et la Decou- 
verte du Mississipi," Lyon, 1880, and in the " Etudes religieuses," vol. v.; Harrisse, 
in " Notes pour servir a l'Histoire [etc.] de la Nouvelle France," Paris, 1872 ; in an 
article entitled " Histoire critique de la Decouverte du Mississipi," in the Revue 
maritime et coloniale, vol. xxxii., pp. 642-663. 

Shea, in whom Margry finds perhaps his most strenuous opponent, discusses the 
question in an address read on the bi-centennial of Marquette's voyage, published in 
the "Wisconsin Historical Society Collections," vol. vii. : pp. 111-122. He has, how- 
ever, published a pamphlet, in which he examines the matter more in detail, entitled 
"The Bursting of P. Margry's La Salle Bubble," New York, 1879. Tailhan, in notes 
to Perrot, and the Abbe Verreau in his edition of Gallinee' s journal, also refute Margry. 
Colonel Whittlesey's tract, forming No. 38 of the Western Reserve Historical Society's 
publications, entitled " Discovery of the Ohio by La Salle, 1669-70," is an inquiry 
upon the subject. Margry presents his arguments in full, in articles upon " Les 
Normands dans les vallees de l'Ohio et du Mississippi," published in the Journal 
general de V Instruction publique, Paris, 1862. See also a paper by him in the Remie 
maritime et coloniale, vol. xxxiii., pp. 555-559 ; his pamphlet, " La Priorite de La Salle 
sur le Mississipi," Paris, 1873 ; a letter in the American Antiquary, vol. i., pp. 
206-209, Chicago, 1880, and in remarks in the preface to his " Decouvertes et etab- 
lissements des Francais," vol. i. 

Gravier in his " Decouvertes de La Salle," Paris, 1870, in the " Compte rendu 
of the Congres des Americanistes," 1877, pt. i., pp. 237-312, and in The Magazine 
of American History, vol. viii., p. 305, supports the Margry theory. 

In August, 1679, La Salle having completed his arrangements and obtained letters 
patent from the king for another attempt upon the Mississippi, set sail in the 
Griffon, upon Lake Erie, and arrived at Michillimackinac about two weeks later. 
The Illinois was reached in January, 1680, but owing to adverse circumstances, La 
Salle being compelled, for want of supplies and other causes, to make twice the jour- 
ney between the Illinois and Canada, the exploration of the Mississippi was not ac- 
complished until April, 1682. The adventures of La Salle's party upon the great 
lakes and in the Illinois country, previous to the voyage down the Mississippi in 


1682, are recounted with minute detail in the " Relation des Descouvertes et des 
Voyages du Sieur de La Salle, 1679-81," printed in Margry's Collection, vol. i., pp. 


Margry considers this paper to be the official report drawn up by the Abbe 
Bernou from La Salle's letters. The account of the journey to Fort Crevecoeur in 
1679-80, given in this narrative, is nearly identical with the description of the same 
voyage in Hennepin's " Description de la Louisiane." For this reason Margry 
charges Hennepin with plagiary, which calls out a defence of the latter by Shea, in 
his edition of Hennepin's "Louisiana," where the two narratives are compared. 
Membre's journal in Le Clercq's ''Premier Etablissement de la Foy," Paris, 1691, 
which is reproduced in English in Shea's " Discovery and Exploration of the Missis- 
sippi," and Tonty's Memoirs, which will be more fully described farther on, also 
report this stage of the explorations. Hennepin's spurious "Nouvelle Decouverte" 
also contains an account, which does not differ materially from that given in the 
"Description de la Louisiane." 

Mathieu Sagean, who claimed to have been with La Salle in 1679-80, dictated 
from memory, in 1701, a report of his adventures in Canada. See Parkman's La 
Salle, p. 658, concerning Sagean's pretensions. Shea published Sagean's narrative 
in 1863, with the title, " Extrait de la Relation des avantures et voyage de M. 

In February, 1680, Hennepin, by La Salle's orders, set out from Fort Creve- 
coeur for the upper Mississippi. He ascended that river to the Sioux country, and 
discovered St. Anthony's Falls. Hennepin's first work, " Description de la Loui- 
siane," Paris, 1683, relates the events of this expedition, and also gives an account of 
La Salle's journey from Canada to the Illinois in 1679-80. Shea gives in his " Dis- 
covery and Exploration of the Mississippi" the portion of this work relating the 
voyage to the upper Mississippi. Hennepin's works are held in disrepute, owing to 
undoubted plagiarisms and falsifications which characterize some of them. Shea, 
however, shows in the preface to his edition of the " Description of Louisiana," New 
York, 1880, that this charge applies only to the " Nouvelle Decouverte " and " Nou- 
veau Voyage," and other works made up from these two last, and that they were prob- 
ably published without Hennepin's sanction. Parkman agrees with Shea in consid- 
ering the " Description de la Louisiane'' to be an authentic work. 

For criticisms upon Hennepin, see Sparks' "La Salle;" Parkman's " Discovery 
of the Great West ; " Harrisse's " Notes pour servir a l'Histoire [etc.] de la Nouvelle 
France," p. 145 ; and the preface to Margry's Decouvertes, etc. Shea's early judg- 
ment upon Hennepin, which he has modified as indicated above, is given in his " Dis- 
covery and Exploration of the Mississippi." E. D. Neill, in a pamphlet entitled "The 
Writings of L. Hennepin," lately published by the Minnesota Historical Society, 
dissents from Shea's exculpation of Hennepin, and declares that no evidence has 
been produced to clear him from the charge of plagiary. 

The bi-centenary of Hennepin's discovery of St. Anthony's Falls was celebrated 


by the Minnesota Historical Society in 1880, and the proceedings on the occasion 
will be reported in the next volume of its collections. The account of a pretended 
voyage by Hennepin down the Mississippi, taken from the spurious " New Discov- 
ery," London, 1698, is inserted in " French's Historical Collections," part i., pp. 
195-222; also in volume one of the " Archasologia Americana," published by the 
American Antiquarian Society. The latter work also contains an account of La 
Salle's last voyage, taken from the same unreliable source. 

Shea's edition of Hennepin's " Louisiana" contains a bibliography of the numer- 
ous memoirs, issued tinder Hennepin's name, where also may be found a translation 
of La Salle's letter of August, 1682, reporting the voyage on the upper Mississippi. 
Du L'hut, who, in 1679, visited the Sioux near Lake Superior, and later descended 
the St. Croix to the Mississippi and rescued Hennepin from the Sioux, gives an ac- 
count of his adventures in a " Memoire sur la Decouuerte du pays des Nadouecioux 
dans le Canada," which is printed in Harrisse's Notes, pp. 177-181, and translated 
in Shea's Hennepin. 

The " Proces verbal de prise de possession de la Louisiane, a l'embouchure de 
la mer ou Golphe du Mexique, 9 avril, 1682," in Margry, vol. ii., pp. 186-193, 
gives the principal incidents of the voyage down the Mississippi from the Illinois. 
This document may also be found in Gravier's " La Salle," and in English in Sparks' 
"Life of La Salle," also in French's "Historical Collections," part i., and with the 
title, " Narrative of the Expedition of La Salle to explore the (Mississippi) Colbert 
River, in 1682," in French's Historical Collections, second series, pp. 17-27, New 
York, 1875. 

La Salle's letter, written at the junction of the Missouri and Mississippi Rivers, 
printed in Margry, vol. ii., pp. 164-180, a translation of which is given in The 
Magazine of American History, vol. ii., pp. 619-622, describes the journey to the 

The proces verbal of the act of taking possession at the Arkansas, March 13 and 
14, 1682, in Margry, vol. ii., p. 181, reports another stage of the voyage. Membres 
journal of the entire expedition, first printed in Le Clercq's " Etablissement de la Foy," 
Paris, 1691, is reproduced in English in Shea's "Discovery of the Mississippi." 
Shea has lately brought out an English translation of Le Clercq under the title, 
" First Establishment of the Faith in New France," New York, 1881, two vols. 8vo. 
He there compares Membre's narrative with Hennepin's " Nouvelle Decouverte" and 
" Nouveau Voyage," and also points out the variations between it and the account 
published by Thomassy in his " Geologie pratique de la Louisiane." 

Thomassy's document is entitled, "Relation de la Decouverte de l'embouchure 
de la Riviere Mississipi." Parkman considers it to be the "official report of the dis- 
covery made by La Salle, or perhaps for him by MembrS," and says that the Le Clercq 
narrative is based upon it. 

To which Shea replies, that it "seems strange to assume that the fuller document 
given by Le Clercq must be drawn from a shorter form." 


The two documents are essentially identical, and afford trustworthy data upon 
the voyage. 

According to Boimare, a manuscript copy of Membre's journal exists in the 
library at Baton Rouge, Louisiana. 

Henri de Tonty, who was with La Salle from 1678-83, reports the explorations 
during that time, in a memoir written at Quebec in 1684, which is published for the 
first time in Margry, vol. i., pp. 571-616. Another narrative by him, entitled "Me- 
moire envoye en 1693 sur la Decouverte du Mississipi, par de La Salle en 1678, et 
depuis sa mort par le sieur de Tonty," is printed in its integrity in Margry' s " Rela- 
tions et Memoires inedits," pp. 1-36, Paris, 1867. A translation of it is included in 
French's " Historical Collections," part i., pp. 52-83, and also in Falconer's " Mis- 
sissippi," London, 1844. These two memoirs formed the basis of the work published 
under Tonty's name, but which he disavowed, entitled 6i Dernieres decouvertes dans 
l'Amerique septentrionale de M. de La Salle," Paris, 1697. 

This work was reproduced under the title of "Relation de la Louisianne" in Ber- 
nard's " Recueil de voyages au Nord," Amsterdam, 1720 and 1724. 

An English translation was published at London in 1698, with the title, " An Ac- 
count of La Salle's Last Expedition and Discoveries," and is reproduced in part in 
the New York Historical Society Collections, vol. ii., pp. 217-341. 

Parkman says that the u Dernieres decouvertes" is "a compilation full of errors." 

Margry prints in vol. i., pp. 547-570, of his Collection, a memoir entitled " Recit 
de la descoaverte que M. de La Salle a faite de la riviere de Mississipi en 1682." 
The author of the paper was Nicolas de La Salle, who wrote it in 1699, at the re- 
quest of the French authorities, to serve as a guide to DTberville in his search for 
the Mississippi. Margry says that the writer bore no relationship to the discoverer. 

La Salle's memorial of 1684, proposing an expedition to the Gulf of Mexico, 
printed in Margry, vol. hi., pp. 17-30, and in French's "Historical Collections," 
part i., pp. 37-44, also in the second series of French's publication, and in Falconer's 
" Mississippi," briefly indicates his discoveries up to that time. 

The French documents, collected by Brodhead in the archives of the Departments 
of Marine and of War, and printed in the ninth volume of the " Documents relative 
to the Colonial History of New York," Albany, 1855, include official correspond- 
ence which reports the movements of the explorers from time to time. 

Shea promises an edition of a journal by Pefialossa, which will show the merce- 
nary motives which inspired La Salle. Margry prints some documents concerning 
Pefialossa' s propositions to lead a party of buccaneers from St. Domingo to unite 
with La Salle in an attack on the Spanish mines in New Mexico. 



In 1683 La Salle returned to France and presented, in two memorials to the 
king, propositions for an expedition to colonize the Mississippi, and take possession 


of the Spanish mines in New Mexico. The first memorial, which gives a brief ac- 
count of his previous achievements, is in Margry's Collection, vol. hi., pp. 17-30. 
A translation is in French's "Historical Collections," part i., pp. 37-44 ; also in the 
second series, pp. 1-15, of the same publication, and in Falconer's " Mississippi." 
The second, which defines his schemes at greater length, is printed in Margry, 
vol. ii., pp. 359-369; in English, in French's " Historical Collections," part i., pp. 
25-34. The accessory official documents relating to various features and stages of 
the expedition are included in the second and third volumes of Margry's Collection. 
We have two narratives by members of this expedition, which relate its history from 
the time of departure from France down to and after the death of La Salle. The 
first to appear in print was Douay's, which was published by Le Clercq in his 
11 Premier Etablissement de la Foy," Paris, 1691. Shea printed a translation of it in 
the " Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi," New York, 1853. A com- 
parison of Douay's journal with Joutel's narrative is made by Shea in his edition of 
Le Clercq, published at New York in 1881. 

Joutel, who seems to have been next in command to La Salle, kept a journal, 
which is published for the first time in its integrity in Margry's Collection, vol. hi., 
pp. 89-534. An abridged and modified version of this narrative was published at 
Paris in 1713, under the title, " Journal historique du dernier Voyage que feu M. de 
La Salle, fit dans le Golfe du Mexique." Joutel complained that changes were made 
by the editor in retouching the work for publication. The text published by Margry 
is much fuller than the printed edition. An English translation of the Paris 
production, under the title, "Journal of the Last Voyage performed by M. de La 
Salle," etc., was published at London in 1714, and in 1719 another edition was 
brought out as " Joutel's Journal of his Voyage to Mexico and Canada." A reprint 
of the London edition is printed in French's " Historical Collections," part i., pp. 85- 
193. An edition in Spanish was published at New York in 1831, with the title, 
" Diario historico del ultimo Viaje que M. de La Sale hijo para descubrir el desem- 
bocadero y curso del Mississipi." Charlevoix says that Joutel was the most reliable 
of La Salle's followers, and Parkman thinks that he " gives the impression of sense, 
intelligence, and candor throughout," while Douay, in the latter's opinion, did not 
always write honestly. Jean Cavelier, an older brother of La Salle's, who, after the 
latter's assassination, escaped to Canada in company with Joutel and Douay, is 
said to have drawn up a report of the expedition for M. de Seignelay, the Minister 
of Marine. 

Parkman possesses a manuscript which he says is a portion of the first draft of 
this report. Dr. Shea edited Parkman's document under the title, " Relation 
du voyage entrepris par feu M. Robert Cavelier, sieur de La Salle, pour 
decouvrir dans le golfe du Mexique, l'embouchure du fieuve de Missisipy. Par son 
frere, M. Cavelier" A Manate |"N. Y.] 1858, 54 pp. i6mo, and printed a trans- 
lation in his collection of " Early Voyages up and down the Mississippi," Albany, 


Margry gives in his Collection, vol. ii., pp. 501-509, a portion of a journal kept 
by Cavelier. Both these narratives from Cavelier's pen are very imperfect, the 
former failing for the latter part of the expedition, and the journal stops before the 
landing in Texas. La Salle's assassination, which took place in 1687, was witnessed 
by Douay, who gives an account in his journal. Joutel relates the event from the 
testimony of eye-witnesses, and Tonty states what he learned from the survivors of 
La Salle's party. See also "Relation de la mort du Sr. de La Salle, suivant le rap- 
port d'un nomme Couture a qui M. Cavelier l'apprit en passant aux Akansas," in 
Margry, vol. hi., pp. 601-606. 

A letter written by La Salle, March 4, 1685, erroneously dated at the mouth of the 
Mississippi, is in Margry, vol. ii., pp. 559-563, and a translation is appended to Shea's 
" Early Voyages." The " Proces verbal fait par La Salle avant de conduire son 
frere au Mississipi, 18. avril 1686," in Margry, vol. hi., pp. 535-549, relates La Salle's 
operations in Texas, including his first two journeys from the Texas colony to find 
the Mississippi by land. 

The Spaniards, in 1689, visited the site of La Salle's colony, and made prisoners 
of the survivors whom they found among the Indians. Two of these captives escaped 
to France, and their testimony in regard to the fate of the colony is given in Margry, 
vol. iii., pp. 610-621. 

Parkman cites the official journal of this Spanish expedition, which is inedited. It 
is entitled " Derrotero de la Jornada que hizo el General Alonzo de Leon para el des- 
cubrimiento de la Bahia del Espiritu Santo, y poblacion de Franceses." Buckingham 
Smith's "Coleccion de varios documentos para la historia de la Florida," pp. 25-28, 
contains a narrative by a member of the Spanish company, entitled " Carta en que se 
da noticia de un viaje hecho a la Bahia de Espiritu Santo, y de la poblacion que tenian 
ah los Franceses," which is also inserted in French's (i Historical Collections," second 
series, pp. 293-295. Barcia, in his " Ensayo chronologico para la historia general 
de la Florida," Madrid, 1723, gives an account, from an unknown source, which is 
translated in Shea's " Discovery of the Mississippi." 

This closes the list of principal contemporary narratives of the first explorations 
by the French of western territory. Margry' s Collection contains many documents 
of minor interest, but important, which have not been noted. A journal by Minet, 
the engineer who returned to France with Beaujeau in 1686, in Margry, vol. ii., pp. 
589-601, and Tonty's " Lettres sur ce qu'il a appris de La Salle, le voyage qn'il 
a fait pour Taller chercher," 1686-1689, in Margry, vol. i:i., pp. 551-564, must, how- 
ever, be mentioned. 

The secondary authorities will be the subject of treatment in another paper. 


Boston Public Library 




[From the original in the Bodleian Library ] — Tanner MS. 79. fol. 172.] 

The relation of David Ingram of Barking in the Countie of Essex saylor [being now 
about the age of fivetie yeares] of sondrie things w c h he with otheres did see in 
travaling by land from the most Northerlie parte of the Baie of Mexico (where 
he with many others weare sett on shore by M r . Hawkins) through a great parte 
of America untill he came within 50 leags or thereabouts of Cape Britton [which 
he reported unto Sf Eranncis Walsingham knight his Ma ties principall secretarys 
and to S r George Peckham knight and diverse others of good judgement and 
Credit in August & September Anno Dmi] 1582. 

About the beginning of October A° Dmi 1568. David Ingram with the rest of his 
companie being 100 persons in all weare sett on land by Ml John Hawkins aboute 
VI leages to the West of the River Camnia or Rio de minnas [La mina or Rio de 
Minas], which standeth about 140 leages west and by North from the Cape of 
Florida. He hath travailed in those Cuntries from beyonde terra Florida extend- 
ing towards Cape Britton about XI [12] monethes in the whole, and about VII 
monethes therof in those Cuntries which lye towards the North of the River of Maio 
[May] In which tyme (as the said Ingram thincketh) he travailed by land 2000 
miles at the least and neuer contynewed in any one place above 3 or 4 daies saving 
only at the Citie of Balma [Palma ?] wher he staied VI or VII daies. Ther are in 
those parts he saith verie manie kyngs commonly within 100 or 120 miles one from 
another, who are at contynewall warres together. The first king that they came 
before dwelt in A Cuntry called Giricka [Giricka] who caused them to be stripped 
naked and wondering greatly at the whitenes of ther skynnes let them depart without 
further harme. 

The kings in those Cuntries are clothed with painted or Couloured garments & 
therbie ye maie knowe them, & thei weare great precious stones which commonly 
are rubies being VI [4] ynches long & 2 ynches broad and yf the same be taken 
from them either by force or fight they are presentlie deprived of ther kingdomes. 

1 There are several MS. versions of this narrative besides the Bodleian, as that of the British 
Museum (Ascough, I. 354). Hakluyt, Ed. 1589, p. 557, prints it, but omits it in his next edition. 
Readings in Hakluyt that vary from the Bodleian version are given in brackets. Marginal readings 
given by Ingram but not found in Hakluyt are indicated by stars. The British Museum version 
was printed privately in London, 1856, by Plowden Charles Gennett Weston. See Dr. Deane's 
note Maine Coll., S. 2, Vol. II., p. 220, and Hakluyt himself in the same, p. 115. Mr. Deane 
says in his note that "he may have traversed the country from the point in Mexico where he was 
put on shore to the coast of Maine, in which case he and his companions are the first Englishmen 
of whom we have any record who placed their feet on the soil of New England ; unless, according to 
the conjecture of Dr. Kohl, those on board the Mary of Guilford, in Rut's expedition in 1527, are 
entitled to that honor." It seems impossible to doubt that he made the journey, however it may be 
embellished, while Dr. Kohl's conjecture has no real support. 


When they meane to speake with anie personne publiquely they are allwaies The kyngs in 

• , , • y-.i • r r^-i „ . „ -ill ■ i their Maiestic. 

caned by men in A sumpteous Cnaire of Silver or Cnstall garnished about with 
sondrie sorts of precious stones. 1 

And yf you will speak with the kings at your first approching nere to him you The manner of 
must kneele downe on both your knees & then arise againe and come somewhat kings.* 
nearer him within your length. Then kneele downe againe as you did before, then 
take of the earthe or grasse betweene bothe your hands, kissing the backsides of 
eche of them, & putt the earthe or grasse on the crowne of your heade and so come 
and kysse the kings feete, which circumstannce being performed you maie then arise 
and stand up and talke with him. 

The noble men and such as be in speciall favor with the king doo commonly Howe to know C 
weare feathers in the heare of ther heads for the most parte of a bird as bigg as a 
goose of Russett colour and this ys the best marke that this examinate [Ingram] can 
give to knowe them bye. 

Ther ys in some of those Cuntries great aboundannce of perle for in every Cot- Perle - 
tage he founde perle in some howse a quarter [quart] in some a pottle in some a 
peck more or lesse wher he did see some as great as an acorne [beane]. And Rich 
Browne one of his Companions found one of the great perles in one of the Canoes 
or boats which perle he gave to Mons!" Champaigne who took them aborde his shipp 
and brought them to Newhaven in France. 2 

All the people generallie do weare manilions or bracelets as big as a mannes Bracelets of 

. golde. 

fynger uppon eche of ther armes and the like on the small of eche of ther legge 

wherof Commonly one ys golde & two silver. And manie of the women also do 

weare great plate of golde covering ther bodies in manner of a paier of Curette & <^ r ette of goide. 

manie braceletts & chaines of great perle. 

The people Commonly are of good favor feature & shape of bodie of grouthe The favor & 
above five feete hie somewhat thick with ther faces and skynnes of Colour like an people. 
Oliff and towards the Northe somewhat Tawney But some of them are painted with 
diverse Colours. They are verie swift of foote. 

The heare of ther heads is shaven in sondrie spotts and the rest of ther heade 

is traced. In the South parts of those cuntries they goe all naked saving that Naked people. 

the mens [Noble mens] privities are Covered with the neck of a gorde & the 

wemens privities with the heare or leaf of the palme tree. But in the Northe parte 

they are clothed with beasts skinnes the hearie side being next to ther bodies in 


They are so brutish and beastlie that they will not forbeare the use of ther wives Brutish behav- 
in open presence. 

They are naturallie verie curteouse yf you do not abuse them eyther in ther per- People curteou*. 

sons or goods, but use them Curteouslie, the killing or taking of ther beasts, birds, 

1 Here, and in other parts of his narrative, he is simply giving common reports about Mexico and 
the city of " Sibola," which abounded in fabulous wealth. 
* 2 Asa matter of fact, pearls were formerly very abundant, especially the common sort. 


fishes or fruts cannot offend them except it be of ther cattell which they kepe about 
ther howses as kyne Gynney hennes or such like. 1 

A suer token of Yf anie of them do holde up bothe ther hands at lengthe together & kisse the 
back of them on both sides, then you maie undoutedlie trust them for it is the great- 
est token of freindship that maie be. 

a messenger Yf anie of them shall come unto you with an horse taile in his hande then you 

ing ' maie assure your self that he ys a messenger from the king and to him you maie 

safelie committ yourself to go to the king or anie wher els, or by him send any thing 

or message to the king, for those men live allwaies eyther ensigne bearers in the 

warres or the kings messengers who will never betraie you. 

To allure the peo- Yf you will have anie of the people come aboard your shipp hang out some white 
P e to speac e. c i otne U pp 0n a s tafTe for that is a signe of amitie. 

The manner of If you will bargaine for ware with them leave the thing that you will sell uppon 
ing with them, the grounde & goe from it a pretie waye of. Then will they come & take it & sett 
downe suche wares as they will give for it in the place and yf you thinck it not suffi- 
cient leave the wares with signes that you like it not & they will bring more untill 
eyther they or you be satisfied or will give no more, otherwise you may hang your 
wares uppon a long poles end and so put more or lesse on it untill you have agreed 
on the bargaine. 

How they march When they goe to the warres they marche in battaile ray two or thre in a ranck 
Ther trumpetts they do make of Eliphants teeth [certain beasts teeth]. They have 

Ther weapons a kinde of drum which they make of beasts skynnes. The make shields & targets 

for wan. ' s of the skynnes of beasts compassed with willow twiggs and being dried they are 
strong an'd defensible. 

The weapons are darts headed with iron the heads are two fingers broade & half 
a foot long which are fastened within a sockett. They have also shorte bowes 
strounge with the barck of trees being half an ynch broade, & the Arrowes are about 
a yarde long nocked & headed with silver or bone, ther arrowes are of small force 
within a stones cast of them & you maie put them by with a staffe a pretie waie of. 

They have shorte broad swords 2 of black iron of the length of a yard or verie 
neare an ell bearing edges thicke then the backs of or knives somewhat like the piles 
in our skooles [Foyles in our fence schooles]. 

They have crookd knives of iron somewhat like an woodknife or hanger wherwith 
they will carve excellently both in wood and bone The ensigne ys a horse taile with 
a glasse or christall in some of them being dyed in sondry colours as red, yellow, 
greene &c. 

Cannibaiis. The people in those countries are expresse enemies to the Canniballs or men 

eaters. The Canniballs do most inhabite between Norumbege 3 and Barmiah 
[Bariniah] they have teeth like doggs teeth & therby you may know them. In ther 

1 Ingram gives a tolerable picture of the Red Man. 

2 Here he speaks of southern Indians who, no doubt, obtained arms of this sort from the Spaniards. 

3 See The Magazine (i. 14) on Norumbega, where evidences are now being found of Cannibalism. 


warres they do pitch ther Camps as neare as they maie unto some woode of palme 
trees which yeldeth them meate drink & present remedye against poysoned arrowes. 
Ther buildings are weake and of small form the howses are made round like dove Ther howses and 

° buildings. 

houses and they do dwell together ill townes & villages and some of them have 
banquetting howses in the topp of them made like the of an hall [loouer of a hall] 
builded with pillers of massie silver and Cristall framed square whereof many of them 
are as bigg as a boies legg of XV yeares of age and some les. 1 

This examinate [Ingram] did also see diverse townes and villages as Gunda a Townes & vii- 
towne a feightshott [flight shoote] in length. 

Ochala [Hochelaga] a greate towne a myle long Balma a riche Citie a myle & a 
halfe long Bega [mile long] a countrie & a towne of that name thre quarters of a 
myle, ther are good store of oxe hides. 

Saganas [Saguanah] a towne almost a mile in length Barmiah a citie a mile and 
a quarter long also ther ys a river & towne of that name but lesse than the first 
above named. 

Guinda a small towne and a river both of that name and this is the most 
Northerlie parte that this examinate [Ingrain] was at. 

Ther are besides these townes afore named manie other great townes which this 
examinate [Ingram] passed being comonly distant 60 or 80 miles [sixe or eight 
miles] one from another which have diverse small villags within VIII or tenne miles 
from them. 

They have in everie howse scowpes, buckets and diverse other vessells of massie vesseiis of massie 
sylver wherwith they do throw out water and dust otherwise do employ them to ther monus'^ c ° 
necessarie uses in ther howses. All which this examinate [Ingram] did se com- 
monly and usuall in some of those cuntries especiallie where he found the greater 
perle. 2 

Ther are also great Rivers at the head wherof this examinate and his companions Gold in the head 
did fynde sondrie peces of golde some as bigg as a mans fist, the earth being washed ° lvers " 
away with the water. 3 

And in other places they did see great rocks of cristall which grew at the heads R OC ks of Cris- 
of great & many rivers being in quantitie sufficient to loade shipps. 4 

Ther are also in those parts great plentie of fine furres unknowen to this exami- Finefun-es. 
nate [Ingram] dressed after the manner of the countrye. 

The people ther do burne a kinde of white turfe or earth which they digg out of S weet turfe to 
the marshes a fathom deepe in the grounde it burneth verie cleare and smelleth as bume ' 
sweete as muske. And that earthe ys as wholsome sweete and compfortable to be 
smell unto as any pomannder, they do make ther fyer of this earth for the sweetenes 
therof having great aboundance of wood. 

1 The old sailor recurs to Sibola again. 

2 Here, of course, he distinctly draws on his imagination. 

3 Pyrites, or " fool's gold." 

4 A common story. Mount Washington was known in early times as the Crystal Mountain. 



Ther manner of 
kyndeling &: 
making tier. 

Iron and myner- 
all salt. 

The fertility of 
the soile. 


Great woods. 



The palme tre. 

Wyne of the 

Meate of the 

Oyle against poy- 
soned wounds. 

The planten with 
its frute. 

Guyathos a 
wholesome frute. 

When they want fyer they take bryars and rubbe them verie hard together be- 
tweene ther lists, and so with hard and often rubbing they kindle and make a fyer. 

They have great plenty of iron and there ys also great plentie of minerall salte 
in the marshe grounds which looketh reddish a thing necessarie for the great 
shipping neare the sea shore which are ther abundannt and the fishe verie large and 

The ground and Countrie is most excellent fertile & plesant and speciallie 
towards the River of Morge [May], for the grasse of the rest ys not so great as it is 
in these parts for the other is burnt awaie with the heate of the sonne and as all the 
Countrey is good & most delicate having great plaines as large and as faire in manie 
places as maie be seene being as plaine as a boorde. And then greate & huge 
woods of sondrie kinds of trees as Cedar, Date trees Lignum Vitas Bombasse plaine 
and bushes and also great aboundannce of those trees which carry a thick barke that 
eateth like peper ' of which kind young Mf VVynter brought home part from the 
streight of Magellan, with the fruteful palme trees and greate plentie of other sweete 
trees to this exanimate [Ingram] unknowen. And after that plaines againe and in 
other places great closes of pasture environed with most delicate trees in steade of 
hedge they being as it weare sett by the hands of men yet the best grasse for the 
most part is in the hie Countries somewhat far from the sea side & greate Rivers and 
by reason that the lowe grounds ther be so ranck that the grasse groweth faster than 
it can be eaten, wherbie the olde grasse lieth withered thick and the new grasse 
growing through it wheras in the upper parts of the grass and ground is most excel- 
lent and grene the grounde not being overcharged with any olde withered gras as ys 
before specified. 

The palme tre aforesaid carreth heares on the leaves tberof which reache to the 
grounde wherof the Indians do make Ropes and Cords for ther rotten [cotton] 
beddes and use the same to many other purposes. 

The which tre yf you prick with your knife about two foote from the roote yt will 
yelde a wyne in colour like whea but in tast strong & somewhat like Bastard. It is 
most excellent drinke, but will distemper bothe your heade and body yf you drinke 
to much thereof as our strong wynes will doe in these parts. 

The braunches of the topp of the tre are most excellent meat rawe after you have 
pared away the barck. 

Also ther is a red oyle that commeth out of the roote of the tree which is most 
excellent against poysoned arrowes & weapons, for by it they do recover themselves 
of ther poysoned wounds. 

There ys a tre called a planten with a frute growing on it like a pudding which is 
most excellent meate rawe. 

They have also a red berrie like a pescodd called Guyathos two or thre ynches 
long which groweth on shorte bushes full of pricks like the sloe or thorne tree and 

1 Probably sassafras, 

Here we have a good description of the Gulf regions contrasted with the 


the frute eateth like a greene reysn but sharpe somewhat they stampe this berrye 
& make vvyne therof which they kepe in vessells made of woode. 

They have also in manie places vines which beare grapes as bigg as a mannes Vynes with greav 

Ther ys also great plentie of herbes and of all kind of flowers as roses and Gillie- Herbes& flowers. 
flowers like ours in England and many others which he knew not. 

Also they have a kind of graine [Graine] the eare wherof is bigg as a mannes wrest Maize. 
of his arms the graine ys like a liatt pease yt maketh very good breade and white. 1 

They do also make breade of the roote of a Cassava tree which they do dry and Bread of the Cas- 
beate it as small as they can and temper it with water & so bake it in cakes on a 

There ys also greate plentie of Buffs beares, horses, kine wolves foxes deare, Beastes of sun- 
goats, shepe hares and Connyes also other cattle like ours and verie many unlike 
ours to this examinate unknowen the most parte being wylde, the hides and skynnes 
of them are good merchandize. 

Ther is very great store of those Buffs which are beasts as bigg as two oxen, in Valla 2 gibbosa 
length almost XX tie foote having long eares like a bloud hounde with long heares Buffe. 
about ther eares ther homes be crooked like Rames homes ther eyes black ther 
heares long black roughe and shagged as a goate the hides of these beasts are solde 
verie deare this beast dothe kepe company only by copells male & female do all- 
wayes fight with others of the same kynde when they do meete. 3 

Ther is also great plentie of deare both red white and speckeled which last sorte Deere, 
this examinat knoweth not. 

Ther ys also greate plentie of another kynd of shepe 4 which carrie a kind of Shepe bearing 
course woole this shepe is verie good meate althoughe the fleshe be verie red they redd. 
are exceading fatt and of nature lothe to rise when they are layed which ys from five 
a clock at night untill five in the morning betweene which time you may easily kill 
them but after they be on foote they are verie wylde and rest not in one place but live 
together in herds in some 500 as it happeneth more or les. And theis redd shepe 
are most aboute the baie of St Marie as this examinat gesseth 

Ther are beares both black and white. 

Ther are wolves 

The foxes have ther skinnes more grisselie than ours in England. 

Ther are connies bothe white red and gray in everie place great plentie. 

This examinat did also see in those Countries a monstrous beast twice as bigg as AStrainge Beast. 
an horse & in every proportion like unto a horse 6 bothe in mane, hoofe, heare, and 
neighing saving it was small towards the hinde parts like a grey hound theis Beas 

1 Here is the Indian corn. 

2 For "Valla" Hakluyt reads "Vacca," a cow. 

3 The buffalo. 

4 Evidently not sheep. 

5 He saw the horse introduced by the Spaniards at the South. 


have two teeth or homes of a foote long growing straight bothe by th'er nostrills they 
are naturall enymies to the horse. 

Elephants & jj e ^j^ a j so see m that Country bothe Elephants x and Ounces. 

a straunge shap- He did also see another straunge beast bigger than a beare it had neither hed 
nor neck his eyes and mouth weare in his breast. This beast is verie ougly to 
beholde and Cowardly of kind. It beareth a very fine skynne like a ratt full of silver 
heares. 2 

Russett Parrotts. Ther are in those countryes aboundannce of Russets parrotts but very fewgreene. 

Kirdesiikeoures. Ther are also birds of all sorts as we have and many straunge birds to this exam- 
inat unknowen. 

Gynney hennes. Ther ys great plenty of Gynney hennes which are tame birds and prog to the 

inhabitannts as bigg as geese very black of Colour having fethers like downe. 

a redd byrde. Ther is also a birde called a fflamingo whose feathers are verie red and is bigger 

then a goose billed like a Shovelle and is very good meate. 

Ther is also another kind of fowle in that countrey which haunteth the rivers 
neare unto the Hands they are of shape and bignes of a goose but ther wyngs are 
covered with small callowe feathers and cannot flie you maie drive them before you 
like shepe they are exceading fatt and verie delicate meat they have white heads and 

Penguyns. therefore the Countrymen call them penguyns (which seemeth to be a welsh name 

and they have also in use diverse other welsh 3 words a matter worthie the noting. 

a greate straunge Ther ys also a verie straunge byrde ther as bigg as an Eagle verie bewtifull to 
beholde his feathers are more orient than a peacocks feathers, his eyes as glistering 
as any hawks eyes but as great as a mans eyes his heade and thighe as bigg as a 
mans heade and thighe. It hathe a crest or tufte of feathers of sondrie Colours on 
the top of the heade like a lapwing hanging backwards his beake and talents in pro- 
portion like an Eagle but verie huge and large. 

Tempests. Touching tempests and other straunge monstrous things in those parts this exam- 

inat saith that he hathe seene it lighten and thunder in summer season by the space 
of 24 howers together the cause wherof he judgeth to be heat of that Climate. 

Furkanos. He further saith that ther ys a cloude sometymes of the yeare sene in the ayre 

which commonly turneth to great tempests. 

Temados. And that sometymes of the yeare ther are great wynds like whirlewynds. 

The manner of Touching ther Relligion he saith that they do honour for ther God a divell which 
they call Collochio who speaketh unto them sometymes in the likenes of a black dogg 
& sometymes in the likenes of a black Calfe. And some do honour the sonne the 
moone and the stars he saith that the people in those Cuntries are allwae many 

Aduiterie pun- wives some five some tenne and a king sometyme an hundred and that adulterie is 
death. * verie severely punished in manner following that is to say the woman taken in adul- 
terie must with her owne hands cutt the throte of the adulterer and the next of his 

1 He probably imagined that he saw them, if he is reported correctly. 

2 He appears to describe the seal. 

3 See Bowen's inconsequent book on "America Discovered by the Welsh." 


kindred dothe likewise cut the throte of the adulteres. And being asked in what 
manner they take ther executions he saith that they are brought to execution by 
certeine magistrates who deliver unto the woman the knife wherwith she cutteth the 
throte of the adulterer. 

Then apeareth ther Collochio or divell in the likenes aforesaide and speaketh 
unto them and to that divell the parties brought to execution do great reverence and 
with many prayers to yt do take ther deathe. 

He saith that suche as are put to deathe in suche sorte have not any of ther The manner of 
freinds buried with them but such as dye naturally have allwayes buried quick with 
them one of ther dearest freinds to kepe them company & to provide necessaries 
and victualls for them who do willingly consent being therunto perswaded by ther 
Collochio or divell whom they do worship. 

He saith further that he and his two fellowes namely Rich. Browne and Rich. 
Twide went into a poore mans howse and ther they did see the said Collochio or The Diveii fled at 

...... ... ill i<- i* r -ii the name of the 

divell with very great eyes like a black calfe uppon the sight therof Browne said ther Holy Trinity, 
ys the divell and theruppon blessed himself in the name of the father the sonne and 
the holy ghost. And Twide said very vehemently I defie the and all thy works and 
presently the Collochio shank away in a stealing manner forthe of the dores and was 
sene no more unto them. 

Also ther passe over manie great rivers in those Cuntries in Canoe or boats some Great Rivers. 
4 some 8 some io myles over, wherof one was so large that they cold scarse cross 
the same in 24 howers. 1 

Also he saithe that in the same Cuntry the people have instruments of musick Musicaii instm- 

. . ments. 

made of a piece of a Cane almost a foote long being open at bothe ends which sit- 
ting downe they smite uppon ther thighes and one of ther hands making a pleasant 
kind of sound. 

And they do also use another kind of instrument [Musicaii instruments] like a 
Taber covered with a white skynne somewhat like parchment. 

This examinate can very well describe ther gestures dancing and songs. 

After long travell the aforesaide David Ingram with his two companions Browne 
and Twid came to the head of a River called Gugida [Garinda] which is 60 leagues 
west from Cape Britton wher they understode by the people of that Cuntrie of the 
arivall of a christian wheruppon they made ther repaire to the sea side and then 
found a Frenche Captaine named MonsT Champaigne who tooke them into his 
shipp and brought them unto Newhaven and from thence they weare transported 
into England, Anno dni 1569. Thro Monsf Champaigne with diverse of his Com- 
panions weare brought into the village of Barimah [Bariniah] about 20 miles up 
into the Cuntrey by the said examinate and his 2 companions by whose meanes 
he had a trade with the people of diverse sorts of fine furres and of great red 
leaves of trees almost a yarde long and about a foote broad which he thinck are 
good for dyeing. 

1 Bays on the Atlantic coast, perhaps Penobscot Bay. 


siiuer in ex- Also the said Monsf Champaigne had ther for exchange of trifeling wares a 

change of In- . . r 1 

fles.* good quantitie of rude and unwrought [vvroughtj sylver. t 

He saith further that diverse of the said Fenchmen which weare in the said 
ship called the Gargarine are yet lyving in Hountflue uppon the Cost of Fraunce 
as he thinketh for he did speake with some of them within 3 yeares. 

About a fortnight after ther Comming from Newhaven into England this said 
examinate and his two companions came to M r . John Hawkins who had sett them 
on shore uppon the baie of Mexico and unto eache of them he gave a rewarde 

Richard Browne his companion was slaine about five yeares past in the Elizabeth 
of M! Cockins of London and Richard Twid his other companion died at RatclirT in 
John Sherewoods howse ther about three yeares past. 
Language of Gwando is a worde of salutation as among us good morow good even, God save 

some of the . .. 

countrves. ) T OU Or SUCll like 

Garicona [Caricona], a king. 

Garrucona [Caraccona], a lord. 

Tona, Bread 

Carmugnaz [Carmugnar], the privities 

Kerucca, the Sun 

Also the said David Ingram travailing towards the North found the maine sea 
uppon the North side of America & travailed in the sight therof the space of 2 whole 
daieswher the people signified unto him that they had seene shipps on that cost and 
did drawe uppon the grounde the shape and figure of shippes and of ther sailes and flags 
which thing especiallie proveth the passage of the Northwest and is agreable to the 
experience of the Spanish Captaine Vasques de Coromado [Coronado] who found 
a shipp of China or Cataia uppon the Northwest of America. 1 

Also the said examinate saith that ther is an Hand called Cowasan [Corrasau] 
and ther are in it five or 6 thousand Indians at the least and all these are governed 
by one only Negro who ys but a slave to a Spaniard. 

And moreover the Spaniards will send but one of ther slaves with 100 or 200 of 
the Indians when they goe to gather gold in the Rivers descending from the moun- 
taynes and when they shalle absent by the space of 20 or 30 daies at the least every 
one of the Indians will neverthelesse obey all your slaves commandments with as 
great reverence as yf he weare the naturall king althoughe ther be never a christian 
neare them by the space of 100 or two hundreth miles which argueth the great 
obedience of theis people & how easily they may be governed when they be once 

1 Hakluyt, III., 381, contains the narrative. In criticizing this account by Ingram, the reader 
should bear in mind that the peculiarities of the North and South are mingled. 




Penn a papist — In the English Notes 
and Queries of November 6th is a com- 
munication from a correspondent, R. H. 
Busk, in which he calls " attention to a 
curious tradition as to his [Penn] hav- 
ing been secretly a Catholic." He refers 
to an allusion, in Sir John Hawkins' life 
of Dr. Blow, the composer, to William 
Penn being regularly in correspondence 
with Rome ; that " Tillotson was at great 
pains to examine him on the subject of 
whether he were a Papist in disguise ; " 
and that Dr. Sherlock, Dean of St. Paul's, 
with whom Penn frequently dined, being 
applied to to sift the truth of the matter, 
Penn " evaded an appointment, and from 
that time forbore his visits to Dr. Sher- 

Having had my attention called to the 
above statement, I would say that I do 
not perceive it to be intended as a re- 
vival of the old and groundless rumor 
which grew out of Penn's intimacy with 
James II. ; but that it is simply brought 
forward at this time when so much is said 
about Penn, as a matter of " curious tra- 
dition." It will suffice, therefore, briefly 
to say, (1) that the whole tenor of Penn's 
religious writings and the whole course 
of his straightforward Christian life re- 
fute so unworthy a charge ; and particu- 
larly so — as bearing directly upon the 
point — does his "Seasonable Caveat 
against Popery," which appeared in 
J670, 1 and his letter to a Roman Catho- 
lic, written five years later. 2 (2) That 
in the correspondence with Dr. Tillotson 

1 Penn's Works, folio edition, 1726, Vol. I., p. 

'* Ibid. , p. 49. 

(afterward Archbishop of Canterbury), in 
1685-86, the latter, in acknowledging his 
serious error as to Penn, declared, " 1 
am fully satisfied there was no just ground 
for that suspicion, and therefore I do 
heartily beg your pardon for it." Rela- 
tive to the asserted Roman correspond- 
ence, Penn had explicitly declared, " I 
have not only no such thing with any 
Jesuit at Rome (though Protestants may 
have without offence), but I hold none 
with any Jesuit, priest, or regular in the 
world, of that communion. And that 
the doctor may see what a novice I am 
in that business, I know not one any- 
where." ' And, lastly, (3) as to Penn 
evading an appointment with, and dis- 
continuing his visits to, the Dean of St. 
Paul's : I judge that, to intimate to a 
sterling character like Penn, that not- 
withstanding all he had said and written 
in opposition to the tenets and practices 
of the papacy, there could still rest such 
a suspicion upon him as, if true, would 
convict him of the rankest hypocrisy, this 
consideration alone would suffice to with- 
draw him from the table of the suspecter, 
even though he were so eminent a church 
dignitary as the Dean of St. Paul's. 

Josiah W. Leeds 

The oldest — The 333d anniversary 
of the founding of the city of Santa Fe, 
New Mexico, is to be celebrated in July 
next. The two chief features of the ex- 
hibition will be the display of the histori- 
cal treasures of the Territory and of the 
material resources, the Territory being 
rich in both. The exhibition will last 
during the entire month of July. Cabeca 

1 Passages from the Life of William Penn, p. 
310. Philadelphia, 1882. 



de Vaca, who served with Narvaez in 
Florida, went westward, and, after thrill- 
ing adventures, was the first European 
to set foot in New Mexico. This was in 
1 53 1. Ten years later an expedition 
under Coronado explored the country in 
search of treasure, and nine years after- 
ward the town of Santa Fe was founded. 
This was only twenty-nine years after the 
conquest of Mexico by Cortez. James- 
town, Va., formerly had the honor of 
being the most ancient town in the United 
States. After Florida was annexed, St. 
Augustine held that distinction, but since 
the acquisition of New Mexico, St. Au- 
gustine has given place to the city of 
Santa Fe. 

The above is abridged from the Balti- 
more Sun. M. W. H. 

News from Europe — The editor of 
the True American announced the arrival 
on Monday, October 30, 1809, at Phila- 
delphia, of the ship Suwarrow, Captain 
Englee, forty-five days from Liverpool, 
" who, had he been as attentive as most 
of his countrymen, might have furnished 
us with a day or two's later news ; but as 
he brought none, either in his head or 
his pocket, we must wait for the next 
arrival." The New York papers of No- 
vember 2, 1809, state that the ship Com- 
modore Rogers, Captain Gage, arrived 
from Liverpool " in the unprecedented 
passage of twenty-two days," bringing the 
latest news of the unexpected change in 
the British ministry. Petersfield 

Ancient: "Fort Ancient, Ohio, is built 
upon a hill running like a peninsula out 
from the plateau into the lowlands bor- 
dering the Little Miami River. This ir- 
regular-shaped hill was well chosen for a 
place of defence, for it is nearly isolated 
by streams tributary to the Little Miami. 
The top of the hill is 230 feet above the 
high-water mark of the river, which it 
completely commands. At the nearest 
point to the river the slope is terraced. 
The embankment is formed of earth, not 
thrown up from a ditch, as there is no 
ditch here, but from excavations, now 
pond holes, here and there inside the fort. 
Where the embankment has been carried 
over gullies, a foundation of stones was 
made. The length of the embankment 
is nearly five miles. In height it varies 
at different points, ranging from fourteen 
to twenty feet, with a base often sixty 
feet wide. The frequent changes in the 
direction of the embankment, as it follows 
the outline of the hill, give an additional 
means of defence against an attacking 
force. The two larger ends of the fort 
are connected by a narrow neck of land, 
along both sides of which the embank- 
ment runs, while across it is carried an 
embankment as if to hold one end in case 
the other end of the fort should be taken." 

In one of his recent lectures on the 
"Mounds of the Ohio Valley," Professor 
Putnam, of the Peabody Museum, Cam- 
bridge, says of what is known as Fort 

St. Patrick's day in the revolution 
—Washington's orders for March 16, 
1780, read : "The Adjutants are desired 
not to detail for duty to-morrow any of 
the Sons of St. Patrick" and on the 17th 
the parole is " Saints " and the counter- 
signs "Patrick" and "Shelah." This 
must have tickled the Pennsylvania Line, 
which contained many representatives of 
Erin. J. 



The pring monument — The monu- 
ment to Martin Pring, who made his cele- 
brated voyage to New England in 1603, 
spending some time in Plymouth Harbor 
[vin. 807], still exists in St. Stephen's 
Church, Bristol, England, and possesses 
considerable interest, though it was 
"beautified" in 1733. The following is 
the inscription : 

To the Pious 

Memorie of Martin Pringe, 

Merchant, Sometyme Generalltothe 

East Indies, and one of the 

Fraternity of the 

Trinitie House. 

The liuing worth of this dead man was such, 
That this fay'r Touch can give you but A Touch 
Of his admired guifts ; theise quarter' d Arts, 
Enrich' d his Knowledge and y e spheare imparts ; 
His heart's true embleme where pure thoughts did 

moue ; 
By A most sacred Influence from aboue. 
Prudence and fortitude ore topp this toombe, 
Which in braue Pringe tooke up y e chiefest 

roome ; 
Hope — Time supporters showe that he did clyme, 
The highest pitch of hope though not of Tyme. 
His painefull, skillfull trauayles reacht as farre, 
As from the Artick to th' Antartick starre ; 
Hee made himselfe A Shipp Religion 
His onely compass, and the truth alone 
His guiding Cynosure, faith was his sailes, 
His anchour hope, A hope that never failes; 
His freighte was charitie, and his returne 
A fruitfull practise. In this fatal vrne 
His shipp's fayr Bulck is lodg'd but y e ritch 

Is hous'd in heauen, In heauen never fadinge. 

Obit Anno i 5J n J atis \ l6 f 

I States I 46 

This Monument was Beautified by Mrs Hannah 
Oliver, Widdow, 1733. 

Lottery tickets — I beg to call the 
attention of collectors to the following 

list of lottery tickets in my possession, 
and to ask that they will mention speci- 
mens : 

County of York, Eebruary, 1758, 
Daniel Moulton. 

U. S., Class 4th, Philadelphia, Novem- 
ber, 1776, J. Bullock. 

U. S., Class 4th, Philadelphia, Novem- 
ber, 1776, C. Delany. 

Harvard College, 7th Class, 1806, J. 

Massachusetts Semi-Annual State Lot- 
tery, Class 2d, 1790, J. Kneeland. 

Massachusetts Semi-Annual State Lot- 
tery, Class 2d, 1790, George R. Minot. 

Massachusetts Semi-Annual State Lot- 
tery, Class 2d, 1790, David Cobb. 

Massachusetts State, Class 1st, 1778, 
Oliver Wendell. 

Washington City Canal Lottery, n. d., 
Notley Young. 

Paterson Lottery, N. J., n. d., J. Rhea. 

Middletown Lottery, January, 1784, 
Elijah Hubbard. 

Dixville Road Lottery, n. d., Boston. 

South Hadley Canal Lottery, Jno. 

Amoskeag Canal Lottery, Jno. West. 

Lottery for the Encouragement of Use- 
ful Arts, Philadelphia, 1806, John Biddis. 

Providence Episcopal Church Lottery, 
1797, W. Larned. 

Washington City Canal Lottery, D. 
Carroll, of Dist. of C. 

Pavement Lottery, 4th Class, S. Em- 

State of Maine, Cumberland and Ox- 
ford Canal, 1832, Barbour. 

Amoskeag Canal Lottery, 6th Class, 
1799, E. Robinson. 

Conestogoe Bridge Lottery, 1761, 
Joseph Simon. 

2 12 


Schuylkill, Susquehanna and Delaware 
Canals, 1795, F. Matlack, W. M. Smith. 

South Hadley Canal Lottery, Class 5th, 
1802, Justin Ely. 

Washington Hotel Lottery, January 1, 
1 793, Samuel Blodget, Agent. 

H. W. Bryant, 

Librarian Maine Historical Society. 


Concerning hanging — In the new 
volume by JVlr. Muzzey, on the "Men of 
tiie Revolution," at page 92, I read that 
" When the signers of the Declaration of 
Independence met for that momentous 
service, John Hancock said, as he affixed 
to it, the first in order, his own name : 
' We must be unanimous ; we must hang 
together.' 'Yes,' said Franklin, 'or hang 
separately.' " Now, who really was the 
author of the mot? I always supposed 
that it was Charles Carroll. 


Cleve and winter — Where was 
George Cleve, or Cleeves, born, who 
came from Plymouth, England, about 
1630, and settled near Portland, Maine? 
What vessel did he come on ? Whom 
did he marry? Is anything known of 
him prior to his advent in New England ? 
Also can any one give any information 
about John Winter, prior to his arrival in 
Maine? J. P. Baxter 

A boston magazine — "Boston, Nov. 
7, 1809. ' Tis Something — Nothing.' 
On Saturday Nov. 18 1809, will be pub- 
lished, the first number of Something. To 
be continued weekly if Nothing prevents. 
Edited by Oudoit Nemo Nobody, Esq. 

Prospectus. The editor of ' Something ' 
promises Nothing. Subscribers it is 
hoped may be found who will encourage 
' Something ' of a literary nature, at the 
price of three dollars a year, one half 
paid in advance ; for Something will come 
to Nothing if Nothing comes to Some- 
thing. Subscriptions are received by 
John West & Co. 73 Cornhill." — Mercan- 
tile Advertiser, November 18, 1809. 
What is the history of this first attempt to 
establish a literary magazine in Boston ? 
It appears to have survived, until May, 
18 10, issuing twenty-six numbers. 



"Join or die" [viii. 768, 855] — In 
Thomas' History of Printing, ed. 18 10, 
Vol. II., p. 329, he says: "On the 9th 
of May, 1754, the device of a snake, di- 
vided into parts, with the motto — 'Join 
or Die,' 1 believe, first appeared in this 
paper {The Pennsylvania Gazette, pub- 
lished by B. Franklin, Postmaster, and D. 
Hall, at Philadelphia). It accompanied 
an account of the French and Indians 
having killed and scalped many of the 
inhabitants in the frontier counties of Vir- 
ginia and Pennsylvania. The account 
was published with this device, with a view 
to arouse the British Colonies, and cause 
them to unite in effectual measures for 
their defence and security against the 
common enemy. The snake was divided 
into eight parts, to represent, first, New 
England ; second, New York ; third, New 
Jersey ; fourth, Pennsylvania ; fifth, Mary- 
land ; sixth, Virginia ; seventh, North 
Carolina; and, eighth, South Carolina. 



The account and the figures appeared in 
several other papers, and had a good 
effect." Parton refers to the circumstance, 
evidently on the authority of Thomas, in 
his "Life of Franklin " (Vol. I., p. 337). 
Did this sentiment appear anywhere 
before Franklin published it as above ? 
It seems to have been freely adopted 
thereafter in American journalism, par- 
ticularly with reference to the necessity 
of presenting a united front to resist the 
aggressions of the mother country upon 
her colonies. Thomas further says (Vol. 
II., p. 322) that "after the American 
stamp act was passed by the British Par- 
liament, and near the time it was to be 
put in operation, a political paper was 
privately printed at Burlington [N. J.], 
which attracted much notice. It was 
entitled 'The Constitutional Gazette, con- 
taining Matters interesting to Liberty — 
but no wise repugnant to Loyalty.' Im- 
print — ' Printed by Andrew Marvel, at 
the Sign of the Bribe Refused, on Con- 
stitution-Hill, North- America.' In the 
centre of the title was a device of a snake, 
cut into parts, to represent the colonies. 
Motto — 'Join or Die.' After the title 
followed an address to the public from 
the fictitious printer and publisher, An- 
drew Marvel. This paper was without 
date, but was printed in September, 1 765, 
. . . . A large edition was printed, 
secretly forwarded to New York, and 
there sold by hawkers selected for the 
purpose. It had a rapid sale, and was, 
I believe, reprinted there, and at Boston. 
It excited some commotion in New York, 
and was taken notice of by government. 
A council was called, and holden at the 
fort in that city, but as no discovery was 
made of the author or printer, nothing 

was done. One of the council demanded 
of a hawker named Samuel Sweeny, 
'Where that incendiary paper was 
printed ? ' Sweeny, as he had been in- 
structed, answered, ' At Peter Hassen- 
clever's iron works, please your honor.' 
Peter Hassenclever was a wealthy Ger- 
man, well known as the owner of exten- 
sive iron works in New Jersey. 1 After- 
ward, other publications of a like kind 
frequently appeared with an imprint — 
'Printed at Peter Hassenclever's Iron- 
works.' Only one number of The Con- 
stitutional Gazette was published ; a con- 
tinuance of it was never intended. It 
was printed by William Goddard, 2 at Park- 
er's printing house at Burlington — God- 
dard having previously obtained Parker's 
permission occasionally to use his press." 
The Constitutional Courant, the title of 
which is reproduced in The Magazine 
of American History [viii. 768J, was 
evidently an imitation of the New Jersey 
paper, though not an exact reproduc- 
tion, for the latter contained an " ad- 
dress " of " Andrew Marvel " to the public, 
which does not appear to have been 
published in the former. It is not unlikely 
that Goddard, while he was printing his 
paper at Burlington, may have issued two 
or more numbers, with different titles, 
during September, 1765, with the same 

1 At Ringwood, Passaic County ; also in Mor- 
ris County. 

2 Goddard printed the first newspaper at Provi- 
dence, R. I., 1762-5 ; was afterward of New 
York, 1765; Philadelphia, 1766-73; and Bal- 
timore, 1773-92. lie was a legatee of General 
Charles Lee, whose Memoirs he designed publish- 
ing, but his partner, Edward Langworthy, sent 
the work to London and had it printed there for 
his sole benefit (in 1792). — Thomas, I., 427-9; 
II. , 134-9, 271-2, 331-2, 352-9. 



device and motto, and substantially the 
same contents. Thomas seems so positive 
about the title mentioned by him that he 
is doubtless correct ; and that the title of 
the paper in Yale College Library is cor- 
rect as given is manifest from the fac- 
simile in The Magazine. 

In 1774, the device and motto referred 
to appeared in several of the American 
papers of the day, among others in The 
Massachusetts Spy, The New York Jour- 
nal, and The Pennsylvania Journal. — Tho- 
mas, II., 252, 307, 331. 

Wm. Nelson 

Pater son, A T . y. 

The cardinal of bourbon — This per- 
son, as already stated [vm. 437], sent one 
Stephen Bellinger, of Rouen, France, into 
the region of Massachusetts Bay, in 1583. 
The cardinal so much interested at that 
period in New England trade was Charles 
de Bourbon, Prince of France, born De- 
cember 23, 1520, dying May 9, 1590. 
He was the son of Charles de Bourbon, 
fourth Count of Vendome. The Cardi- 
nal de Bourbon was Archbishop of Rouen. 
This is the same person that the Court 
of Parliament, March 3, 1590, recom- 
mended as the legitimate King of France. 
He thus played the role of king during 
the League. He would have done better 
if he had continued his protection to the 
sailors who frequented the coasts of 
America. Gabriel Gravier 

Rotten, France. 

Old bibles [ix. 68] — The small quarto 
black - letter Bible, in English, of the 
Genevan version (being about the 150th 
edition of the Bible nicknamed the 
"breeches"), printed in London by 

Robert Barker, in 1606, with Herrey's 
Concordance attached, of same date, de- 
scribed and inquired about by Mr. Clark 
Jillson, is not of very rare occurrence in 
this latitude. A copy, in fair condition 
and perfect, brings generally, at sales 
here, about one pound sterling. 

Henry Stevens, gmb 

4 Trafalgar Square, London, Jan. 15, 1883. 

There were a good many editions of 
the Geneva Bible published by Robert 
Barker between a.d. 1600 and 1615. 
The version can hardly be said to be 
celebrated, although it had a temporary 
popularity among people of a Calvinistic 
way of thinking. Nor are the books 
either very rare or very costly. The 
quartos have been sold in New York for 
five dollars, which appears to be about 
what they are worth. 

Beverley R. Betts 

Rhode island and the spectacles 
— In your magazine for this month [ix. 
69], after quoting a passage from "Kalm's 
Travels " respecting the purchase of 
Rhode Island from an Indian for a pair 
of spectacles, referring to Franklin as his 
authority for the statement, " Minto " 
asks, "Can it be possible that Benjamin 
Franklin imposed on the credulity of the 
innocent traveller?" Let Franklin him- 
self answer the " innocent" Swedish travel- 
ler. In " Stevens' Franklin Collection," 
shipped last week to the Department of 
State, is a volume lettered " Franklin's 
Craven Street Letter Book, 1772-73," 
containing drafts of letters for nearly two 
years. Under date of March 3, 1773, 
Franklin wrote a letter to David Golden, 
from which this is an extract: "Kalm's 



account of what he learnt in America is 

full of idle stories, which he pick'd up 
among ignorant people, and either forget- 
ting of whom he had them, or willing to 
give them some authority, he has ascribed 
them to persons of reputation who never 
heard of them till they were found in 
his book. And when he really had 
stories from such persons, he has varied 
the circumstances unaccountably, so that 
I have been ashamed to meet with some 
mentioned as from me. It is dangerous 
conversing with these strangers that keep 

Henry Stevens, of Vermont 

4 Trafalgar Square, Loudon, Jan. 15, 1 883. 

The elephant betty — The first ele- 
phant imported into the United States, 
which was referred to in your maga- 
zine [vm. 358, 513], was exhibited in a 
small village in Windsor Co., Vt., in the 
summer of 1815. The writer was pres- 
ent at the exhibition, and, with the other 
children present, was greatly delighted 
with her performances, she being very 
docile and intelligent, implicitly obeying 
her negro keeper, who called her Betty. 
After the performance in the barn was 
concluded, Betty was let out on the com- 
mon and given a whip by her keeper, and 
directed to make a ring, which service 
she performed by driving the crowd back 
so that all could see, when another set of 
performances commenced, which was 
witnessed with great delight by all pres- 
ent. Some years afterward the writer 
learned that Betty was killed by the 
breaking down of a bridge while crossing 
a stream in one of the New England 
States. Since the above was written, the 
writer has been informed by a graduate 

of Williams College that an accident simi- 
lar to the one above referred to, resulting 
in the killing of an elephant, occurred at 
North Adams, Mass., and that some time 
afterward the students of that institution 
procured the bones and placed them in 
the museum of the college, where they 
now remain. Who knows whether or 
not they are the bones of Betty, the first 
elephant imported into the United States ? 

A. M. 

Bay City, February 3, 1 883. 

Arms of officers [rx. 69, 144] — On 
this point I copy the following note 
to page cxxiii of General de Peyster's 
rather remarkable contribution to Mr. 
W. L. Stone's "Orderly Book of Sir 
John Johnson." Speaking of the am- 
buscade on the Oriskany, the doughty 
champion of Sir John and a lost cause 
says : " There is a great deal of talk 
about fighting with spears in this battle. 
' Captain Gardenier slew them with 
spears, one after the other.' Colonel 
Willett and Lieutenant Stockwell, ' each 
armed with a spear,' crept out of the fort 
to seek relief, etc. That the Indians 
used spears is very likely, because a 
weapon of this sort is primitive and in 
ordinary use among savages. Storming 
parties of troops, destined to assault a 
breech, it is true, were furnished with 
something resembling 'boarding pikes,' 
peculiar to the navy. That the English 
and American troops and militia em- 
ployed such a weapon is ridiculous. 
These spears were espontons, which 
were badges of military rank. ' To trail 
a half pike ' was a term once recognized 
as equivalent to holding a commission. 
As late as 181 1 'the Militia Law of the 



United States required that commissioned 
officers shall severally be armed with a 
sword or hanger, and esponton.' The 
latter was a short pike, about eight feet 
in length. Colonels carried them, just as 
in the previous century. Sergeants bore 
halberts. ' To bring a man to the hal- 
berts' expressed the ideas of the inflic- 
tion of corporal punishment. This ex- 
plains how Colonel Willett and Captain 
Gardenier and Lieutenant Stockwell 
came to be furnished, not with spears, 
but with half pikes or espontons. The 
last were symbols of authority and com- 
mand, and in an old print St. Leger is 
represented with an esponton in his hand. 
Over a hundred years ago there was a 
great question whether light double- 
barrel muskets — something like those 
furnished to the French military police in 
Corsica — should not constitute a part of 
the armament of officers in the British 
service." Half Pike 

Capitol [ix. 70] — The origin of the 
word "capitol" may be found in the 
"First Book of Livy," ch. 55, the word 
or designation having originated at the 
commencement of building the Temple 
to Jupiter on the Tarpeian Mount, under 
the Tarquins — a human head with all the 
appearance of life having presented itself 
to those commencing to break ground 
for the foundations. The soothsayers de- 
termined the appearance to indicate the 
metropolis of the empire and head of the 
world. Other authors represent the find- 
ing a perfect unmutilated head when ex- 
cavations were commenced. 

J. G. Kennedy 

Washington, D. C. 


Massachusetts historical society 
— At the last stated meeting, Mr. Charles 
Francis Adams, Jr., read an account of 
Sir Christopher Gardiner and Mary 
Grove, his mysterious companion, who 
have figured frequently in poetry and ro- 
mance, as well as in the early history of 
the colony. Mr. Adams carefully col- 
lated all the accounts which we have of 
them, and corrected many errors made 
not only by writers of fiction, but by his- 
torians in respect of them. The last 
trace that can be found of Gardiner shows 
him to have been in London in 1634, 
when he disappears from the scene. 
Mary Grove married Thomas Purchase, 
from the Kennebec County in Maine, 
and seems to have died in Boston in 1656. 

Mr. T. C. Amory read a paper to show 
that the design of the expedition into 
western New York, in 1779, was not prin- 
cipally to punish the Iroquois for the 
massacres at Wyoming and Cherry Val- 
ley, or to retaliate the barbarities prac- 
tised on women and children at Fairfield, 
Norwalk, and New Haven by British 
troops, though such atrocities demanded 
retribution. Its more important object was 
to explore the country, and to pave the 
way to an invasion of Canada by Niagara, 
if D'Estaing came back in season with 
his fleet and army. He had left Boston 
in December, 1778, after the siege of 
Newport, for the West Indies, and had 
intended to co-operate with the Ameri- 
cans at the North in the summer of 1779, 
but being delayed by winds, he landed 
in Georgia and laid siege to Savannah. 
Repulsed with great loss, he sailed for 



Rhode island historical society — 
At the meeting held January 23d, at 
Providence, President Gamwell in the 
chair, a paper was read by Mr. William 
E. Foster, of the Providence Public Li- 
brary, who traced the connection of 
Governor Stephen Hopkins with the 
growth of a national sentiment in Rhode 
Island in a thorough and scholarly manner, 
indicating careful research and an inge- 
nious and instructive method of arrange- 
ment, departing from the ordinary historic 
collation of events and comments, and thus 
adding to its interest and entertainment. 

New jersey historical society — 
The annual meeting was held on Janu- 
ary 18, 1883, at Trenton, where the So- 
ciety was organized thirty-eight years 
ago. Mr. William A. Whitehead, who 
has ever since been the Corresponding 
Secretary, and who is one of very few 
among the survivors of the original in- 
corporators of the Society, presented, as 
usual, a large and very interesting body 
of correspondence relating to the history 
of New Jersey and the genealogy of many 
of the early families. It was announced 
that six volumes of " New Jersey Ar- 
chives," comprising documents relating 
to the colonial history down to 1747, had 
been printed by the State, under the au- 
spices of the Society, and that a seventh 
volume was well under way. Mr. R. 
Wayne Parker, of Newark, read a valu- 
able paper on " Money and Taxes in 
Early New Jersey," in which it was re- 
marked, incidentally, that the silver dol- 
lar was at one time the standard currency 
of the commercial world, and that Great 
Britain might just as easily have adopted 
the dollar as the unit of currency as the 

pound sterling in Queen Anne's reign. 
Mr. Samuel Allinson, who two or three 
years ago read a paper on the early 
Indians in New Jersey, presented a com- 
munication from the Secretary of the In- 
terior, giving from the records of the De- 
partment an account of the migrations of 
the Delaware Indians subsequent to their 
removal from New Jersey, from which it 
appears that they have lost their tribal re- 
lation, and that their traceable descend- 
ants now number probably less than one 
hundred persons, and are probably located 
in Kansas or the Indian Territory. The 
Society elected the following officers for 
the ensuing year : President — Samuel M. 
Hammill, D.D., of Lawrenceville ; Vice- 
Presidents — John T. Nixon, of Trenton ; 
John Clement, of Haddonfield, and Sam- 
uel H. Pennington, M.D., of Newark ; 
Corresponding Secretary — William A. 
Whitehead, of Newark ; Recording Sec- 
retary — William Nelson, of Paterson ; 
Treasurer and Librarian — Frederick W. 
Ricord, of Newark ; Executive Commit- 
tee — Marcus L. Ward, of Newark ; the 
Rev. George S. Mott, D.D., of Fleming- 
ton ; Samuel Allinson, of Yardville ; N. 
Norris Halstead, of Kearny ; Joel Par- 
ker, of Freehold ; Joseph N. Tuttle, of 
Newark ; John F. Hageman, of Prince- 
ton ; David A. Depue, of Newark ; Na- 
thaniel Niles, of Madison. The next 
meeting of the Society will be held at 
Newark, on the third Thursday in May. 

New york historical society — At 
the regular monthly meeting, February 
6th, President Schell in the chair, Mr. 
Berthold Fernow, of Albany, N. Y., read 
a paper on " The Life and Times of Cor- 
nelius Steenwyck, Burgomaster of New 



Amsterdam, and Mayor of New York." 
Mr. Fernow's paper proved very interest- 
ing and instructive, as Steenwyck was a 
representative man, a kind of Colossus, 
one of whose feet was planted on the 
Dutch side and the other on the English, 
feeding at public crib under both ad- 
ministrations, yet so unfortunate as to 
be mulcted thirty thousand dollars on a 
single occasion, for too open an offence 
against the English ; though he was a 
man of fair character and abilities, culti- 
vated taste, and a liberal disposition ; 
dying at last respected by all, and leaving 
a fortune which in his day was considered 
large. The Hon. James W. Gerard 
moved a vote of thanks, and made some 
complimentary remarks, being followed by 
Mr. Samuel B. Haines, Mr. Frederic J. de 
Peyster, and Mr. John MacMuilen, who 
spoke in laudatory terms of Old New 
York. An original portrait of Steenwyck 
has recently been secured for the Society. 
It was in the possession of the Evans 
family, New Jersey, for several genera- 
tions. The canvas contains a view of 
New Amsterdam, painted about the year 
1656. It also bears the Steenwyck Arms. 

The Librarian, Mr. Jacob B. Moore, 
made a brief but very appropriate ad- 
dress in recognition of the late Professor 
Greene, who died at East Greenwich, 
R. I., February 2, 1883, in the seventy- 
second year of his age, and offered the 
following resolutions, which were adopted: 

Resolved, That the New York Histori- 
cal Society, with profound regret, enters 
upon the roll of its deceased members 
the name of George Washington Greene, 

Resolved, That the Society desires to 
record its appreciation of the many per- 

sonal virtues which adorned the sterling 
life and character of its late honored as- 
sociate, and its grateful testimony to the 
numerous and invaluable services ren- 
dered by him to his country and its his- 
tory, in works which will remain as en- 
during legacies to the historical student, 
and as conspicuous memorials of the dis- 
interested labor, the unwearied research, 
and great literary talent which were the 
characteristics of his scholarly life. 

Resolved, That the sympathy of the 
Society be tendered to the family of our 
deceased associate, and that they be fur- 
nished with a copy of these proceedings. 


This Society held a session some time ago 
on the subject of the settlement of the 
town, and the Weymouth Gazette devotes 
an immense broadside to the paper by Mr. 
Gilbert Nash, to which reference has al- 
ready been made in The Magazine. He 
agrees with Mr. Charles Francis Adams 
that, previous to the arrival of the Rev. 
Mr. Hull, in 1635, there were colonists on 
the ground. Both of these writers have 
accomplished much in their essays, but 
the case of Mr. Hull still needs to be 
cleared up. 

Pennsylvania historical society — 
By a united move of the members of this 
Society, a sum was lately raised sufficient 
to erect the new building they have long 
needed. The Long Island Historical So- 
ciety, Brooklyn, has already done so well 
in this direction that we hope the move- 
ment will prove contagious everywhere. 
New life in our Historical Societies is a 
great desideratum, and a good promoter 
of it is a new building. 





1 776-1 777. Annotated by William L. Stone, 
Author of the Life and Times of Sir William 
Johnson, Bart. ; Burgoyne's Campaign ; Life 
and Journals of General and Mrs. Riedesel, 
&c. ; with an Historical Introduction illus- 
trating the Life of Sir John Johnson, Bart.; 
by J. Watts de Peyster, LL.D., M.A. 
* Anchor * Author of the Life of [Swedish 
Field-Marshall] Leonard Torstensen [General- 
issimo], 1855; Carausius, 1858; Winter Cam- 
paigns, &c, 1864; The Pei-sonal and Military 
History of Maj.-Gen. Phil. Kearney, 1869; 
La Royale, the Grand Hunt of the Army of 
the Potomac, 3d~7th April, 1872-74; Mary, 
Queen of Scots, 1882 ; &c, &c. And Some 
Tracings from the Footprints of the Tories or 
Loyalists in America. Contributed by Theo- 
dorus Bailey Myers. Albany : Joel Mun- 
sell's Sons. MDCCCLXXXIL 4to, pp. 
6 — clxviii — 269. 

The "Orderly Book " was originally printed 
in 1 88 1, in the March and April issues of The 
Magazine of American History. It has 
again made i*:s appearance, in a limited edition, 
as No. XI. of MunselPs Historical Series, edited 
by William L. Stone, to whom its original publi- 
cation was due ; wirh copious annotations, his- 
torical and topographical details, and information 
respecting Colonel Willett and others in whose 
memory New York has a special interest. In its 
present form it is accompanied by two very dis- 
tinct brochures, supplied at the request of Mr. 
Stone, in furtherance of his undertaking, each 
inspired by a taste for historical research. These 
are illustrated and written from opposing view- 
points, without comparison of views or attempts 
at concert ; often differing and then at times 
uniting in independent conclusions. 

The first, '.* An Historical Introduction illus- 
trating the Life of Sir John Johnson, Bart.," is 
from the incisive pen of his kinsman, General J. 
Watts de Peyster. After entering into the de- 
tails of the prosperous private life of his subject, 
up to the time of the opening of the contest for 
freedom, he follows him when accepting the later 
alternative, and, a free lance better known 
in the conflicts of a century ago, Rupert-like he 
lt thunders on the flank " of those who, in tradi- 
tion or contemporary history, failed to view 
Johnson's action as inevitable on the part of one 
who was apparently born a favorite of fortune. 
The heir to an estate claimed to be larger than 

that of Fairfax, and only second to that of the 
Penns, honored with knighthood when a buy 
by his sovereign, recently inheriting that estate 
by the death of his father, an approved soldier, he 
conceives him beyond the influence of the exas- 
perated public sentiment of others less fortunate, 
when they proposed to remove the flag, under 
which he had been born and prospered, from the 
soil in which he enjoyed so large an ownership. 

This writer, while claiming the choice as inevi- 
table, proceeds with his attempt to vindicate his 
great-uncle's memory from the charge of \iola- 
ting a parole extracted by compulsion by a de 
facto government in authority in parts of his 
native State, and only formulated into sections of 
a nationality in the subsequent July. He claims 
that Johnson considered it an uprising which 
might soon be suppressed by the forces of the 
still-existing government, not realizing the extent 
of the dissatisfaction of a people who had peti- 
tioned for relief and were now seeking redress. 
He argues that Sir John, as an isolated but 
powerful adherent of the government they had 
renounced, was an obstacle to progress, and that, 
although he had committed no overt act in its 
support, he had refused to associate for its over- 
throw ; and that when he was aware of the recall 
of his parole and the order for his arrest and con- 
finement, he fled from the authority of the rapidly 
organizing government to which he was obnoxious. 
He justifies his vindictive hostilities, and their at- 
tendant ravages, as incidental to any exile fired by 
a sense of injury, and suggests that he only turned 
against them the methods of warfare used by his 
father and by his then opponents for their mutual 
defence against the French and their allies. He 
argues that Sir John's sometime claimed flight from 
Klock's Field in advance of his command, even 
though wounded, is inconsistent with his known 
character for personal courage sustained by the 
military authorities in Canada after his escape. 

If the writer had confined his efforts to the 
vindication of his kinsman, he would perhaps 
have given greater weight to his conclusions. His 
apparent object is not advanced by his attacks on 
principles and men long since approved, nor by 
reopening questions of motive inducing those 
who entertained opposite convictions in produc- 
ing results now universally accepted and enjoyed 
in common by the posterity of both of the then 
conflicting elements. With a stalwart assertion 
of his own convictions sustained by traditional 
teachings, he expresses an utter indifference for 
popular opinion. 

The other contribution, " Some Tracings from 
the Footprints of Sir John Johnson and his Co- 
temporaries," by Colonel Theodorus Bailey My- 
ers, was, as he states, suggested in accordance 
with the request of Mr. Stone, and by the fact 
that his collection of manuscripts contained some 
papers of special value in connection with the 
period. His view-point is rather technical j and 



although with antecedents and sympathies opposed 
1o those of the former writer, he warmly vindicates 
the sympathy won by any honest loyalty, however 
mistaken, as an evidence of an underlying integ- 
rity and courage, and its misuse as more attribu- 
table to an error of the head than of the heart. 
He expresses a doubt as to the reliability of much 
CO temporary narrative, of the measure of credit 
divided by the victor to the vanquished ; he treats 
of the value of continued efforts to perfect his- 
tory, especially by the publication of diaries and 
letters. In reference to the parole of Sir John 
Johnson and the details of Klock's Field, he 
agrees in the conclusions of his friend, failing to 
discover any evidence which would be considered 
conclusive against a man who had died enjoying 
the popular favor. 

Then, when the " footprints " of Johnson leave 
the American territory for a life of exile, he re- 
turns to follow those of his " cotemporaries" of 
opposing convictions ; considering the unprece- 
dented and then little anticipated results they 
achieved by their conquests, the extent of our 
continuous appreciation, its necessity, and the 
duty of impressing it on all new associates by 
birth or colonization ; the advantage of the 
teaching of our national traditions in schools; 
the value concealed in the appreciation of the 
little sought-for intention of the founders ; and 
the effects of the lack of appreciation for the 
holders' of public honors in the present lessen- 
ing the veneration for those of the past, and 
the danger of allowing their " footprints " to be- 
come obscured under the impressions of heavier, 
if not worthier, feet. While the tone of this 
paper is temperate, its impressions are clearly ex- 
pressed and it strongly favors a hereditary national 
policy, in which the views of the founders are 
never forgotten, while the changes necessary to 
growth and progress are necessarily engrafted. 
It urges the importance of jealous vigilance on 
the part of every citizen, less attention to finan- 
cial management as an element and branch than 
to national policy as the trunk, if we would give 
the most practical evidence of the error of the 
Tories and Loyalists as to the concentration of 
power and the impossibility of a government of a 
people by itself. 

For his own part of the work Mr. Stone offers 
no apology, but literary copartnership sometimes 
makes strange bedfellows. Still Mr. Stone must 
be regarded as standing by himself, and respon- 
sible, under the circumstances, only for his own 
words. His work is well done, and will have due 
recognition. On the other hand, General de 
Peyster speaks of his engagement to contribute 
to the work as " the result of a promise made in 
haste and repented at leisure," though it is diffi- 
cult to discover the repentance. In fact, he ends 
in a more pugnacious spirit than that in which he 
began, and in his Envoi, with his accustomed 
bravery, he runs a muck with all America, not 

forgetting to deal a thrust at General Sullivan. 
The General ought to feel relieved and satisfied. 

Colonel Myers says that his own essay, writ- 
ten at a distance from his library, " suggests 
some resemblance to a trunk hastily packed 
for a journey, with an opportunity for a selection 
from a sufficient wardrobe, which, when resorted 
to, is found to contain some articles better fitted 
for the seclusion of a private apartment than for 
public use, and to lack many others more adapta- 
ble, but improvidently left at home." 

This volume, upon the whole, with its irrepressi- 
ble opinions and frequent historical errors, is a very 
curious production. It may strengthen the belief 
of General de Peyster, but it may not help the case 
of Sir John Johnson, nor modify public opinion 
with respect to the men and the principles of the 
Revolution, the history of which, however, will 
some day be written. 

SETTS, with a Genealogical Register. 
By the Rev. Henry A. PIazen, A.M., Mem- 
ber of the New England Historic Genealogi- 
cal Society. Boston : A. Williams & Co. 
1883. 8vo, pp. x, 510. 

A map of ancient Billerica shows the town as 
it was prior to the separation of Tewksbury, large 
parts of Bedford and Carlisle, and portions of 
Wilmington and Lowell. This map gives the lo- 
cation of the large early farms or grants, and of 
more than eighty families, or nearly all who were 
in the town before 1700, including the garrisons 
of 1676. The Genealogical Register embodies all 
the births, marriages, and deaths found in the town 
records prior to 1800 (in fact, to 1840), with ad- 
ditions and connecting links, gleaned from grave- 
stones, probate records, and many other sources, 
and early lines are brought down to date. All 
families bearing the names Farley, Farmer, Jefts, 
Kidder, Kittredge, Pollard, Shed, and Toothaker, 
whose lines in this country go back to 1700, will 
find their American progenitor in Billerica. Ex- 
tensive branches were also here of the families of 
Crosby, Danforth, French, Frost, Hill, Manning, 
Parker, Patten, Richardson, Rogers, Stearns, 
and Whiting. Others less numerous, but impor- 
tant and significant, are traced of more than sixty 
families. Lists of the soldiers in the early Indian 
wars, as well as the Revolution and the late war, 
will be found. The religious history is care- 
fully followed, and some very interesting early 
records are recovered, illustrating the organiza- 
tion of the church and fixing its date. An inter- 
esting chapter, by the Rev. E. G. Porter, of 
Lexington, is devoted to Billericay, England. 

Billerica, " the ancient Shawshin," is one of 
the typical New England towns, whose founda- 
tions were laid in 1638. The place retains some 



of its ancient characteristics still, and old things 
are mingled with the new. The author spent 
four years upon the work, and has labored with 
diligence and care, producing a handsome and 
valuable volume that will take rank with the best 
town histories. It is illustrated with portraits, 
including that of Governor Talbot, and a number 
of views of houses and churches, ancient and 


Rear-Admiral U. S. Navy. By his Widow, 
Medelaine Vinton Dahlgren. With por- 
traits and illustrations. Boston: James R. 
Osgood & Co. 1882. 8vo, pp. 660. 

The name of Dahlgren does not stand in the 
same category as those of Farragut and Porter, 
yet his services were of a high character. Ad- 
miral Dahlgren was born in Philadelphia in 1809, 
being of Swedish descent, and at an early age he 
showed a marked predilection for the Navy, which 
he soon entered, commencing at once the long 
and toilsome struggle to gain the eminence finally 
achieved. His genius was scientific and inven- 
tive, mathematics and artillery gaining a large 
degree of attention. He made his mark in coll- 
ection with the Coast Survey, while his skill in 
construction will long cause his name to be asso- 
ciated with improvements in gunnery. In fact, 
he revolutionized the system of ordnance, passing 
a large portion of his career in connection with 
this department. In offensive operations he had 
comparatively little experience, since his chief 
command was that of the South Atlantic Block- 
ading Squadron, being the successor of Admiral 
Dupont. The work was hard, perilous, irksome, 
and of the highest importance ; but it consisted 
largely of dull routine, giving him few opportuni- 
ties for making one of those brilliant records 
upon which it is so agreeable to dwell. Yet no 
opportunity was lost, and, in connection with the 
siege of Charleston and the reduction of Fort 
Wagner, he rendered eminent service and dis- 
played rare courage, of which particular mention 
is made on page 425, in a note from Judge Advo- 
cate Cowley's " Afloat and Ashore." Admiral 
Dahlgren was a systematic man, and from early 
years kept a copious journal. As the result, his 
story, in no small degree, is told in his own lan- 
guage, while official reports are freely drawn 
upon. This plan was deliberately adopted by his 
biographer, and, as may be imagined, the result 
is not exactly a finished literary performance. As 
a historical work, however, it will be valued, as 
it forms a repository of indispensable facts that 
will one day be of use in connection with the 
Navy. The volume is not only valuable, but very 

War of the Great Rebellion. 1S63- 
1865. By George H. Gordon, Late Colonel 
Second Massachusetts Infantry, etc., etc. Bos- 
ton : James R. Osgood & Co. 1882. 8vo, 
PP- 437- 

This volume forms a continuation of the au- 
thor's work on " The Army of Virginia," and 
was written from notes made at the time. He 
describes those events which transpired under his 
eye, and the story is told in a frank, manly, out- 
spoken, and chivalrous style, though with due 
regard to the feelings of the defeated. The work 
is one of deep, absorbing, and peculiar interest, 
and affords some inside views of things not found 
in a formal history. The style is graphic and 
admirable, and the entke composition, in fact, is 
what one might expect of a brave and cultured 
Massachusetts officer. 


Men of the Revolution and their Fam- 
ilies. By A. B. Muzzey. Fully illustrated. 
Boston: Estes & Lauriat. 1883. 8vo, pp. 

This is a very pleasant and instructive volume, 
which does ample justice to various families, in- 
cluding the names of Otis, Adams, Quincey, Lin- 
coln, Parker, Munroe, Brown, Kirkland, Ellery, 
Channing, Perry, and others; with those of indi- 
viduals like Lafayette, Jackson, and Bontelle. A 
special chapter is devoted to "Men of the South- 
ern and Middle States in the Revolution," while 
"The Anti-Slavery Movement "is included in 
another, with one more to the " Society of the 
Cincinnati." The author is a very genial and dis- 
criminating writer, and has put on record a large 
number of valuable examples, of which the nation 
may feel justly proud. The book is well printed 
and illustrated, and contains an excellent portrait 
of the author, who writes, to a considerable extent, 
from personal recollection. 

By Ceorge E. Woodbury. Illustrated. 
New York : Harper & Brothers, Franklin 
Square. 1 883. Svo, pp. 209. 

In this work the author has endeavored to 
bring together, in an orderly form, the principal 
facts that are of interest in connection with the 
art of engraving on wood, which, from the rudest 
beginnings, has attained to a degree of excellence 
in some cases closely approaching the results 
achieved on copper <nnd steel. In the main, the 
author has devoted his studies to the exhibition 
of wood-engraving as a reflection of human life 



and the progress of civilization. Little atten- 
tion, therefore, has been bestowed upon the bi- 
bliography of the subject, any treatment of which 
would have swelled the work into dimensions that 
would have interfered with its popularity. The 
illustrations include ninety numbers, the subjects 
ranging from an initial letter from the " Epistols 
di San Hieronimo Volgare," to a portrait of the 
late Dean Stanley by Kruell, which is a clever 
work, though it by no means shows the possibili- 
ties nor even the actual achievements of engrav- 
ing on wood. The initial letter, however, comes 
quite near to the present excellence attained in 
that special department. There are many beau- 
tiful specimens in this volume, which shows the 
capacity of the great and enterprising house 
sending the volume out, and which has done so 
much in this country to encourage wood-engrav- 
ing and bring it to its present high state of excel- 
lence. The reader will find this a very charming 

Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers in 
the War for the Preservation of the 
Union. 1861-1865. With Statistics of the 
War and Rebel Prisons. By Charles F. 
Walcott, Brevet Brig. -General and Member 
of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Il- 
lustrated with portraits and maps. Boston : 
Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1882. 8vo, pp. 

This is the history of a "fighting regiment." 
It is based upon the best material accessible to 
the writer, who devoted much time to the un- 
dertaking, being obliged to correct and revise 
official documents in order to carry on his work 
to completion. His regiment was organized at 
Worcester, during July and August, 1861, and 
placed under the command of Colonel Augustus 
Morse, previously major-general of militia. It 
was engaged in twenty-two battles, and after being 
reduced to a battalion was united with the Thirty- 
sixth Massachusetts, and subsequently trans- 
ferred to the Fifty-sixth. General Walcott served 
as a captain in the Twenty-first, and afterward 
as Colonel of the Sixty-first Massachusetts. The 
work is of a most careful and painstaking charac- 
ter, and gives many brilliant and accurate pictures 
of scenes through which the regiment passed with 
the greatest credit to itself and to the old Bay 
State. The volume contains twelve illustrations, 
including steel portraits of Generals Reno and 
Burnside. The work is one of a kind to be ex- 
pected from a member of a guild so eminent as the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, and forms a 
lasting monument to the courage, the patience, 
the endurance and patriotism of one of the no- 
blest military organizations of Massachusetts. 

Words used in Art and Archeology. 
Explaining Terms frequently used in Works on 
Architecture, Arms, Bronzes, Christian Art, 
Color, Costume Decoration, Devices, Em- 
blems, Heraldry, Lace, Personal Ornaments, 
Pottery, Painting, Sculpture, etc., with their 
Derivations. By J. W. Mollett, B.A., Offi- 
cier de V Instruction Publique (France). Au- 
thor of the Lives of " Rembrandt " and " Wil- 
kie " in the " Great Artists " series. Boston : 
Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1883. i2mo, 
PP- 35o. 

The general character of this work is indicated 
by its title, and it only remains for us to point 
out its value, which is very great, inasmuch as it 
fills an empty place and supplies, very admirably, 
a real want. Few persons have the leisure to ex- 
amine those; expensive volumes in which informa- 
tion like that contained in this work is usually 
found. Hence a volume of the nature of a full 
hand-book is particularly desired, especially at 
the present time, when certain tastes are so largely 
indulged. We find no less than seven hundred 
and seven well-engraved illustrations, covering 
objects that range from the practical to the luxur- 
ious, the whole forming a compilation that might 
properly be found in every household ; though 
the author is too brief sometimes, as, for exam- 
ple, in defining the " Cinque Cento" style. 


R. LoUnsbury, Professor of English in the 
Sheffield Scientific School, Yale College. 
Boston: Houghton. Mifflin & Co. 1883. 
121110, pp. 30. 

This is the fifth in the series of "Ameri- 
can Men of Letters," and it comes as near to 
being a life of Cooper as possible under the cir- 
cumstances, for upon his deathbed he enjoined 
his family to take care that no authorized account 
of his history be prepared. Fenimoi e Cooper — 
for such was his legal name — was born in 1789. 
At an early period he found his way in, and very 
soon out of, Yale College. Thence he went to 
the forecastle of a merchant ship, and afterward 
into the Navy, which he exchanged for life on a 
farm. When thirty years old he stumbled into 
literature, and became so famous that the Eng- 
lish claimed him as an Englishman. Everybody 
knows the rest, though a very large number of the 
readers of his novels will take a peculiar delight 
in going over the details of his literary career, 
which are presented in a most agreeable style. 





or, the Economic Beginning of Mas- 
sachusetts. By Herbert B. Adams. Part 

I. The Fisher Plantation of Cape Ann. Part 

II. Origin of Salem Plantation. Part III. 
House Lots, Ten-acre Lots, Widows' Lots, 
Maids' Lots. Salem : Printed for the Essex In- 
stitute. 1882. 8vo, pp. xii, 35. 

CONSTABLES: Reprinted from the N. E. 

Historic Genealogical Register. 8vo, pp. 38. 

It is quite refreshing to find an author who can 
commence writing about the beginnings of New 
England without indulging in those dolorous 
stories that stand connected with the religious, or 
rather the irreligious, squabbles of the early 
times. Prof. Adams is of the opinion that some- 
thing more than theological bias is required for 
the founding of a State, in which idea he seems 
to confess the leadership of the men who sus- 
pended that poor counterfeit pi-esentment of a 
codfish over the desk of the Speaker of the Massa- 
chusetts Chamber of Representatives. Hence, 
with evident relish, he goes into the subject of 
the " Fisher Plantation," and he tells us, in 
brief, that " the first foundation of Massachusetts 
was for the same end as the first occupation of 
the islands of Venice." The "Cape Ann Plan- 
tation" failed, but in dying gave birth to Salem, 
where, in the matter of land, as in other things, 
the people fashioned their policy in accordance 
with Old World ideas. They were not so peace- 
able, however, as to require no Constables, and, 
therefore, they reproduced that functionary every- 
where in all his glory. The genesis of much that 
is peculiar to Massachusetts is declared in these 
three unique and valuable pamphlets, which indi- 
cate a new departure in the study of New Eng- 
land history. Unquestionably we shall see no 
more volumes composed exactly after the pattern 
of Palfrey. Prof. Adams is infusing a healthy 
scientific spirit into his discussions that will have 
to be taken into account by writers who follow 


Hundred and Fiftieth Anniversary of 
the First Church, Charlestown, Mass., 
November 12, 1882. 8vo, pp. 60. 
Church, Scituate, Mass. a.d. 1730-1810. 
8vo, pp. 42. 

Here we have a Congregational and an Epis- 
copal preacher telling of The respective misfor- 
tunes and sufferings of their jarring denominations 
in the olden times, each thinking himself quite 

right and his neighbor wrong. It is clear enough, 
however, to the looker on, that both were tolera- 
bly wrong. It is simply the old story that crops 
out at so many New England anniversaries. Both 
sides suffered a great deal, if we may believe 
them, for the sake of conscience. The Mercurius 
of Charlestown is the Rev. Dr. McKenzie, whose 
Sermon is followed by the Historical Sketch of 
Mr. James F. Hunnewell, to whom Charlestown 
owes so much for his painstaking and costly 
labors in connection with the evolution of the his- 
tory of his native town. The Rev. Dr. Brooks 
tells the story of a century and a half of Episco- 
pacy in Scituate ; and we may safely say that if 
the religious bodies they represent had exhibited 
in the early times a little of the amiable spirit 
shown in these pamphlets, there would not have 
been much trouble in those parts, where unright- 
eous Episcopalians refused to pay their quota 
toward the salary of virtuous Congregational 
parsons, thereby rendering it necessary to take 
them off to jail. The story of these two ancient 
guilds is very interesting, and that of Charles- 
town is quite fully told, though the mine is a rich 
one, that may yet be worked to advantage. 

Queries, Historical and Genealogical, 
Relating to Interior Pennsylvania. 
Harrisburg, Pa.: Lane S. Hart. 1883. Svo, 
pp. 80. 

This new publication appears under the editor- 
rial auspices of Dr. William II. Egle, of Harris- 
burg, Pa., whose labors in the field of Pennsyl- 
vania Americana are well known. It will be pub- 
lished quarterly, and will, as the title indicates, 
be devoted mainly to the interesting ground of the 
central and western parts of the State. Among 
the articles in the first number are " The Butlers 
of the Cumberland Valley," by the Rev. Dr. J. 
A. Murray, who gives many new particulars re- 
specting this quite famous family, which furnished 
four officers to the Revolutionary army, including 
the gallant C< lonels Richard and William Butler. 
Mr. M. S. Montgomery treats of the "First 
Families of Berks County ;" Mr. H. S. Dotterer 
of " Frederick Marsteller ;" Mr. J. Fatzinger of 
the " Irish Settlement ;" Prof. A. L. Gussof "In- 
dian History of the Susquehanna;" the Rev. H. 
E. Hayden of the "Pollock Family of Pennsyl- 
vania;" B. M. Nead edits a "Journal of the 
Whiskey Insurrection, 1794," and the closing 
article is about the " Hubleysof Lancaster Coun- 
ty." The proportion of " Notes and Queries," 
confined in this number to four pages, will doubt- 
less increase as the " Register " becomes better 
known. Such publications are to be welcomed, 
provided they do not overlap fields already occu- 
pied, and we know of no other which fills the gap 
that this one does. 



Mi.xott Sherman, the Eminent Connecti- 
cut Jurist, 1773-1845. By William A. 
Beers. Delivered before the Fairfield County 
Historical Society, Bridgeport, Conn., No- 
vember 2S, 1882. Bridgeport, 1882. 8vo, pp. 

We have here an appreciative sketch of one of 
Connecticut's most distinguished sons. "Mr. 
Sherman," says the writer, "has celebrity as 
scholar, jurist, and statesman." He has this 
celebrity with the passing generation in that 
State, but the present jurist or statesman who 
would emulate him must have recourse to pamph- 
lets like this of Mr. Beers'. It is an excellent 
life picture, and after reading it one feels that he 
knew Sherman in the flesh. The subject of the 
sketch was nephew of the more famous but less 
cultured Roger Sherman, and was born in Wo- 
bum, Mass., May 22, 1773. His father removing 
to Connecticut, he studied at Yale College, and 
in 1796 was admitted to the bar in New Haven. 
Later he removed to Fairfield, and there slowly 
but surely built up a practice and reputation which 
made his name known far beyond the limit of his 
own State. He rose to be the leader of the Con- 
necticut bar, figured in the Legislature, and was 
conspicuous in politics. As a member of the 
" Hartford Convention" he may have lost caste 
in the national arena, but he always defended its 
proceedings. The sketch is full of personal anec- 
dotes, quotations from letters and papers, and 
criticisms and views, which enable the reader to 
appreciate Mr. Sherman no less than the writer 

Suggestions as to the Importance of 
their Friendship in the Great Struggle 
of the Eighteenth Century for the 
Possession of this Continent. Paper 
read before the Long Island Historical Society 
by the Rev. Charles H. Hall, D.D., February 
21, 1882. 8vo, pp. 55. 

In this very interesting pamphlet Dr. Hall as- 
serts and elaborates the claim that there was a 
manifest providence in the fact that the Dutch, 
rather than the English, first occupied the Hud- 
son and the Mohawk, whereby they came into 
connection with the Iroquois nation and kept 
them in friendly alliance against the encroach- 
ments of Prance. Had the English dealt first 
with these Indians they undoubtedly would have 
thrown their power upon the side of the French, 
and postponed, if not changed, the end. The 
French scheme for the conquest of New York had 
failed. " The perpetual barrier to its success for 

a hundred and fifty years, which no religious zeal 
nor diplomacy, nor greed, nor threats, nor actual 
wars could ever abate or remove, was tire friend- 
ship of the Iroquois for the Dutch." 

correct Latitudes, as recorded in the 
Journals of the Early Writers, Navi- 
gators, and Explorers, relating to the 
Atlantic Coast of North America, 1535- 
1740. By the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, 
A.M., Member of the Massachusetts Histori- 
cal Society, etc. , etc. Privately printed. Bos- 
ton, 1882. 8vo, pp. 20. 

This monograph gives much useful and inter- 
esting information, but, possibly, the painstaking 
author lays too much stress upon the inadequate 
character of the instruments employed, and, nota- 
bly, that of the astrolabe; while too little stress is 
laid upon accidental causes of error. Surpris- 
ingly accurate results were obtained by the astro- 
labe in some cases, especially at Oxford, Eng- 
land ; and, on the other hand, the instruments 
certainly could not be at fault to the extent of 
seven and nine degrees, as was the case with cal- 
culations made a few years before the date at 
which the author's essay begins, and who lays it 
down that the early latitudes were generally 
trustworthy to within a single degree. This is, 
nevertheless, a valuable contribution. 

in Historical and Political Science. 
Herbert B. Adams, Editor. Parts L and II. 
Baltimore, 1882. 

The first of these two issues of the University 
is " An Introduction to American Institutional 
History," by Edward A. Freeman ; while the 
second, " The Germanic Origin of New England 
Towns," is by the editor, Prof. Adams. These 
two issues give us a foretaste of the series to 
come, and which will include monographs on 
Historical and Political Science, made up into 
volumes of from three to four hundred pages, and 
furnished to subscribers for the sum of three dol- 
lars ; though single copies of these monographs 
may also be had on application to the publication 
agency of the University. Of the worth of the 
specimens before us we need hardly speak, as all 
must recognize the value of studies conducted in 
a scientific manner apart from the provincial and 
partisan spirit. This enterprise, therefore, de- 
serves the support of all students of American 
history, who will be conducted out of the beaten 
track and enjoy the pleasure that is to be derived 
from fresh and independent investigation. 

Mrr/// AT'U, 


Vol. IX APRIL 1883 No. 4 


IF not in the earliest, still in very early times, the system of village com- 
munities was that which prevailed among all the branches of the Aryan 
race. The essential characteristics of the village community, as an agri- 
cultural system, were common ownership of the soil and common cultivation. 
Many varieties occur, some of which seem to have been successive, or at least 
from their nature may easily have been. Thus among the Hindus, who have 
more exactly preserved the customs of the common Aryan ancestors, is 
found what seems the most primitive form of the institution. Here the 
community is a household consisting of persons actually of common descent, 
who own and cultivate their land in common and live together as one 
family, subsisting upon the jointly owned products. Among the much-en- 
during Servians and Bosnians the family community (there may be several 
such communities in a village) owns and cultivates the land without partition, 
while the produce is commonly divided among the related families compos- 
ing the community. Still another form is that found among the Russians. 
Here the land is owned by the village as a whole, but each family cultivates 
and enjoys a separate portion of it, the whole being redivided equally, and 
redistributed, after a certain term of years. In such a system, it is easy to 
conceive of the periodical partitions as gradually becoming more infrequent 
and finally ceasing. This would soon result in private property in land. 

It is not possible to say that the transition from patriarchal community 
of goods to individual ownership of land has been made through stages such 
as these ; but an examination of such phases makes it at least easier to see 

1 Acknowledgments are due to G. L. Rives, Esq., of New York, by whom legal documents in 
Montauk cases were lent ; to Mr F. S. Benson, of Brooklyn, son of the present proprietor, and to 
Mr. Stratton, the keeper, by whose kindness access was obtained to the admirably arranged deeds 
and other muniments at Montauk ; 10 Mr. Jos. S. Osborn, town-clerk of Easthampton ; to the local 
histories, though these contain almost nothing that is not to be found in the records ; and especially 
to Mr. David H. Huntting, whose antiquarian knowledge of Montauk and Easthampton is equalled 
only by the kindness with which he assists the researches of another. 


how the transition could have been made, during the long history of Aryan 

In order to understand common lands in New England (for the east end 
of Long Island is, for some purposes of institutional history, a part of New 
England), attention may be confined to the land-community as it has ex- 
isted, first, in Germany ; second, in Old England. 

The first steps in this investigation in Germany were taken by a Danish 
surveyor, Olufsen, who in the practice of his profession in Schleswig-Hol- 
stein, noticed in many villages that the possessions of an individual farmer 
consisted of a large number of long and narrow strips, scattered about in 
different fields. Carefully observing these and other agrarian peculiarities, 
and connecting them with certain passages of the old Danish codes, he in 
part reconstructed the " mark-system." His results were published in 1821, 
and thus the first district whose farms were compelled to yield the secret of 
the organization of their original occupants was just that from which the 
English went forth. Almost the next to continue these investigations was 
Georg Hanssen, whose labors in this field reach over a period of fifty years, 
and who is still living and working as professor at Gottingen. Younger 
men, Meitzen, of Berlin ; Von Miaskowski, of Breslau ; Biicher, of Munich, 
and Nasse, of Bonn, have advanced, and are still advancing, our knowledge 
of the subject by special researches ; while Von Maurer, Waitz, Roscher, 
Von Inama-Sternegg, and others have examined it as a portion of the more 
general fields to which their own labors are given. The method may be de- 
scribed as consisting in careful examination and combination of the testi- 
mony of old manorial records with that of the present divisions of the soil, 
together with such notices as the chronicles afford. 

The main features of the ancient Germanic village community, as thus 
reconstructed, may be represented somewhat as follows : Imagine a collec- 
tion of houses, each with its yard or garden adjoining, while the whole vil- 
lage is surrounded by a hedge or wall of nearly square form. If in a level 
country, the houses may be ranged in order along a broad central street, or 
perhaps two streets at right angles, closed at the ends by gates in the 
hedge ; if in an uneven spot, the houses may be scattered about arbitrarily, 
with a crooked lane leading to each separately, with no common road, but 
with perhaps a brook running through the settlement. Without the hedge 
lies the land of the community ; fields, meadows, pastures, woods, and wild 
lands owned and enjoyed by all in common. But here each field, though 
devoted to one sort of produce, and each piece of meadow-land, is divided 
into a number of strips equal to the number of households in the village ; 
these strips are reallotted periodically. Thus the hide or entire possession 


of an individual householder consists of his house, yard, and farm-buildings, 
of an actual but annually-changing share in each arable field, and from 
spring till hay-harvest in each meadow, and of an ideal share in the pas- 
tures, forests, and other wild lands ; cattle being pastured on the meadows 
also when the hay-crop is not being raised, and on the stubbles of the 

This may be taken as a fair representation of the usual form of the Ger- 
man mark in the times just before certain of the northern Germans migrated 
to Britain. It will perhaps be noticed that nothing is here said of that 
threefold rotation of autumn-grain, winter-grain, and fallow, which is known 
as the three-field system. It may be regarded as now settled that the 
original plan of cultivation was neither the three-field system, nor any sys- 
tem of fields alternating one with another in the production of the various 
crops, but rather the system which the Germans, with their unrivalled skill 
in piling word on word to produce one magnificent compound, call Feld- 
graswirthschaftssystem, or the system of convertible husbandry, as we may 
call it. Under this system, crops having been raised one year on a small 
portion of the mark, it then becomes again a part of the common pasture- 
land, of which each year a new portion is thus broken up and employed as 
arable. The three-field system, though now perhaps the most common, is 
a later and more complicated system than this. Professor Hanssen has 
found no mention of it earlier than 771. 1 

The common-field or open-field system in England has received far less 
attention, and much less that is certainly true can be said of it. We must 
be content with a mere outline of its history, at least until the history of it, 
upon which Mr. Seebohm is said to be engaged, has appeared. In what we 
may venture, pace Mr. Freeman, to call the Anglo-Saxon period, it is clear 
that, as a rule, only the houseyards, and, occasionally, outlying pieces close 
by, used as calf-pastures, etc., were permanently enclosed. Here, as in 
Germany, the arable fields of individuals lay intermixed, and the hide con- 
sisted of various scattered parcels. By the time when the charters and 
other documents begin to occur, the arable land has become a permanently 
fixed portion of the common domain, the three-field system is in some cases 
already established, and the lots in the different fields are probably no 
longer subject to re-distribution. Common meadows occur frequently ; in 
some the lots are annually distributed for the hay harvest, in others they 
are already permanent ; but all are subject to common use during the rest 
of the year. Pastures and forest common to a whole village are almost 

1 Zeit. fiir die ges. Staatsw., 1881 : 2, p. 397 (Meitzen). 


In the centuries succeeding the Norman Conquest, the rural population 
of England was divided into three principal classes, the highest being the 
freeholders and tenants in socage, the lowest the cottagers. Between these 
two, and comprising by far the greater part of the Englishmen of the rural 
districts, was the class of villani, customary tenants, copyholders. It has 
been shown by Professor Nasse, of Bonn, and by the clearer papers of Pro- 
fessor W. F. Allen, that it is not, as has been supposed, among the free- 
holders, but among these customary tenants, holding their lands in the 
manors by customary services, that we must look for the successors, the 
historical descendants of the old villagers of the Anglo-Saxon land-commu- 
nities. The amounts of land held by individuals among them are, in any 
one manor, nearly equal, as this view would require. In Domesday they 
are known as villani, villagers ; by the end of the thirteenth century, the 
same classes, known as consuetudinarii, have become degraded to the level 
of serfdom, with many burdensome additions to the roll of their customary 
services. Thus, in the quiet rural villages of England, one generation of 
customary tenants or villeins succeeded another, and " Ricardus fecit sicut 
praedictus Robertus." Apart from the political strifes of the age, the serfs 
toiled on in humble obscurity, now for the lord of the manor, now for them- 
selves. They ploughed and harrowed their now-divided fields together, 
and together threw down their fences on Lammas Day, and allowed their 
cattle to pasture in common on the stubble. They held their meadows in 
severalty " from the feast of the purification of St. Mary unto the feast of 
St. John the Baptist," and then, the hay-crop gathered, made common pas- 
ture of them from Midsummer Day till Candlemas again. The common- 
pasturage system is, as will be seen, of most importance to us. Sometimes 
the pasture-ground was the property of the community, but oftener it was 
owned by the lord of the manor. The pasture-rights of the villagers in the 
latter case were, in the main, of two sorts, rights of " common appendant," 
appendant, that is, to the individual's arable, and proportionate to its ex- 
tent, and "common appurtenant," not so attached nor so limited, but 
granted without reference to the possession of arable land. 

In such communities lived the men to whom John Ball preached, and 
among whom gloomy Will Longland found his Piers Ploughman, the men 
who followed Cade to London Stone, those who joined Darcy and Aske in 
the Pilgrimage of Grace, or, a dozen years later, assembled at the " Oak of 
Reformation" in Norfolk, the sturdy yeomen who "kept touch" with 
Wyatt, or, in a more united England, gathered around the '• man-minded" 
Elizabeth at Tilbury. In fact, the vast majority of the English ancestors 
of those who settled the new England and of us their descendants had for 


centuries been dwelling in such land-communities and had been carrying on 
their husbandry in accordance with this common-land system. Of course, 
in these long centuries many changes had occurred, especially since the 
Black Death and the Statute of Laborers. Money-rents had been substi- 
tuted for agricultural services, and wages were paid from the rents. Leases 
became more frequent. The villein, now called copyholder, rose in the 
social scale. Greatest of all were the changes produced by the great in- 
cisures of common lands, their absorption by the large landholders, which 
caused such constant and widespread agrarian discontent throughout the 
Tudor reigns. But important as these are to the agrarian history of Eng- 
land, we are concerned rather with the fact that the common-land system 
in England was for ages preserved and was by no means extinct in the sev- 
enteenth century, nor indeed in the nineteenth, than with the causes which 
were gradually but constantly narrowing the area in which it prevailed. 

An Indian poetess has compared the migration and settlement of a cer- 
tain tribe to the pouring out, upon a stone slab, of warm cane-juice, which, 
as it cools, crystallizes into shining grains. The comparison may be applied, 
not inaptly, to the settlement of the English in New England in the seven- 
teenth century. A mass of population spreads itself out upon the surface of 
the new land in no regular order, but as it settles it crystallizes naturally into 
little bodies, whose structure is the same as that of the political crystals in 
which it was existing before it poured westward. The early local institu- 
tions of New England were thoroughly English. The common-land system, 
in particular, was brought over from old England to most of the New 
England towns ; but nowhere has it played a more important part than in 
Easthampton, Long Island. 

Easthampton is a quaint old town, such as one would expect to find 
carefully observing all ancient customs. The one long street, shaded by 
beautiful elms, divides at the southern end into two roadways, between which 
lie the old burial-ground and a long and narrow bit of water, called the 
Town Pond, beyond which the road passes on to the beach, a mile away. 
At either end of the street is an ancient windmill, and along both sides, be- 
hind the rows of elms, stand old gambrel-roofed houses with their gables to 
the street, turning their shoulders contemptuously toward the smart modern 
" residences " that here and there occur. The old home-lots, of about four- 
teen acres, are much as they were two hundred years ago, and sometimes 
have remained in the hands of the same family. Altogether, one feels 
strangely near to the seventeenth century, and half expects to find the men 
on Sunday marching to meeting (still held at the old hour) with their mus- 
kets, or to see the staid Queen Dowager of the Montauk Indians, who 


cooks his dinners at the tavern, turned into a Sachem Squa before his eyes. 
There is something peculiar, too, in the arrangement of the farms, which lie 
scattered about in parcels over the large territory of the town, while the 
farm-houses lie together in the village or in Wainscott and Amagansett, 
outlying villages upon the mark. Far to the east lies Montauk. 

Easthampton, at first called Maidstone, was probably settled in 1650, by 
men coming mostly from Massachusetts but born in England. The territory 
of Easthampton proper (that is, exclusive of Montauk and Gardiner's Island), 
comprising about thirty-one thousand acres, was bought of the Indians by 
Governors Eaton and Hopkins of New Haven and Connecticut in behalf of 
the settlers. Poggatacut, Sachem of Munhansett ; Wayandanch, Sachem of 
Meuntacut ; Momowetow, Sachem of Corchake ; Nowedonah, Sachem 
of Shinecocke, and their " asotyats " " sould unto the foresaid Mr. Eaton 
and Mr. Hopkins, with their asotyats, all the Land lyinge from the bounds 
of the Inhabitants of Southampton, unto the East side of Napeak, next 
unto Meuntacut high Land, with the whole breadth from Sea to Sea." 1 The 
consideration consisted of twenty coats, twenty-four looking-glasses, twenty- 
four hoes, twenty-four hatchets, twenty-four knives, and one hundred mugs, 
all which, in the assignment by Hopkins to the settlers, was valued at 
£30 As. Sd. 

This assignment was made April 16, 165 1, but already the settlement 
had been begun. At first only home-lots, averaging at the start about 
eight or ten acres, were allotted by the community to individual settlers. 
At the very beginning we see that strict control of the community over its 
own membership which is so striking a feature of early New England so- 
ciety, though not original to it. One of the very earliest entries in the 
records reads: "Easthampton 1650. It is ordered that whosoever shall 
take up a lot in Towne shal live upon it himselfe and also that no man shal 
sell his alotment or any part therof unless it be to such as the Towne shall 
aprove of and give consent to the sale therof." 2 Another order curiously 
indicating the same is, that " goodman Meggs lott shal not be laid out for 
James Still to goe to worke on, and that hee shall not stay here." 3 What 
the failings of the undesirable James were is not stated. On the other hand, 
" It is Ordered y fc there shall bee an invitation sent to Goodman Morgan of 
Southold, if hee will come and live here and weave all the towneworke, hee 
shall come in free from all former charges and the Town will give him 5 and 
breake him up 2 ackres of Land." 4 Further allotments were rapidly made in 

1 Hedges, p. 72. I have not seen the original. 

2 Easthampton (MS.) Records, Book 2, p. 9. 

3 Ibid., Book 2, p. 21. 4 Ibid., Book 2, p. 31. 


various parts of the town. Before allotment, the lands were used for common 
pasturage by the owners ; that is, those who had shared in the original pur- 
chase of the town, or whom the town had accepted in place of these. For 
such alone were owners in the common lands. In these earlier years, in 
the records of 1653, for instance, we see the herds of the town driven out 
morning after morning by their owners in turn, each warning his neighbor 
for the next day. Of common arable land there is no trace, but the records 
of the first year contain evidences that there were open fields, owned in 
severalty, but cultivated in common after the ancient English custom. The 
passages indicating so remarkable a survival (which had its parallel at 
Salem and perhaps elsewhere in Massachusetts) are perhaps worth quoting. 
They are two orders, one, " y* every man shall fence y* land y* hee doth 
enioy y* is to be understod for the quantitie of his land on the plaine;" 1 
the other, " that every man shall make his fence sufficient for to secure his 
corne, but if any cattell come into the corne & doe harme y n those that 
owne the fence shall pay the dammage." 2 These indicate large open fields, 
in which each owner has a certain share and must make a proportionate 
part of the fence surrounding all. 

Before describing the successive allotments by which the vast common 
domain of the town was reduced to its present small proportions, a few 
words in regard to the topography of at least the cleared portions are ne- 
cessary. The village street ran northeast and southwest. To the south- 
west, between a large pond and the sea, lay the " little plain ; " farther east 
than this, but still hardly south from the town, the '* great plain." To the 
southeast of the street, between it and the sea, was a still larger tract called 
the " eastern plain." Northwest of the settlement the forest extended for 
several miles; beyond it were the "northwest meadows," lying along a 
creek that opened into Gardiner's Bay. To the northeast, not so distant, 
were the Accabonack meadows, lying near another bay of the Sound. 

Already, in the earlier months of this same first year (165 1, N. S.), allot- 
ments had been made in the eastern plain and to some extent in the great 
plain. Of these there is, it is believed, no record; but from May, 165 1, 
the records are abundant. In that month the General Court, or town-meet- 
ing, orders that to each man's home-lot an addition, proportionate to his 
plain land, but averaging about four acres, be made, adjoining the home- 
lot, if possible, and forming thus a sort of secondary enclosure, like those we 
have mentioned as found among the Anglo-Saxons. Then follow from 
time to time orders for the laying out of further allotments, on the eastern 
plain, on the great plain, on the little plain, in the meadows near the town, 

1 Easthampton Records, Book 2, p. II. 2 Ibid., Book 2, p. 1. 


in the Napeague meadows toward Montauk, and finally in the Northwest 
and Accabonack meadows. Not all the proprietors received lots in the 
little plain and the great plain ; they seemed to have been so proportioned 
and distributed as, with the lands already granted, to make each proprie- 
tor's possessions proportionate to the amount he had contributed to the 
purchase-money. But when we come to the meadow allotments of 1652 
and 1653, a regular system appears. Each of these meadows was divided 
into thirty-four lots, of varying size (but those in the Northwest meadow 
each just twice as large as those in the Accabonack meadow), and one lot 
in each of the meadows was assigned to each of the thirty-four home- and 
plain-lots into which the occupied area of the town was now divided. To 
a certain lot in the village now belonged a certain portion in each of the 
various tracts of arable and meadow which were scattered over the surface 
of the town. Thus, under date of July 7, 1652, " It is allsoe ordered that 
those 2 lots that are not it [yet ?] taken upp namly the house lot by the 
meetinge house for the one & the other house lott betwene Goodman Dai- 
ton's & Goodman Price that thease 2 lotts shall have 45 ackres reserved 
upon the plaine for them & to have meadow acording to their p'portion laid 
out for them." 1 In a list of the thirty-four allotments in one meadow, those 
not yet occupied are marked thus: " I. for 13 ackres of upland. 
5. for 15 ackres," ' 2 etc. 

Book B of the town records contains the records of allotments to indi- 
viduals, their exchanges, sales, etc. It will make the foregoing description 
of the method of distribution more clear if we give, as an example, the list 
of the lands possessed by Thomas Chatfield. 3 They are : 1. A home-lot 
and addition, eleven and a half acres. 2. In the little plain, three acres. 
3. In the great plain, six acres. 4. In the eastern plain, nine acres. 5. 
Meadow at Accabonack, five acres. 6. In the same place, two acres more. 
7. In the Northwest meadows, four acres and thirty-two poles. 8. Wood- 
land, east of the town, ten and a half acres. 9. A second home-lot, six 
acres. 10. More meadow in the swamp adjoining No. 1. What is this, if 
we add the share in the common pastures, but the old Germanic hide, with 
common tillage abandoned ? Surely one might infer a previous common- 
land system from thirty such lists, as safely as Olufsen did from the land- 
lots of the villages of Schleswig. Exchanges, purchases, and sales, which 
in these lists we see already beginning, have so altered these possessions in 
two hundred years that no villager now owns just what his ancestor did, but 
even now most of the farms consist of strangely scattered parcels. Each 
of these divisions and allotments was made by two or three of the towns- 

1 Eastharr.pton Records, Book 2, p. 25. 2 Ibid., Book 2, p. 24. 3 Ibid., Book B, pp. 2, 3. 


men, appointed by the General Court, which also remedied any injustice re- 
sulting from the lot. After these first years no large allotments were made 
till 1700. During this period the "proprietors " were a distinct body from 
the rest of the inhabitants, as in many New England towns. Their rights to 
commonage were based on the home allotment, original or since acquired, 
and stated in terms of the acre. In this notation thirteen " acres " formed 
a "lot," and there were now about forty lots, owned by forty-seven per- 
sons. As an instance, this division of 1700 is to be " laid out to the severall 
persons that have right in the said Town Common ; said Division to consist 
of one Acre and a Halfe to one acre of foundation Alotment ; so y* a 20 
Acre lot is to have 30 acres laied out to it." 1 A large tract was thus dis- 
posed of; still more in 1706, 1708, and 1 710. But the greatest allotments 
of undivided land were made in 1736, 1739, 1740, and 1747. These gave 
ten, five, four, and three acres, respectively, to one " acre" of commonage, 
so that one hundred and thirty, sixty-five, fifty-two, and thirty-nine acres 
of land hitherto common went to each of the forty-seven lots, some of which 
were owned by individuals singly, while some were shared by several in 
various proportions, according to the proprietary interest which they had 
inherited or acquired. 

While the common lands were still extensive, that is, before 1737, they 
were used only for pasturage and for wood (if we except the occasional 
letting-out of a town meadow). In 171 5 the pasturage was stinted to two 
neat cattle for one "acre" of commonage. Rights in the common forest 
were also proportional, but in 171 5 the proprietors agreed " that all those 
persons that have no rite or title in the Town Commons shal have liberty to 
Cut dry wood for firing for the space of one wholl yeare, he or they pay- 
ing one penny for Each Lodd and also that all persons haveing rite and not 
sufficient for their use shall Cut and pay as above said, all to y e use of the 
propriator of this Town." 2 A similar practice is noticed by Von Miaskow- 
ski as existing in the common forests of Switzerland. 

Since 1748 the common lands have been neither extensive nor important. 
They are regarded as still belonging to the heirs of the old proprietors, but 
the trustees of the town have long been allowed to manage and sell them, 
turning the slight proceeds into the town treasury. Almost the last tracts 
were recently sold, and before long all remnants of the common-land system 
will have disappeared from Easthampton, except perhaps one. Certain of 
the highways were early declared to be subject forever to common pasturage 
by the proprietors ; and now, though the common lands are gone, it is 
generally supposed that a direct descendant of one of the old proprie- 

1 Easthampton Records, Book A, p. 5. 2 Ibid., Book IV., p. 2. 


tors may permit his cow to feed by the roadside, while a new-comer may 

The east end of the territory of Easthampton is formed by the peninsula 
of Montauk, at the end of Napeague beach. This peninsula extends to the 
northeast about nine miles, and contains some nine thousand acres, exclu- 
sive of the numerous ponds. At the narrowest part, half-way from Napeague 
to Montauk Point, one of these, called Fort Pond, nearly divides Montauk 
into two parts. The western part is called the Hither Woods. The eastern 
broadens into a large open tract, which is divided breadthwise by a much 
larger body of water, called Great Pond. The northern part of this pond, 
running up almost to the Sound, divides this eastern tract into two nearly 
equal portions, of which the western is known as the North Neck, the 
eastern as the Indian Field ; at its southern end it does not approach the sea 
so nearly, and divides the region unequally, the portion lying westward, 
toward Fort Pond, being much smaller than that toward the Point. When 
Easthampton was settled this tract was occupied by a numerous tribe, under 
the great sachem Wyandance. Their relations with the English were 
/riendly from the first. In 1655 the sachem not only allowed them to cut 
grass on any part of Montauk, but agreed that " if att any tyme hereafter 
the Sachem or his successors see cause to alienate the s d land att montaukut 
that it shall not be let sold or alienated to any person or persons but the In- 
habitants of Easthampton afore sd ." 1 This agreement was renewed for seven 
years in 1658. Within a year Wyandance died, leaving the Sachem Squa 
or Sunk Squa and his young son, Wiancombone, in the guardianship of 
Lion Gardiner and his son. Then the Montauks were attacked and nearly 
destroyed by the Block Island Indians, and the remnant of the tribe fled to 
Easthampton, where the settlers seem to have treated them kindly. The 
first sale of Montauk was made in 1660, and was a grant of the whole 
peninsula, which was conveyed by " the ould Sachem Squa, late wife of 
Waiandance, disceased, and her sonne Wiancombone, Poguatone, Shebanow, 
Massaquat, Powhe, Gentleman," and their associates, to the inhabitants of 
Easthampton, the latter paying them ten pounds sterling annually for ten 
years, " eyther in Indean corne [at 45. a bushel] or els in good wampum- 
peague at six a penney." 2 But in a bond made at the same time the set- 
tlers promise " that if when the Commissioners sit there be any corse taken 
for there [i.e., the Indians'] safe livinge at Meantaquit and that they desire 
there againe to sitt downe we will give them free liberty soe to doe." 3 

Very soon the Indians desired to avail themselves of this privilege of 
returning. In place of the deed of 1660 they therefore, on February 1 1, 

1 Montauk (MS.) Papers, 1:11. 2 Ibid., 1:1. 'Ibid., 1:12. 


1661 (1662 N. S.), gave a deed of " all y* peice or neck of land belonging 
to Muntaucut land westward, to a fresh pond in a beach." 1 This grant of 
the Hither Woods, however, was, apparently, not to all the inhabitants, but 
"unto these our friends the Inhabitants of Easthampton, Excepting such 
as have Exempted themsellves from y e former agreement and shall from 
this our grannt." Light is thrown upon this by a deposition in the East- 
hampton town records, bearing date February 15, 1660 (1661 N. S.), and 
therefore referring to the "former agreement." " Beniamin Price saith 
that hee heard John Cirtland say when Meantaquit was to be bought that 
he had land enoughe and that he would not joyne in the purchase." It 
appears, then, that only such of the inhabitants as chose contributed to the 
purchase of the Montauk lands, however lacking in public spirit he who re- 
fused may have been thought to be. The same deed stipulated that when the 
Indians had harvested their corn, the settlers' cattle might be driven in and 
pastured on the eastern half of the peninsula also ; and that, according to 
previous agreements, 3 the inhabitants of Easthampton should have the re- 
fusal of the remaining land. 

In 1670 a small purchase was made, comprising the rectangle between 
Fort Pond, the south end of Great Pond, and the ocean ; in 1687 all 
that remained was acquired. All three purchases received confirmation 
from the governors of the province. The conveyance of 1670 4 is to the in- 
habitants of Easthampton, but, apparently, this means the same as in 1662 ; 
the last, however, is to individual proprietors ; the shares seem to number 
forty, belonging some to individuals, some to lots, e.g., . . . . " Mr. 
Thomas James, that lot which was George Millers, that lot which was Jere- 
miah Meachams lot, Stephen Hedges," 5 etc. This third purchase, though 
made by the town trustees, does not seem to be made for the town as a 
corporation ; nor is it to be inferred with certainty from the number of 
shares that the purchasing body was identical with the hereditary proprie- 
tors of town commonage. The truth seems to be that the owners of Mon- 
tauk were from the first a separate body. Certainly the shares which 
individuals owned in it differed from their shares in town commonage as 
early as January, 168-6-, before the third purchase ; for then a rate of ,£200 
is raised, " one Hundred and Twentie pounds upon y e allotments of y e Pur- 
chaso rs & proprieto rs of this Towne at home according to every mans allot- 
ment in devision of land And foureScore Pounds to bee Raised uppon y e 
land at Meantaucut according to every mans Share or Interest there." 6 A 

1 Montauk Papers, 1:2. 2 Easthampton Records, Book 2, p. 133. 

3 Montauk Papers, 3. 4 Ibid., 1:3. s Ibid., 1 : 5. 

6 Easthampton Records, Book A, p. 1. 


similar order is passed in 1692. Very early, at all events, the proprietors 
of Montauk were a distinct body, or, rather, three distinct bodies, one for 
each purchase. In each, too, the proportions owned by different persons 
varied. In 1697 we see traces of a dispute, such as common lands have 
always caused, between " the great Lott & Little lott men " * of the second 
purchase ; the nature of the dispute is unknown. Finally, the shares in all 
were thrown together. A share in the first or in the second purchase being 
reckoned at £8, and a share in the third at ^"24, a share in the whole was 
reckoned at ^40, the total amount being about ^"1,568. 

From the time of the sales to the present day the Montauk Indians have 
continued to live upon the peninsula, treated with justice, apparently, but 
decreasing in numbers, according to the common fate of Indian tribes. At 
the time of the purchase of 1687, the trustees granted "that the indians 
have Leave to plant what corne soever that the have accasion for to plant 
from time to time : where they see cause themselves and their heirs forever 
upon the Land so purchased of them by us, they Rendering and paying 
yearly and every year upon demand unto the trustees or whome shall be 
appointed in Easthampton one eare of indian corn." 2 

When the deed of 1687 was confirmed in 170I, a fuller agreement was 
drawn up, which, with some subsequent modifications, has constituted the 
lease by which the Indians have held the land they have occupied. They 
were allowed to occupy either the North Neck, west of Great Fond, or the 
great field east of it, moving from one to the other whenever they saw fit, 
but never occupying both at once. In practice they have almost from the 
first occupied permanently the eastern division, known as the Indian Field. 
Here they were allowed to keep a certain number of live-stock and to raise 
what crops they chose, but the whole (except thirty acres for winter wheat, 
etc.) must be thrown open for pasturage to the cattle of the proprietors 
from the tenth or fifteenth of October to the twenty-fifth of April (O. S.). 
None of these rights could be leased or transferred. Instead of that part 
(£100) of the purchase-money which was not paid at once, the proprietors 
agreed to pay each year an annuity of forty shillings, which has been paid 
annually to the present time. 

Occasional troubles have since arisen, such as those caused by Lord 
Cornbury's license to purchase vacant lands in Suffolk, granted in 1702 to 
Dr. John Bridges and the famous Rip van Dam, whose agent by trickery 
and strong waters got a deed from the sachems. But the only important 
additions to the agreement are those relating to strangers, of whatever 
color, who should join the Montauks or marry into the tribe in order to 

1 Easthampton Records, Book A, p. 3. 2 Montauk Papers, 1:7. 


acquire tribal rights. In 17 19 the Indians agree that none such shall be 
allowed " to youse or improve any part of s d land ... by taking of a 
squaw or squaus." ' A more explicit agreement was made in 1754 by a 
committee of the Indians consisting of "Sirus, Charles, Hannibal, Sore 
Hands, littel Pharo, Nezer, Tom, Long Ned, Sipeo;" 2 this provided that 
if an Indian squaw married any one not a Montauk Indian, neither she, nor 
her husband, nor their children, should ever after have any share in the 
Indian rights under the lease ; if, however, a Montauk Indian married a 
woman from without the tribe, she became thereby a member of the tribe, 
and both the pair themselves and their children had rights with the full- 
blooded. It is supposed at Easthampton that this was the original practice 
of the Indian tribes, but Mr. Morgan seems to have shown that descent of 
nationality in the female line was the rule in that division of the Algon- 
quins to which the Montauks belonged. 3 Furthermore, the practice is in 
accordance with the general rule followed by European nations in the case 
of marriages with aliens, and nearly agrees with the special rule in Ameri- 
can and old English law. 4 

The Indians have subsisted by tilling a small part of their large and fer- 
tile field, by fishing, and by hiring out as whalers or as laborers. A hun- 
dred and twenty years ago they numbered one hundred and sixty-two ; now 
there are not a dozen, and of these none are full-blooded. Almost all have 
gone away from the old Indian field at Montauk ; in this, and in their ten- 
dency to neglect farming for gunning, the old restless Indian blood still 
shows itself. 

From the first, the proprietors of Montauk have used it almost solely for 
pasturage, though in recent years a little money has been obtained by the 
sale of wood and of fishing privileges. The primitive practice of having 
the sheep and cattle driven out each morning by the town herdsman, and 
driven back to the town at night, a practice which is still observed in some 
German and Swiss villages, and which was kept up at quaint Nantucket 
nearly till the beginning of the present century, was soon dropped at East- 
hampton. From before the third Indian purchase till the early part of the 
next century, the herdsman pastured the sheep flock on the town commons 
from March to July, and at Montauk from July to December. Then, the 
common lands at home being allotted, Montauk alone was used. The 
management of both was at first (in 1698, for instance) left to 4< the discres- 

1 Montauk Papers, 1:15. 2 Ibid., 1:10. 

3 L. H. Morgan, Systems of Consanguinity, in Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, XVII., 
pp. 140, 219, 222. 

4 W. E. Hall, International Law, p. 189. 


sion of Seven Men Unanimously Chosen at said [Town] Meeting (for the 
gennerall benifit of those that are proprietors thereto)." 1 But from 1713, 
and perhaps earlier, the common practice was that the proprietors of Mon- 
tauk held a meeting immediately after each town meeting, and entrusted 
the regulation of the pasturing to the trustees of the town. In 1728, and 
for a few years succeeding, the proprietors voted that it should be managed 
by a committee of themselves. But in 1 7 3 1- " the tennants in Common of 
Mentauk being meet to Gether ... a Greed by Major vote thare shall 
not be any Commity chose to manage Mentauk. Also at the abovesaid 
meeting it was a Greed on by Major vote that the management of Mentauke 
shall be Left to the trustees." And the same was done year after year for 
more than a century. Trouble arising about 1850 because the town trustees 
had been turning the proceeds of Montauk into the town treasury, the man- 
agement was withdrawn from them by the proprietors and given to a com- 
mittee of themselves, who in 1852 were incorporated as the Trustees of 
Montauk, and who managed it for the owners till 1879. 

During all this century and a half an exact account of each proprietor's, 
interest was kept. The individual interests were still reckoned in (nominal) 
pounds, shillings, and pence, the shares being still ^40 each, though the more 
common unit was the " eighth," of £$, which finally came to be worth over 
$500. Interests had been bought in to some extent, so that the owner of 
one " pound " who, in 1748, owned one part in 1,568, now owned one part 
in about 1,417. The interests of individuals, which in 1717 varied from £^J 
10s. to 8s. 6d., 3 now varied from about £SOSi 4 to ^ T d. The proprietors at 
the last numbered about one hundred and fifty. 

The pasturage on Montauk has always, apparently, been stinted. At 
first eighty neat cattle were allowed to each share, but during the present 
century the usual number has been fifty-six or forty-eight, of which twelve 
might be put into the fatting-field during a part of the season. One horse 
or fourteen sheep were considered equivalent to two neat cattle. The pro- 
prietors, using or renting their rights, have generally kept upon the land, 
during the season, about fifteen hundred cattle, a hundred horses, and 
eight hundred sheep. 

There are several curious analogies between these common-pasturage 
customs of Montauk and those of the allmends of German Switzerland, de- 
scribed by Von Miaskowski, and of the ancient land-communities in the 
Rhine Provinces, of which Prof. Hanssen has written. In some of the latter 
the interests are still stated in terms of old coins, Petermannchen, with sub- 

1 Easthampton Records, Book A, p. 4. 2 Ibid., Book E, p. 12. 

3 Ibid., Book IV., p. 71. 4 Or, of natives, j£8i. 


divisions into Pfenningen ; the division of shares is carried to as remark- 
able an extent as at Montauk. Imagine a tenant in common holding thirty- 
three one-hundred-and-twenty-three-thousandths of a common domain of 
two hundred and forty-two acres ! 1 We see the same separation between 
the body of proprietors and the political community, the disputes between 
the two, the gradual reduction of the common lands till only pastures are- 
left. In certain of the cantons of German Switzerland the proprietors hold 
general meetings in the spring, where each, as at Montauk, has a number 
of votes proportioned to his cattle-rights. And both in Switzerland and in 
Germany the conservative peasants break up the old custom with great re- 
luctance. But this is anticipating, for it yet remains to be told how Mon- 
tauk ceased to be the common pasture of the Easthampton proprietors. 

In consequence of a suit for partition, brought by an outside purchaser, 
and of the impossibility of making satisfactory division of the land, the 
whole peninsula was sold at auction in October, 1879, and bought by a 
gentleman from one of the great cities. One hears rumors of fine club- 
houses and summer cottages, of iron piers and fast New York trains and 
European steamship lines ; but surely one sees with some regret the break - 
ing-up of an institution which has lasted two centuries, and which carries 
the mind back far beyond the time of Wyandance or the coming of the 
Mayflower, far even beyond the coming of Hengist and Cerdic, to the days 
of our German forefathers and of the greatest of Romans, who first de- 
scribed the customs which they followed in cultivating their half-cleared 
fields at the edge of the solemn forests. 


THE WANDERING PIPER — About fifty years ago, a tall, stout, broad- 
shouldered Scotchman visited many places in New York State, giving ad- 
dresses and playing his bagpipe, which secured for him the name by which 
he became distinguished as " the wandering piper." There was something 
mysterious in his movements and conduct. It was conjectured by some 
that he travelled on a wager. He seemed to be educated, and was a skilled 
musician. I have his disguised autograph in the shape of a communication 
to the editor of a Brooklyn newspaper, with whom he had a controversy. 
It would be interesting to know the piper's object. H. C. V. S. 

1 At Irsch, Kr. Saarburg (Prof. Hanssen, in Zeit. fiir die ges. Staatsw., 1880, p. 425). 



Every person who has attempted to solve this problem has used exclu- 
sively Las Casas' copy of the journal of Columbus, in the first volume 
of " Navarrete's Collection of Voyages," published at Madrid in 1825. In 
the opinion of scholars, this contains all the authentic information that can 
be relied upon to determine the question. 

The writer made a study of the first landfall, and the track of Columbus 
through the Bahamas, which is printed in Appendix 18, " United States 
Coast and Geodetic Survey" for 1 880. This study contains the journal of 
Columbus through the Bahamas in both Spanish and English, together with 
a discussion of all ascribed tracks. Also the writer's attempt to prove a new 
one, beginning at a little island called Samana or Atwood Cay ; then going 
along the north shore of the Crooked Island group (named Samana on 
many old maps), and over to the southeast part of Long Island, where it 
makes a double track ; thence to the north end of Fortune Island (one of 
the Crooked Island group) ; to the most southern of the Ragged Islands, 
and from there to Port Padre, in Cuba, as indicated on Map No. 1. 

The Superintendent of the Survey is now distributing this report to the 
chief libraries in America and in Europe; and as this paper is a compend 
of that study, the reader is referred to it for authorities, and for a more criti- 
cal examination of the subject. 

It is admitted that Columbus first saw one of the Bahama Islands, that 
he anchored consecutively at four others, and that from the last one he 
went to Cuba. 

Friday, October 12 (old style), 1492, he landed upon an island that the 
natives called Guanahani, but he named it San Salvador. Before he went 
on shore, the journal speaks of this asa" little island." When he had taken 
formal possession of it, the admiral wrote that it was " bien grande." But 
he always referred to it afterward as a " little island." He said that it was 
" very level," had ''abundance of water," and "a very large lagoon in the 
middle." Also that a reef of rocks entirely surrounded it, within which 
there was " depth enough and ample harbor for all the vessels of Christen- 
dom ; but the entrance is very narrow." 

This citation is not sufficiently definite to point to any particular island 



of the Bahamas. All are comparatively level, ranging from cays just 
" awash " to Grand Turk, which is seventy, and Cat, four hundred feet 
above the sea ; the last being the highest land in the Bahamas. The 
admiral was here in the last month of the rainy season, subsequent to a 

No. 1 

six months' down-pour. Then all these islands have " abundance of water," 
and the low parts are flooded, and so remain until November, when, with 
the exception of lagoons that are fed from the sea, the "abundance of 
water" gradually disappears, through the influence of an unclouded sun and 
the absorbing power of the coral rock. 



Monday, October 15th, Columbus went along the north shore of the 
second island, and anchored about sunset at its west cape. He gave this 
island the name of Santa Maria de la Conception. He describes it as hav- 
ing one side, north and south, five leagues (15.9 nautical miles), and another, 
east and west, over ten leagues (31.8 nautical miles). These dimensions 

No. 2 

direct the search for an island that has two sides and the included angle as 
here given. By referring to Map No. 2, we observe that Crooked and Ack. 
lin, together, correspond to the description that Columbus recorded for 
the second island. The channel separating Crooked from Acklin is easily 
waded, even at high water. In 1492 this was probably closed. From the 
sea both now appear as a single island. Columbus approached Acklin 



from the northward and eastward, and saw the side that lies north and 
south, which is thirteen miles in length. The other, along which he coasted, 
is formed by Acklin and Crooked. The trend and length are W. by N. and 
E. by S., twenty-nine nautical miles. There is no other island nor islands 
in the Bahamas, except these two, that answer to Columbus' description of 
the second island. It is here that I shall begin to lay down his track with 
confidence, leaving the designation of the first island to the conclusion of 
this paper. 

October 16th Columbus went on shore at the northwest part of Crooked 

No. 3 

Island, but he does not describe the land. He wrote from here that an 
island "appears to be very large to the west," and he sailed toward it, 
either at 10 A.M. or at noon of the 16th, for he mentions both times. He 
anchored at the third island, Tuesday, the 17th, at a cape from which " all 
this coast," he said, " runs north-northwest and south-southeast." While 
crossing he called the distance between the second and third islands nine 
leagues (28.6 nautical miles), but after his arrival he made a closer estimate 
and said it was eight leagues (25.5 nautical miles). Turning to Map No. 3, 


the probable anchorage of Columbus is shown on the southeast part of 
Long Island. This anchorage bears from that at Crooked W. J^ N., and 
the distance between them is twenty-five nautical miles. The shore line 
of Long Island runs as Columbus described the third island. He named 
this Fernandina. 

At noon of the 17th he left his first anchorage at Long Island, and, with 
a fair wind, followed the coast to the north-northwest. Before reaching the 
end of the island he came to what he called " a very marvellous port with an 
entrance, although it may be said that there are two entrances, because it 
has a rocky islet in the middle and both are very narrow, but within it there 
is ample room for one hundred ships, if it had sufficient depth of water, and 
was clear, and had also a deep entrance." Since he must have been in want 
of a harbor for refitment, for he had not yet met with one, he dropped anchor 
off this port and went in and examined it, but found the water too shallow. 
After a detention of two hours he sailed "to the northwest," and soon dis- 
covered that part of the island which " runs east and west." Both Map 
No. 3 and the sub-sketch of Clarence Harbor on it show clearly the second 
anchorage of October 17th off the shallow entrances of Clarence Harbor, and 
also the northwest course thence, until he opened the line of coast running 
east and west. Soon after following this the wind "ceased, and then 
sprang up from the west-northwest, which was contrary to our course." 
The Admiral was then persuaded to "go about," and he steered during the 
night of October 17th and 18th, "to the east-southeast, and sometimes 
wholly east, and sometimes to the southeast ; this I did in order to keep 
off the land, for the atmosphere was very misty and the weather threat- 
ening ; it [the wind] was light and did not permit me to reach the land in 
order to anchor. So that this night it rained very hard after midnight, 
until almost day, and it is still cloudy in order to rain ; and we [are] at the 
southeast cape of the island, where I hope to anchor until it gets clear in 
order to see the other islands where I have to go ; ever since I came to 
these Indies it has been raining much or little." 

He probably turned around about sunset, 5.40, and all night, with rainy 
weather and light winds, he was following back the course that he had gone 
over the preceding day. At daylight he appears to have been at the south- 
east cape, where he first anchored from Crooked Island. October 18th he 
wrote that he followed the wind ; that he went around the island as far as 
he could, anchoring when unable to sail ; but he did not go on shore. The 
current here generally sets to the northwest, and with baffling winds he 
would be likely to anchor frequently in order to lose nothing in working 
around the island. The return track to the anchorage of October 18th- 


19th off the southwest point of Long Island is plainly seen on Map No. 3. 
If Columbus had visited only his second and his third islands, there never 
could have been any controversy as to the recognition of these. The con- 
currence of the " log " with the cartography of the Crooked group, and with 
the lower part of Long Island, is too obvious for doubt. 

Friday, October 19th, at dawn, he weighed anchor from the south end 
of Long Island, and sent the " caravel Pinta to the east and southeast, and 
the caravel Nina to the south-southeast, having given orders that they 
should keep that course until midday, and then that both should change 
their course and return to me ; and then before we had gone three hours 
we saw an island to the east, to which we directed our course, and all three 
vessels reached it before midday at its northern extremity, where there is a 
rocky inlet." The dawn of this day was near five o'clock, and he anchored 
before midday. He was underweigh about six hours. The speed of the 
vessels is not given. As he generally noted calms and light winds, it is 
probable that he had a good breeze. He would not have separated his 
vessels, as above described, if there was not wind enough. A pretty correct 
idea of the actual course made can be estimated from the foregoing citation. 
Three hours to the southward and eastward, and three hours east, gives 
east-southeast approximately. A rocky islet off the north end of Fortune 
Island (one of the Crooked Island group) bears E. by S. ^ S., thirty-two 
nautical miles from the south end of Long Island. Therefore, according to 
the " log," at noon of October 19th, he was at anchor off the north end of 
Fortune Island. This is his third island, and he named it Isabela (see 
Map No. 2). 

Columbus stayed four days and a half in the neighborhood of this 
island, striving, from both ends of it, " to sail to the north-east and to the 
east toward the south east and south ;" but he was prevented by shallow 
water, such as appears on present maps. He was also deluded into staying 
by signs from the natives, indicating that a king was here, who " is master 
of all these neighboring islands, and goes clothed, and wears much gold 
on his person." He describes the coast as stretching "from the rocky 
islet to the westward [of north], and there was in it twelve leagues " (thirty- 
eight nautical miles). Probably a clerical error for miles, since the coast 
does stretch from the rocky islet north-northwest 13.2 Italian miles. This 
and the shoal water found off both ends of Fortune Island are the recog- 
nitions between the journal and chart. His words here are emotional, and 
his description of this island is so exuberant, that a person not familiar 
with the Bahamas might believe that this was the one supremely beautiful. 
But to the senses there is no difference among them. His pen was swayed 


by his ardent expectation that here was a king " clothed" and with " much 
gold on his person." The hope of reaching the wealth of the Indies made 
him plough a straight furrow across the Atlantic, and his zigzags among the 
Bahamas had gold for their object. 

The anchorage of October 19th is only eleven miles S. ^ E. from that of 
the 15th, and the same island lies between (see Map No. 2). A cursory 
examination might suggest a doubt whether the Admiral could have come 
back to the same group of islands that he anchored at on the 15th, without 
recording the fact in his journal. We have seen that Columbus went 
W. y A N. twenty-five miles from the position of the 15th to that of the 17th 
(Crooked to Long Island). From the 17th he followed the coast to the 
bight made by the east and west line, where he turned around. This track 
measures twenty-two nautical miles, and he was about three hours and 
forty minutes doing it. He retraced his course, passed by the southeast 
cape, and anchored off the lower end of Long Island, the position of Octo- 
ber i8th-i9th (see Map No. 3). From here, with a good breeze (say five 
miles an hour), he steered about E. S. E. This reckoning certainly takes him 
back to the neighborhood of the position of October 15th, and south of it. 
It is not a hypothesis, but the Admiral's " log-book " that anchors the ships 
off the north end of Fortune for the fourth island. 

From the position of the 15th, Crooked Island, as looked at, runs east 
and west ; and from that of the 19th north-northwest and south-southeast. 
Seamen know that the change of only a few points in the bearings of land 
alters the contour beyond recognition. Landsmen familiar with the outline 
of a range of hills from one point of view, understand how easily this is 
lost by crossing the range and looking at it from the other side. 

Columbus was pondering on the rich lands described by Marco Polo, 
to which he had promised their Majesties to open the way by water. His 
journal, thoughtfully studied, reveals the causes for the omissions, the con- 
fusion of dates, the iterations, and his neglect to look back in it to see how 
often it was at variance with itself. His return along the coast of Long 
Island, and his anchoring off the southern end are proved, but nowhere 
does he assert that this is the same island that he had previously coasted. 

At the beginning of October 24th, Columbus left the fourth island, sail- 
ing from the " rocky islet, which is on the northern side where I was lying 
in order to go to the island of Cuba, which I heard from these people was 
very large, having much trade, and that there was in it gold, and spices, and 
large ships, and merchants ; and they told me that I should go to it by 
the west-southwest, and so I think." He steers away on this course, giv- 
ing another example of his doubling-back on a previous one. During the 


24th he had calms, rain, and a " lovely " breeze. He adhered to the west- 
southwest course. The night of the 24th-25th was strong winds and rainy- 
weather (probably from the northwest, because such are common here). 
He first reduced, and finally took in all sail. During the forenoon he made 
sail and for a while steered west (probably to make good his west-southwest 
course that he had lost by drifting under poles in the northwest squalls). 
At 3 P.M. " they saw the land, and there were seven or eight islands, all 
extending from north to south." October 26th, the journal says, "he was 
on the southern side of said islands ; all was shallow for five or six leagues ; 
he anchored there." He called them las islas de Arena — islands of sand 
(see Map No. 4). 

The journal gives only part of the courses and distances between the 
fourth and fifth islands. Similar omissions are now practised in sailing 
among islands. The usual method here is to take bearings of known 
points of land. Columbus took one at nightfall of the 24th of October, 
and entered it in the " log" as Cape Verde, of Fernandina, bearing north- 
west 22.3 nautical miles. Cape Verde is conceded to be the south end of 
Long Island, and this bearing puts his vessels on the line drawn from the 
north end of Fortune to South Ragged that he said he should steer — west- 
southwest. Let a person lay down this " departure " from the south point 
of Long Island, and then draw tangent to it the course the Admiral tried 
to maintain from the fourth to the fifth islands — west-southwest, and it will 
connect the north end of Fortune and the south end of the South Ragged. 
From this "departure" to South Ragged he " logged " 66.8 miles, and the 
true distance is 65. 

The Ragged Islands and the Admiral's anchorage October 26th-27th 
are shown on Map No. 4. These islands lie north and south, and have a 
shoal bank stretching to the southward. They are distant half a day's sail 
from Cuba (see Map No. 1). All which agree with the journal. Columbus 
evidently deemed them too unimportant to land on. At sunrise, October 
27th, he sailed away south-southwest, with an eight-mile breeze, "and be- 
fore night they saw the land." Sunday, the 28th, he anchored in a beautiful 
river in Cuba that had twelve fathoms at the entrance. This is the first 
harbor his ships had entered in the New World. He named it San Sal- 
vador. I infer, by the courses and distances sailed from South Ragged, 
the currents setting to the west along the coast of Cuba, and the descrip- 
tion of the harbor, that this is the present Port Padre. Columbus' descrip- 
tion of the Bahama Islands, especially the fourth that he visited, com- 
pared with that given by him of Cuba, produces an impression of the 
superiority of the former ; but all the Bahamas are insignificant coral islands, 



with only a moderate elevation above the sea. Cuba is the " Queen of the 
Antilles ;" it has mountains seven thousand feet high, and there is a lofty- 
range on the side that Columbus coasted. The contrast between this island 
and the Bahamas strikes the beholder even in sailing along the coast. 

No. 4 

That the Admiral blended them in his writing is a warning to investigators 
to discriminate between his ideal descriptions and his "log." The former 
express the mental condition of a religious enthusiast, who, after eighteen 
years of painful solicitation, found the fruition of his hopes among the 
little islands of the Bahamas. The " log " is the professional record of 



seamen ; the courses, distances, trend of coasts, direction of winds, etc., are 
purely technical matters that seamen are not likely to put down under the 
influence of their imagination. Nor are these things capable of exaggera- 
tion. Twelve fathoms, southeast wind, east and west coast line, shoal 
water to the southward, mean precisely what is said, and these words can 
be relied upon, unless a clerical error has been made. This paper is an 
effort to separate the "log" from the narrative, and to " plot" that on a 
correct chart. If the Crooked Island group is chosen for the second island, 

No. s. 

it is because the dimensions and trend of the two sides of it that Columbus 
saw conform to the "log." The track goes to Long Island for the third, 
because the bearing and distance to it from the second are those given 
by him. All his experiences at the third island fit only at Long Island. 
The courses steered, and estimated distances from the South Cape of Long 
Island, point to Fortune as the fourth. So do the courses and distances 
worked backward from the South Ragged. This evidence ought to be 
enough to withstand the " fallacy of objections " concerning Fortune Island. 
If it shall be admitted that the Crooked group is the second island of 


Columbus, it cannot be denied that Samana is his first. October 13th, the 
day preceding his departure from Guanahani, the Admiral wrote : "I de- 
termined to wait until to-morrow evening, and then to sail for the south 
west, for many of them told me that there was land to the south and to the 
southwest and to the northwest, and that those from the northwest came 
frequently to fight with them, and so go to the southwest to get gold and 
precious stones." At the second island he wrote that it "was over five 
leagues distant, rather seven," from the first. Therefore the second island 
t>ore from the first "to the southwest," and is from 15.9 to 22.3 nautical 
miles distant. From the east part of Samana to the northeast part of the 
Crooked group the course and distance are S. W. by S. y^ S., 23 nautical 
miles. There is no island except Samana that holds this stated relation to 
Crooked. Neither is there anything in the journal that forbids us to re- 
call to this little island the enchorial name of Guanahani. 

Map No. 5 is a tracing of a part of the map of Juan de la Cosa, which was 
published at Paris by Jomard. The original was found by Baron Humboldt, 
and it is now in possession of the Spanish Government in Madrid. It was 
drawn in colors on ox-hide. The signature of la Cosa and the date, 1500, 
are in the corner. He went with the Admiral on his first and second voy- 
ages, as pilot and chart-maker. Subsequently he made several voyages 
to the New World, where he finally lost his life. His sea knowledge was 
deemed trustworthy by the Court of Spain. 

Upon this map Samana is laid down as a large interior island, about 
where the Crooked Island group are now found. Samana continued to hold 
this place on a majority of the old maps until the middle of the eighteenth 
century, when it appears to have been shifted to the little island now 
known as Samana, or Atwood Cay. 

La Cosa's sketch of Guanahani makes it a little, outlying, east and west 
island ; and its relative position on his map is so much like the present 
Samana on modern maps that the student cannot fail to observe it. If this 
map truly embodies the island knowledge gathered on the first voyage to 
the New World, then it strengthens the selection of Samana for the first 
landing place. G. V. FOX 

Colonel samuel Washington — In Elizabeth, N. J., at the house of a great- 
great-granddaughter, recently from Philadelphia, but a native of the Shenandoah 
Valley, Va., is a full-length life-size portrait of this brother of General George 
Washington. The picture, finely executed and fresh looking, was taken when he 
was but a youth of nineteen, and in military dress. He had five wives in his 
day, one of them a Steptoe, from whom the respected lady above mentioned is de- 
scended. W. H. 



The artillery of the army of the United States, as a scientific arm of ser- 
vice, has always been justly distinguished in the military records of the 
nation. No history of its achievements, however, would be complete with- 
out a notice of and due acknowledgments to the first two chiefs of artil- 
lery, who successively gave it their especial attention from 1775 to 181 5. 

The first of these accomplished officers was Major- General Henry Knox, 
whose military history as Colonel and Chief of Artillery on General Wash- 
ington's staff, Brigadier-General of Artillery, and Major-General United 
States Army, commanding the Continental Corps of Artillery, comprising 
four regiments, during the Revolutionary War, and then as Secretary of 
War, is too well known to need further reference. It is sufficient to say 
that during that contest the American artillery became, in its remarkable 
mobility and in the precision and rapidity of its fire, the equal, if not 
actually the superior, of the Prussian artillery, then the most effective in 

The second of these officers, who practically succeeded Major-General 
Knox, was Brevet Brigadier-General Burbeck, the subject of this sketch, 
whose service of nearly forty years as an artillery officer occurred at one of 
the most interesting periods in American history. He was born in Boston, 
Mass., June 8, 1754. His father, William Burbeck, was of English par- 
entage, but born in Boston, in 171 5 , and died there July 22, 1785. The 
latter studied gunnery and became a civilian official in the Ordnance De- 
partment of the Royal Artillery, and was for many years stationed at Old 
Castle William, now Fort Independence, Boston Harbor, until the breaking 
out of hostilities at Lexington and siege of Boston, when he relinquished 
his appointment under the Crown and made his escape via Noddle's Island 
and proceeded to Cambridge, where he reported to the Committee of 
Safety. Soon afterward Mr. William Burbeck, on June 16, 1775, was rec- 
ommended by the Committee of Safety to the Massachusetts Provincial 
Congress for appointment as lieutenant-colonel of the Provincial regiment 
or Train of Artillery, of which Colonel Richard Gridley became the colonel. 
He was accordingly commissioned on June 21st. Two days later the Pro- 


vincial Congress appointed Colonel Gridley, in addition to his artillery 
rank, to be Chief Engineer with the rank of Major-General, and also pro- 
vided that Lieutenant-Colonel Burbeck should have the additional rank of 

As the duties of Chief Engineer in the siege operations before Boston 
were incompatible with the exercise of the artillery commission, and as 
Colonel Gridley was in feeble health, he relinquished his artillery rank. 
Colonel Burbeck was then exclusively employed on ordnance duty in su- 
perintending the Laboratory, and, accordingly, Henry Knox, Esquire, on 
November 17, 1775, was appointed colonel of the regiment, which mean- 
while had been taken on the Continental Establishment. It served through- 
out the siege of Boston, a detachment having been at " Bunker Hill." 

After the evacuation of that town, most of the companies were ordered 
to the city of New York, and on April 16, 1776, from headquarters, Cam- 
bridge, Colonel Burbeck was ordered to proceed and take post at the same 
place. On the same day he replied to Colonel Knox that, when he had 
come out of Boston and reported to the Committee of Safety, the Massa- 
chusetts Provincial Congress had voted him one hundred and fifty pounds 
per annum during the war, and four shillings sterling a day during life, and 
that it would be ungenerous to leave their service. Further, that he was 
advanced in years and therefore unwilling to part with this provision, be- 
sides which he was then finishing the drafts of cannon and mortars for the 
province, which he considered sufficient to excuse him from compliance 
with the instructions. 

He might also have added that, by the new Continental arrangement of 
his regiment, he would have lost actual rank and pay by continuing in it, 
and by leaving the service of Massachusetts for that of the Continental Con- 
gress. He was accordingly discharged from Continental service on May 25, 
1776, and given, by Massachusetts, command of old Castle William, on 
Castle Island. 

June 24, 1776, Colonel Knox wrote to him from the city of New York, 
congratulating him on the reputation he had acquired there "in driving 
away the King's ships from Boston Harbor, and in the taking of the High- 
land transports." Captain Edward Burbeck, the eldest son of Colonel Bur- 
beck, served as a captain in the Gridley-Knox regiment of artillery from 
May, 1775, until the close of the year 1776. 

His brother, Henry Burbeck, the subject of our sketch, spent the early 
part of his life at Castle William, with his father, Colonel William Burbeck, 
for his instructor. For a time he was enabled to attend Master Tileston's 
writing school in Boston, and in his twentieth year he became a member 


of Captain and Brevet-Major Amos Paddock's Chartered Provincial Artillery 
company, which subsequently furnished nearly thirty commissioned officers 
to the Continental Army. 

When the affair of Lexington took place he was in Boston, and in con- 
sequence of the measures taken by the British Commander-in-Chief to pre- 
vent the departure of citizens who were friendly to the American cause, it 
was several days before he was enabled to make his escape, which he eventu- 
ally did as pretended member of the family of an acquaintance, who had se- 
cured a pass. 

Having proceeded to Cambridge, he joined a volunteer artillery company 
under Captain Jotham Horton, which had charge of two six-pounders. 

On May 19, 1775, he received his first commission as Lieutenant of 
Artillery, signed by Dr. Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts 
Provincial Congress, and on June 16th was assigned to the Massachusetts 
artillery regiment under Colonel Richard Gridley, which, after Knox's pro- 
motion, was subsequently known as the Third Regiment Continental Corps 
of Artillery under Colonel John Crane. 

He witnessed the battle of Bunker Hill, though not a participant in it, 
and served throughout the siege of Boston, until its evacuation by the British 
army, and was promoted to First Lieutenant January 1, 1776. 

In April, 1776, he marched with his company to the city of New York, 
and remained on duty there, much of the time in command of his company of 
ninety men, until the evacuation of the city on Sunday, September 15, 1776. 

In the subsequent operations which culminated in the action at Harlem 
Heights and the battle of White Plains, he was on duty in the main Con- 
tinental Army, commanding his company in the absence from sickness of 
Captain Thomas Waite Foster, who never was able to rejoin it, and was at- 
tached with a portion of it to Brigadier-General Samuel Holden Parson's 
brigade, in Major-General William Heath's division. When the retreat took 
place through the Jersies, this division was detached from the main army 
and ordered by General Washington to Peekskill, N. Y., to defend the 
Highlands. He subsequently ordered it to join him, and Parson's brigade 
accordingly crossed the Hudson on December 10, 1776, and got as far as 
Pompton, N. J., when countermanding orders were received from him on 
the 23d, and it returned to Peekskill. At the close of the year the terms of 
enlistment of the men in the Massachusetts artillery regiment expired, but 
at request of General Washington, they consented to continue in service 
for six weeks longer. 

Two detachments were then sent out, one of which went down to Kings- 
bridge ; the other, under Brigadier-General James Clinton, with about 


one thousand militia and two pieces of artillery, under Lieutenant Burbeck, 
crossed the Hudson at King's Ferry, near Stony Point, and marched through 
Haverstraw, Orange, Tappan, Kakiak, and Ramapo to Paramus, in order 
to make the British feel insecure and detach large garrisons from the forces 
operating before General Washington. On returning to Peekskill, Lieu- 
tenant Burbeck marched his company to Boston, where his regiment was 
reorganized "for the war." On January I, 1777, he had been promoted 
to Captain-Lieutenant in the same. In the late spring he was ordered 
to Saratoga, N. Y., but was on duty in the Northern Department only a 
short time when he received instructions to join the main Continental army 
under General Washington. Thenceforth his service during the war was 
constantly with the artillery of that army. He participated in the campaign 
of the year 1777, in Pennsylvania, during which he was promoted to be 
captain in his regiment, September 12, 1777, and was in the battles of Brandy- 
wine and Germantown, and indecisive affair at Whitemarsh, and then went 
into the ever-memorable winter quarters at Valley Forge. In the following- 
June, 1778, he marched with the army through New Jersey in pursuit of 
Sir Henry Clinton, and fought in the battle of Monmouth, and then 
marched to White Plains, N. Y. During the subsequent winter he was 
quartered with his company in Connecticut. He was with the army in the 
campaigns of 1779 and 1780, in New York and New Jersey, and in the 
operations in 178 1, which were participated in by the French Auxiliary 
Army under Count de Rochambeau, before the British lines at New 
York. When a portion of the army was detached to proceed to Yorktown,. 
Va., his company remained on duty with Major-General Heath's division, 
to which it belonged, in the Highlands of the Hudson. Here he was 
stationed until after the official announcement of the cessation of hostilities 
on April 18, 1783, at which time his company was doing duty at West 
Point. Upon the institution of the Society of the Cincinnati, at the canton- 
ments of the American army at Newburgh, by the regular Continental 
officers, he was among the first, on June 9, 1783, to subscribe to its highly 
laudable and patriotic declaration of principles. 

A few days later, pursuant to General Orders from Army Headquarters, 
Newburgh, June 2, 1783, all enlisted men in his regiment who had been en- 
listed only " for the war," were directed by Regimental Orders, Third Artil- 
lery, West Point, June II, 1783, to be furloughed, and a suitable number 
of commissioned officers placed on " waiting orders." Only four companies 
were retained, into which the soldiers of the other companies who had en- 
listed for the term of three years, and who were not then entitled to dis- 
charge, were transferred to complete them. 


Captain Burbeck's company was one of the four specially designated 
for retention. 

On September 30, 1783, he was promoted to be major by brevet in the 
army, and on November 25, 1783, he had the satisfaction of entering the 
city of New York on its evacuation by General Sir Guy Carleton and the 
British forces. 

His subsequent artillery duty was at West Point until January I, 1784, 
when he was honorably discharged and proceeded to his home in Boston, 
after a continuous field service of eight years, seven months, and twelve 

But one artillery company was specially retained in service, namely, Cap- 
tain and Brevet-Major John Doughty's, of the Second Regiment Continental 
Corps of Artillery, which, after many vicissitudes of incorporation and honor- 
able service, is still an artillery unit of organization in the army of the United 
States, and now known as Light Battery " F," Fourth Regiment United 
States Artillery. A very few men of Brevet-Major Burbeck's late regiment, 
whose terms of enlistment had not quite expired, were also retained at West 
Point under a captain-lieutenant, but the number rapidly diminished by ex- 
piration of enlistments, and in a few months none were left. 

The necessities of the country, however, required a larger artillery force,, 
and on June 3, 1784, the Continental Congress increased the number of com- 
panies to two, the second to be raised in Pennsylvania. This not proving 
sufficient, that body, when deciding upon an increase of the military estab- 
lishment, October 20, 1786, assigned to Massachusetts, as part of its quota, 
two companies of artillery, thus making the artillery of the army consist of 
four companies, which were formed into a battalion under a Major Com- 
mandant, and Brevet-Major John Doughty was promoted to its command. 

The professional ability which had been evinced by Brevet-Major Bur- 
beck, pointed him out as peculiarly qualified for the command of one of the 
two companies to be raised, and he was accordingly appointed, with rank 
from October 20, 1786, and immediately began to recruit his company, 
which was stationed at old Castle William, Boston Harbor. 

On April 9, 1787, Congress ordered the disbandment of the additional 
troops authorized to be raised by its resolve of October 20, 1786, except 
the two companies of Massachusetts artillery. This took place April 21, 
1787. Major William North, Inspector U. S. A., by orders dated at 
Castle Island on the day before, said that: ''Captain Burbeck will take 
command of all the Federal troops at this point to-morrow, at 6 o'clock 
A.M." He thus succeeded to the command which his father had formerly 
exercised. The artillery battalion was then much scattered, two companies 


being on the remote frontier with Brevet Brigadier-General Harmar, and the 
other two lately raised were at Castle Island, under Captain Burbeck as senior 
to Captain Joseph Savage, who commanded the other Massachusetts company. 
He had hardly assumed command of the post when he received orders from 
General Knox, Secretary of War, dated " War Office," April 11, 1787, to 
proceed with both companies to Springfield Arsenal, to guard the public 
property there. Thence, under orders from the same authority, he marched 
his own company to West Point, where he arrived August 15, 1787, and 
was quartered with it in the old Connecticut barracks. He remained in 
command at West Point for two years. On August 22, 1789, the Secretary 
of War ordered him to embark his company on the 26th for Georgia, in order 
to serve as a guard for Major-General Benjamin Lincoln, Lieutenant-Colonel 
David Humphreys, and the Hon. Cyrus Griffin, Commissioners appointed 
to treat with the Creek Indians. On September 13th, the Commissioners 
ordered him from Savannah to Augusta. The treaty, however, then failed, 
and he returned with his company to West Point, where he arrived about 
November 20, 1789, and again assumed command of that post. 

On December 8, 1789, he was ordered to Boston on recruiting service, 
and directed to complete his company to seventy enlisted men. This was 
speedily accomplished, and on March 30, 1790, the Secretary of War 
directed him to embark his company at West Point, in the sloop Rambler, 
and the artillery company of Captain Joseph Savage and infantry company 
of Captain John Smith, First Infantry, in the brigantine States General, and 
proceed to Georgia. He accordingly left West Point on April 5, 1790, and 
on the 10th received further instructions from the Secretary of War in New 
York City (then the capital of the United States), which carried his own 
company to the mouth of the St. Mary's river, Georgia, where he built a 
small fort which he called Fort St. Tammany. The other two companies 
went respectively to Rock Landing and Beard's Bluff, Ga. Captain Bur- 
beck's post was then on the southern boundary of the United States, and 
in close proximity to a Spanish military station, and many civilities were 
exchanged with the Spanish officers. 

In the difficulties growing out of questions concerning runaway slaves 
and depredations across the frontier, he officially intervened with so much 
tact and success as to receive the thanks of the War Department, particu- 
larly on September 13, 1790. 

He remained in command of Fort St. Tammany until June, 1792, 
when he received a communication from the War Department, dated March 
16th, informing him that President Washington had appointed him, by 
and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to be Major Commandant 


of the Battalion of Artillery, with rank from November 4, 1791 , vice Major 
William Ferguson, who had succeeded Doughty and been killed in St. 
Clair's defeat. He was ordered to proceed to Philadelphia, and then, after 
a short leave, went to Fort Washington, Cincinnati, and joined the Western 
army, as Chief of Artillery to Major-General Anthony Wayne, General-in- 
Chief. On December 22, 1793, Major-General Wayne, from his head- 
quarters, Greeneville, directed him to proceed, in command of a detachment 
of eight companies of infantry and one of artillery, to the site of St. Clair's 
defeat of November 4, 1791, and erect four block-houses of twenty feet 
square in the clear, connecting them with pickets agreeably to a plan 
furnished. He was also directed to search for the artillery lost in the 

The Miami Indians were bitterly hostile, and the erection of the work 
was one of difficulty and danger. It was, however, promptly completed, 
and named by him Fort Recovery. Major Burbeck then gave his attention 
to searching for the artillery. Two brass six-pounders were found in the 
branch of the river Wabash near the battle-ground — where they had been 
finally thrown by the few remaining men of the two artillery companies 
when the day was irretrievably lost. A three-pounder was also found. 
The American killed still remained unburied, and Lieutenant William 
Henry Harrison, First Infantry, afterward President of the United States, 
was given charge of the detachment, which collected over two hundred 
skulls and many bones, which were buried with military honors, and with a 
salute by three times three from the same artillery which had been lost on 
the fatal day. After garrisoning Fort Recovery, Major Burbeck returned 
to headquarters, and was thanked in General Orders. In the following 
year, on August 20, 1794, he took part in the battle of the Maumee Rapids, 
in which Wayne totally defeated and routed the enemy. 

He continued to act as Chief of Artillery first to Wayne and then to Bri- 
gadier-General James Wilkinson, after the former turned over the command 
of the army to the latter at army headquarters, Greeneville, December 14, 
1795, in order to proceed East on public business. He also acted as Presi- 
dent on a number of General Courts Martial. On May 9, 1794, Congress 
enacted that to the battalion of artillery then in service should be added 
three other battalions, each to have a major and four companies, the whole 
to constitute a regiment of " artillerists and engineers" of sixteen compa- 
nies, under a Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant. On April 27, 1798, a second 
regiment of artillerists and engineers was also authorized to be raised, to 
consist of a Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant and three battalions, with a 
Major to each. 


Major Burbeck, by his long and creditable service, was entitled to have 
been promoted to be Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant First Regiment Ar- 
tillerists and Engineers. Colonel Stephen Rochefontaine, who had been a 
Captain and Brevet-Major in the Continental Corps of Engineers in the 
Revolution, and subsequently Adjutant-General in St. Domingo, was, how- 
ever, appointed February 26, 1795. In September, 1796, Major Burbeck, 
who had continued as Chief of Artillery to the Western army, was ordered, 
with two companies, to take possession of Fort Mackinac, on the island of 
Michilimackinac, at the pass between Lakes Michigan and Huron, and 
rebuild and garrison it. 

On May 7, 1 798, Colonel Rochefontaine was discharged from the mili- 
tary service, and Major Burbeck was promoted to be Lieutenant-Colonel 
Commandant First Regiment Artillerists and Engineers, with rank from 
the same date. As the Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant of the Second 
Regiment was only appointed with rank from June 7, 1798, this left Colonel 
Burbeck the chief of the corps. 

He continued, however, in command at Fort Mackinac, which was both 
a remote post and one deemed of considerable importance, until November 
9, 1799, when he embarked for Detroit, where he arrived on the 17th with 
a portion of his Mackinac garrison, and assumed command. Here he re- 
mained until ordered by Brigadier-General James Wilkinson, in February, 
1800, to repair to Washington, where he arrived on July 4th, and immedi- 
ately entered on the duties of Chief of Artillerists and Engineers, and gave 
directions to both regiments. This became necessary, as Lieutenant-Colonel 
Commandant Louis Tousard, of the Second Regiment, had been appointed 
by President Adams, with consent of the Senate, under the Act of July 16, 
1798, Inspector of Artillery, an office equivalent then to Chief of Ordnance. 

In the attempts which had been made by Congress to prepare for a pre- 
viously anticipated foreign war, a number of places on the seaboard had 
been fortified, and as the duties of engineer officers were not compatible 
with those of the artillery, Colonel Burbeck, on September 28, 1800, sub- 
mitted to the Secretary of War, Samuel Dexter, a valuable memorandum 
of recommendations, in which he particularly recommended the establish- 
ment of a " Military School, for instructing the arts of gunnery, fortifi- 
cation, pyrotechny, and everything relative to the art of war ; and that there 
be taken from the line of artillerists and engineers one field officer and four 
captains well versed in science, especially in mathematics and natural 
philosophy, to be employed in superintending the laboratory and instruct- 
ing the officers of the line and the cadets, whom the commanding officer of 
each separate district shall send, in rotation, for the purpose of being in- 


structed ; and that the whole superintendency and instruction be afforded 
by these officers." 

He also recommended the establishment of an Ordnance Laboratory, 
and "that there be formed a small corps of engineers, continually to be 
increased in numbers as the exigencies of the country shall require, and be 
separate from the artillerists." 

These important recommendations could not then be given immediate 
effect to. The country was in the midst of an exciting political presidential 
campaign between the federalists, favorable to President John Adams, and 
the Democrats or democratic-republican party, under the lead of Thomas 
Jefferson and Aaron Burr. Secretary of War Dexter had only come into 
office on May 13, 1800, and was transferred to be Secretary of the Treasury 
on December 31, 1800. He was succeeded after several weeks by Roger 
Griswold, a member of the House of Representatives from Connecticut, 
who was appointed Secretary of War on February 3, 1801, and vacated 
office on March 4th, upon the inauguration of Jefferson as President. Mean- 
while Brigadier-General Wilkinson, General-in-Chief of the Army, found it 
desirable to proceed to the Southwest to take personal command of the 
forces in the Mississippi Valley. 

Accordingly, pursuant to General Orders, dated Headquarters, Washing- 
ton, December 1, 1800, Colonel Burbeck was placed in military command 
of all the Atlantic Seaboard and Eastern and Middle States down to and 
including the Georgia frontier, with headquarters in Washington. He was 
at the same time authorized to appoint General Courts Martial, and ordered 
to report directly to the Secretary of War. This placed him in a position 
of great usefulness, and he exercised his influence in such a manner as to 
entitle him to a high place in the honor roll of the American army. As the 
laws then stood, each company of the two regiments of artillerists and engi- 
neers was entitled to two cadets with the pay, clothing, and rations of a 
sergeant, and the Secretary of War was authorized to procure " the neces- 
sary books, instruments, and apparatus for the use and benefit of the said 

By an act of July 16, 1798, the President was authorized "to appoint four 
teachers of the arts and sciences necessary for the instruction of the artil- 
lerists and engineers." 

We have seen why Colonel Burbeck' s recommendations as to a military 
academy could not be immediately made effective. When he became, in 
December, a department commander, a large part of his own corps fell 
within the limits of his geographical command. On March 5, 1801, Presi- 
dent Jefferson appointed Henry Dearborn, of Massachusetts, to be Secretary 


of War. The latter had served during the Revolutionary War, from the be- 
ginning of the siege of Boston, in the New Hampshire line, finally retiring, 
by reason of juniority, on January I, 1783, as Lieutenant-Colonel Command- 
ant of the First New Hampshire Continental Infantry. He was an intimate 
and trusted friend of Colonel Burbeck, and they had served long together 
during the Revolution. 

The Inspector of the Army, Major Thomas H. Cushing, of Massachu- 
setts, whose duties were then the same as now performed by the Adjutant- 
General, had been a First Lieutenant, First Regiment Massachusetts Conti- 
nental Infantry in the Revolution, and had also for years been on terms of 
intimacy with Colonel Burbeck — an intimacy, by the way, which continued 
the closest through life. Colonel Burbeck's opportunity, therefore, had 
come, and, as he had already sounded his field officers and found that he 
had their cordial co-operation, as soon as Secretary Dearborn had become 
familiar with the duties of his office, he brought forward his proposition of 
September 28, 1800, for the establishment of a military academy at West 
Point. It was favorably considered, and on July 20, 1 801, Secretary 
Dearborn directed that all the cadets of the corps of artillerists and en- 
gineers, except Cadet Joseph Biddle Wilkinson (son of the General), be 
sent to West Point by September 1, 1801. The reason why Cadet Wil- 
kinson was not sent was because he was then in the Sophomore class at 

Colonel Burbeck immediately set about the object he had so much at 
heart. There were then fifty-six cadets authorized for the service, nearly 
all of whom had already been appointed. These were ordered by him to pro- 
ceed to West Point, and the headquarters and band of the Second Regiment 
of Artillerists and Engineers were also ordered there. Colonel Burbeck's 
duties as Department Commander requiring him to continue in Washington, 
he directed Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant Tousard, Inspector, to proceed 
from the laboratory at Frankford Arsenal to West Point, and organize the 
military academy. 

Colonel Tousard was an accomplished officer. He had been a captain 
in the artillery regiment of La Fere, in the French army, and while holding 
that commission, was granted leave by Louis XVI. to enter the United 
States service, which he did as captain of artillery, with rank from Decem- 
ber 1, 1776. He became Chief of Artillery to the left wing, under Major- 
General the Marquis de Lafayette, in Major-General John Sullivan's army 
at the siege of Newport, in August, 1777, and in the battle of Rhode Island 
had his horse killed and his right arm shattered by a cannon ball when 
leading a charge to attempt the capture of one of the enemy's field pieces. 


For his services then he received from Congress the brevet of Lieutenant- 

Lieutenant-Colonel Tousard was probably the most competent officer in 
the corps to have been continued as Superintendent of the Military Acad- 
emy, had his other duties permitted. As early as May, 1801, Colonel Bur- 
beck had sent him to West Point to examine and report on the condition of 
the barracks, and capabilities of the post for the desired purpose, before 
submitting the matter to Secretary Dearborn. 

As Lieutenant-Colonel Tousard was liable to be called away by his 
other duties, Colonel Burbeck directed Major Jonathan Williams, Second 
Regiment Artillerists and Engineers, who was then at Fort Niagara, to pro- 
ceed to West Point and assume the immediate superintendency of the 
Military Academy, which he accordingly entered upon in October, 1801. 
Lieutenant-Colonel Tousard, however, made frequent and prolonged visits 
to see that the instruction was properly being carried on. 

Colonel Burbeck intended that Captain William Amherst Barron, Second 
Regiment Artillerists and Engineers, a graduate of Harvard of the class of 
1787, and classmate of John Quincy Adams and Chief Justice William 
Cranch, should be principal assistant instructor, and accordingly sent him 
orders to that effect to New Castle, Portsmouth Harbor, where he was in 
charge of a small work then building. As, however, Barron reported that 
if he then left without the completion of his work much damage would 
ensue, his orders were temporarily suspended, and Lieutenant Stephen 
Worrell, Second Regiment Artillerists and Engineers, was detailed in his 
place. Lieutenant Peter Anthony Dransey, First Regiment Artillerists and 
Engineers, and Mr. George Barron, who had been appointed by President 
Adams, on January 6, 1801, a teacher of arts and sciences in the corps, com- 
pleted the staff of the Academy, Barron acting as Professor of Mathematics. 
A number of subaltern officers, and among them Lieutenants James Wilson, 
Lewis Howard, and Robert Weir Osborn, of the Second Regiment Artiller- 
ists and Engineers, were directed to undergo instruction at the Academy. 

Captain John Lillie's company, second battalion, Second Regiment 
Artillerists and Engineers, constituted the garrison of West Point, which 
was considered as a distinct military command from the Academy, and 
directly under Major Decius Wadsworth, Second Regiment Artillerists and 
Engineers, who was then stationed at Fort Jay, Governor's Island, New 
York Harbor. This separation of the Academy from the Post was dis- 
tinctly enunciated by Secretary of War Dearborn, in a communication dated 
War Department, December 2, 1801, in which he said that the " students 
would be under the immediate direction of the Superintendent of the School, 


and, of course, no officer of the garrison will hereafter consider himself au- 
thorized to interfere in any manner with the students, or to give any orders 
respecting them or any other person attached to the institution, and no 
person attached to the school should be included in any garrison returns." 

Thus arose a dual jurisdiction which still continues, except that the com- 
mand of the garrison and post is now vested in the superintendent or next 
officer in rank in the Academy, by the United States Revised Statutes. 

On September I, 1801, Lieutenant-Colonel Tousard having arranged the 
classes, the course of instruction was regularly begun, and during the follow- 
ing week the two cadets from Fort Independence, who had been delayed by 
contrary winds, arrived, and the number was complete. Some of the lieu- 
tenants did not like being required to study and acted insubordinately in the 
section room. This coming to the notice of the Secretary of War, he en- 
closed to Colonel Burbeck, on October 19, 1801, an extract of a letter re- 
ceived by him that morning on the subject, and requested his particular at- 
tention to it, and desiring him, as senior officer of artillery and commandant 
of the district comprehending West Point, to give the necessary orders for 
the occasion. Thus vigorously supported by the War Department, Colonel 
Burbeck took such measures as resulted in the immediate submission of the 
officers concerned, who, November 16, 1801, through Lieutenant-Colonel 
Tousard, who was then temporarily at West Point, expressed their regrets. 
Thenceforth the Military Academy became firmly established. 

On the following March 16, 1802, Congress reduced and consolidated 
the little American army to one-half its former proportions, although it 
was plain that an increase was necessary and would soon have to be made. 
The two regiments of artillerists and engineers were consolidated into a 
regiment of artillery, and supernumerary officers discharged. Colonel Bur- 
beck, as senior military officer in Washington, although he could not pre- 
vent the reduction, was enabled to get the principal ideas of his original 
memorandum of September 28, 1 800, engrafted on the bill. The corps of 
engineers was established separate from the artillery, and composed of the 
officers he deemed qualified. The corps was also made expansive as the 
necessity of the country should require. The Military Academy was also 
constituted on an enduring foundation, and left in charge of the officers he 
had put over it. Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant Burbeck was promoted 
on April 1, 1802, to be Colonel of the regiment of artillery. He may justly 
be regarded as the founder of the United States Military Academy and of 
the Corps of Engineers as still existing. 

President Washington in 1793, and again in December, 1796, had re- 
commended a military academy, and James McHenry, Secretary of War 


under President Adams, January 31, 1800, had submitted to the Military 
Committee of the House of Representatives, an elaborate but impracticable 
plan as the basis of new legislation. It remained for Colonel Burbeck, 
under the laws as they then stood, and in an eminently practical and un- 
obtrusive way, to give complete effect to the previously oft-expressed wishes 
of General Washington. 

The distinguished and important position which the Military Academy 
has, for many years, held among the educational institutions of the country, 
and the eminent and enduring national services rendered by many of its 
graduates, continue to attest the wisdom and public necessity of its founda- 
tion ; and yet, before the appearance of this sketch of the gallant but modest 
Burbeck, no printed document will be found which in the remotest degree 
associates his name with its inception or establishment. 

This was probably due to a highly erroneous statement of Colonel Jona- 
than Williams, Corps of Engineers, in connection with his report of March 
14, 1808, to Congress on the then condition of the Academy, to the effect that 
" the institution was established at West Point, in the year 1801, under the 
direction of a private citizen, and was nothing more than a mathematical 
school for the few cadets that were then in service. It was soon found that 
the government of young military men was incompatible with the ordinary 
system of schools, and, consequently, this institution ran into disorder, and 
the teacher into contempt." 

In subsequent years, when Congressional records were printed as State 
papers, so as to become more generally known, and the records of West 
Point had been destroyed by fire, historians of the Military Academy 
accepted this statement in ignorance of the existence of official documents 
directly to the contrary, and have been disposed to give to Williams the 
credit of practically establishing it. 

In June, 1803, Colonel Burbeck was ordered to proceed to Detroit and 
assume temporary command, which he did on July 2d, after a long and 
interesting trip via New York, Albany, Utica, Buffalo, and Lake Erie. 
One of his principal duties was to establish a frontier post. He returned 
to Washington late in the fall, and in the following year took post at Fort 
McHenry, Maryland, with his regimental staff. Pursuant to General 
Orders, dated Head-Quarters, Washington, March 1.9, 1805, army head- 
quarters were transferred to St. Louis, and Brigadier-General Wilkinson 
resumed command in the Mississippi Valley. Colonel Burbeck was given 
command of all the " troops and garrisons east of the mountains, of those 
on the lakes and their waters, of South West Point and Fort Wilkinson." 
This was an increase in territory in his departmental command, which he 


continued to exercise until the War of 1812. During the same year, 1805, 
he became the senior colonel in the army, and next in command to Wil- 
kinson ; and on January 1 1, 1808, was appointed by President Jefferson a 
member of a court of inquiry to investigate Wilkinson's conduct. 

Again, January 21, 1811, he was appointed by President Madison mem- 
ber of a board to determine whether Captain Winfield Scott, of the Light 
Artillery regiment, who had been tried, convicted, and sentenced to sus- 
pension from rank, command, and pay for twelve months, for withholding 
unlawfully the pay he had received for his company, was entitled to promo- 
tion as senior captain to the majority in his regiment, which had meanwhile 
fallen vacant. The decision was, according to established rule, against 
Scott's pretensions, and it proved fortunate for him that it was so, for his 
Light Artillery regiment and a considerable portion of Colonel Burbeck's 
regiment were on duty in Louisiana when Congresss decided, on January 
11, 181 2, in expectation of war, to raise two additional regiments of artillery. 
Scott was just out of his suspension, and in Washington, where the baleful 
Virginia influence was all-powerful. He obtained an appointment as Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Second Artillery, July 6, 1 812, and when the First Artillery 
detachments and Light Artillery regiment joined the army operating on the 
Niagara frontier, they found Scott the senior officer of artillery on the 

From 1805 to 1812, Colonel Burbeck devoted himself to the improve- 
ment of the artillery service. He established the New York Arsenal at 
Governor's Island, and put Lieutenant Bomford of the Engineers in charge. 
On July 10, 1 8 12, he was appointed a Brigadier-General by brevet in the 
army, and commanded a district successively at New York, Newport, New 
London, and Greenbush, N. Y., until army reorganization at peace. In 
the interim a curious state of affairs had occurred. The officers of the two 
new u additional " regiments of artillery which had been raised for a 
limited time, had sufficient political influence to get themselves consoli- 
dated by Congress, on March 30, 1 8 14, into a corps of artillery with the old 
first permanent regiment, to consist of twelve battalions and no higher 
field officers for the corps than six lieutenant-colonels. There happened to be 
no colonels at the time in the Second or Third regiments of artillery, by 
reason of promotions to brigadier-general, and thus General Burbeck was the 
only officer in the whole army who was supernumerary. He was assigned to 
duty by his brevet of brigadier-general, and when army reduction came on 
June 15, 181 5, as the corps of artillery had no officers of his grade, he had 
to be honorably discharged, after a faithful and distinguished service of 
nearly thirty-eight years, in which he had uniformly retained the confi- 



dence and esteem of those who directed the military affairs of the nation. 
All he received from a grateful Republic for his services was a gratuity of 
three months' pay proper, which hardly equalled even a single month's 
ordinary allowance, as then computed, with its ration-money, forage, fuel, 
and quarter allowances. 

He retired from the service "a poor citizen," as he himself expressed 
it, and went with his wife to reside in New London, Conn., his future home. 
On July 4, 1846, he became President of the Society of the Cincinnati in 
the State of Massachusetts. 

General Burbeck died at New London, October 2, 1848, and the Cin- 
cinnati of his native State erected a handsome granite monument over his 
grave in the Cedar Grove Cemetery, New London, which bears on one of 
its faces this inscription, with which we can fitly close the record of this 
good man's career : 

"The Massachusetts Society of the Cincinnati dedicate this monument to the memory of their 
late honored President. He was an officer of the United States from the commencement of the 
Revolutionary War until near the close of his life. By a patriotic and faithful discharge of the high 
and responsible duties of a gallant soldier and an exemplary citizen, he became as justly and emi- 
nently distinguished as he was rightfully and universally respected." 

General Burbeck's eldest son, William Henry Burbeck, succeeded him 
in the Massachusetts Society of the Cincinnati on July 4, 1850. 




Before 1692 there had been but few Church-of-England ministers resi- 
dent in Maryland, and these were supported by voluntary contributions, or 
by produce from whatever land they possessed. Complaints had been 
made to England of the low state of morality in the colony. Movements 
were started to correct these evils, and resulted in an Act of Establishment. 
Agreeably to its provisions the ten counties were divided into parishes, each 
having a Select Vestry, a corporate body for the holding and sale of church 
property, the acceptance of bequests, etc. A fine was imposed upon Sab- 
bath-breakers, which was ordered to be given to the poor of the " Parish, 
City, or borough," where the offence should be committed. This Act and 
some later ones had the effect of bringing more clergy into the colony, and 
of building more churches, but there was still demand for further legislation 
in regard to ecclesiastical matters. Accordingly, in 1702, an Act was 
passed, by which the Church of England was more firmly established in 
Maryland. The parish system of old England was the basis, but it was 
modified to suit new conditions. 

The Governor inducted a Minister into a parish. He usually made ap- 
pointments from nominees of the Bishop of London, and the Vestries were 
obliged to accept whomever the Governor sent. Occasionally he consulted 
the wishes of the parishioners. In the record-book of Prince George's 
Parish is a copy of a letter from Governor Sharpe to Mr. Alex. Williamson, 
whom he had licensed "to act as curate" until another rector might be 
appointed, "which step," the letter states, "I conceive would be more 
agreeable to the parishioners, than if I were immediately to induct that 
gentleman." The people thought they ought to have the privilege of 
choosing their own rector, as his salary and funds for church buildings came 
from them. In 1768 one of the parishes refused to receive ministers pre- 
sented by Lord Baltimore through his Governor, and upon appeal to Eng- 
lish courts, a decision was given in favor of the parish. When once a 
minister had been accepted, it was with difficulty that he could be removed, 
so that dissatisfied congregations had, in their dealings with unpopular 
rectors, to resort to such summary acts as locking out of church, mobbing, 

For the support of the clergy, forty pounds of tobacco were levied each 
year upon all taxables, whose names the Constable of the Hundred collected 


and gave to the Sheriff of the county. He, after collecting the tobacco and 
deducting five per cent, as a fee, paid the remainder to the incumbents of 
parishes in the county according to the number of their taxables. The 
minister kept a clerk who read responses, lined out the hymns, and some- 
times attended to the " placing of greens in the churches at the proper 
time." In some parishes there were glebe lands, which the incumbent oc- 
cupied or rented out. As an inducement to new settlers the rector would 
occasionally excuse certain persons from paying clergy taxes. Such a 
minister must have been either a man of means, or else living in a wealthy 
parish, for many of the clergy were poorly paid for the labor and trouble 
they were compelled to undergo. The parishes were large, and the minister 
was obliged to travel on horseback in order to discharge his duties to his 
congregation. The clergy, however, were not taxable, neither were they 
liable to serve in the militia. They received various fees from weddings, 
burials, etc. 

An Act was passed in 1704 to secure the parishes in the possession of 
their libraries, which the Rev. Dr. Bray had suggested and procured ; for 
"the Incouragement and Promoting of Religion and Learning in the For- 
eign Plantations, and to Induce such of the Clergy of this Kingdom as are 
Persons of Sobriety and Abilities to accept of a Mission into those Parts." ' 
The parish library was the property of the incumbent, who had to pay 
triple for all damages. When he removed, he delivered the library to the 
Vestry. As the books were " for the sole Use of the Minister," they were 
mostly theological works, but it appears one collection, at least, provided 
against temporal as well as spiritual foes. In it were contained a book on 
" Martial Discipline," one on " Articles of War," a perspective glass, a 
pocket compass, a dark-lantern, " Catechetical Lectures," "The Lawfulness 
of Common Prayer," and " The Whole Duty of Man." Dr. Bray wrote, in 
1700, that an Act had provided for the institution of free schools for the 
propagation of the Gospel and the education of the youth in the Province. 
These schools were designed " for the instruction of youth in Arithmetic, 
Navigation, and all other useful learning, but chiefly for the fitting such as 
are disposed to study divinity, to be further educated at his Majesty's Col- 
lege Royal in Virginia." 2 It is probable that, for the purpose of looking 
after the Church's interests, one Minister was a member of the board of 
seven school visitors in his county. 

Removed from the restraints of ecclesiastical superiors, some of the 
Maryland clergy became careless in their work, and, indeed, some acquired 
quite a reputation for scandalous living. Even " Commissaries," who were 

1 Papers of Dr. Bray, p. 20, 1699. 2 Maryland MSS. in Md. Archives, p. 32. 


at intervals appointed, failed to make a permanent reform, and in the years 
immediately preceding the Revolution the dissatisfaction with the clergy 
found expression in the stringent Act of 1771 , which was calculated to dis- 
courage further additions to the number of ministers in the colony. 

But the greatest historical interest centres in the Vestry, of which the 
Minister was "Principal." In every parish six Select Vestry-men were 
chosen by the freeholders. Every new Vestry-man subscribed the test, 
took the special oath of his office, and the general oaths of allegiance, 
abjuration, and association, administered at the first election by a Justice of 
the Peace, afterward by the "Principal." Elections were held on Easter 
Monday, when the two Vestry-men who had served longest were dis- 
missed, and others appointed in their places. No Vestry-man could be 
re-elected for three years. 1 The only qualifications were that he should be 
"sober and discreet," and not a member of the Roman Church. In one 
parish, however, a certain John Dayson was exempt from serving as Vestry- 
man, because he kept "a publick house." Frequently Vestry-men were 
not professors of religion. They were generally men well known and of 
good report, and some held offices under the Government. These were not 
chosen with a view of connecting their civil functions with those of Vestry- 
men, but because it was believed they would not abuse the confidence 
reposed in them. Two Church Wardens were elected annually in the same 
manner as the Vestry-men, but were always re-eligible. They had the care 
of the church-linen, "pewter or plate," and provided bread and wine for 
communion. The Vestry of S. James' Parish ordered, in 176$, that "per- 
sons intruding into other persons' pews should be taken out by force and 
put in the stocks." 2 The Church Wardens probably executed such orders, 
for they, like the New England Tithingmen and Constables, had to pre- 
serve " order in and around the church." They reported the state of their 
parishes to the " Commissary" at his visitation. Vestry-men or Wardens 
refusing to serve, without good excuse, were fined. 

The "Principal" summoned the Vestry-meeting; but that "nothing 
might be done unawares," the first Tuesday in each month was Vestry-day. 
At " II of the clock forenoon" the Vestry was wont to assemble, and three 
was a quorum. In some large parishes, for convenience, it was the custom 
to meet after service on Sundays. Absent members could be fined. After a 

1 This provision was sometimes misconstrued, as is seen from the following extract from the 
record-book of S. John's Parish, Baltimore County : " Mr. Thomas Gittings is by the majority of ye 
parishioners here present chosen As a vestryman to Serve in said office three years from this date Ac- 
cording to Act of Assembly." 

* A Historical Sketch of Anne Arundel County. By Rev. Theo. C. Gambrall, 1876. 


long ride through the wilderness to attend meeting, the Vestry-men did 
full justice, no doubt, to the provisions for their refreshment. In one 
parish " a quart of rum and sugar equivalent," and " as much diet as would 
give the Vestry a dinner," was prepared by the sexton, at the expense of 
the parish. As this caused, after a time, "great scandal," each Vestry- 
man had to furnish his own dinner. The proceedings of the Vestry were 
recorded in a book by the clerk or register, chosen and paid from parish 
funds. The register kept also an account of all births, marriages, and fu- 
nerals in the parish. Vestry-men were the guardians of parish property and 
the censors of parish morals. If church buildings needed repairs, the 
Vestry contracted for improvements. If it had not sufficient means to pay 
parish charges, it petitioned the County Court for a levy, which, per annum, 
could not exceed ten pounds of tobacco per poll. If the parish church was 
not convenient to all parishioners, the Vestry summoned them to decide 
whether a chapel of ease should be built, and if so, where. If a chapel was 
-desired a petition was sent to the Assembly for an Act authorizing the 
parish to erect one. Voluntary contributions and taxes imposed by the 
County Court furnished the means. Churches and chapels were built, 
when practicable, near springs or wells, in order to save the trouble of 
fetching water. The land was usually given outright, often by some 
parishioner, and title to it was confirmed by Act of Assembly. When 
there was doubt as to the amount given, two acres were surveyed for the 
purpose. In the laying out of Maryland towns, places were left for a 
*' church, chapel, market-house, or other public buildings." Churches 
were usually built of wood, but some were of brick or stone. The church 
at Annapolis, as early as 1704, had a belfry and a bell ; but most churches 
were plain structures, without any such luxuries. The interior was equally 
free from adornment. The pulpit was at one side, and the chancel at one 
end. There was a reading-desk and "a. place for the dark to sit in." 
Pews were high-backed, with seats around three sides. As the congrega- 
tion grew, galleries were erected, and in them bench-pews were placed. 
By an Act allowing a new church to be built in S. Anne's Parish, it was 
ordered that there should be accommodations for officers of the Government, 
the incumbent, strangers, Vestry-men, and Wardens. Galleries were to be 
built, one for parishioners in general, one for servants, and one for slaves. 
Those who subscribed most toward the building fund were to have the pref- 
erence in the choice of pews, and no one subscribing less than twenty 
pounds sterling was entitled to a pew. Churches and churchyards were 
under the care of the sexton. 

In every parish church the Vestry was obliged to set up a table of un- 


lawful marriages. Where there was no rector the Vestry chose a reader, 
and paid him from the proceeds of the clergy tax. A committee, consisting 
of the "principal Vestry-man [here the oldest] and four of his brethren of 
longest standing," had to render to the Governor an account of all expen- 
ditures of the poll-tax during a vacancy in their parish. 

In 1729 was passed an Act for improving the staple of tobacco. Although 
it was disallowed, its provisions were carried out for three years. Each 
Vestry having divided its parish into " precincts," appointed for each 
counters, or tellers of tobacco plants. The names of appointees who would 
not serve were presented by the register to the County Court. Before 1729 
the Vestry had been connected in another capacity with the tobacco interest, 
for Vestry-men and Wardens could arrest persons attempting to " run " to- 
bacco from the Province. Some years later Vestries nominated " able and 
sufficient planters, well skilled in tobacco," to serve as inspectors of the sta- 
ple. From these nominees the Governor made his appointments. 

In the young colony, inhabited by all kinds of characters, it is not sur- 
prising that immorality prevailed to a large extent. But means were at 
hand, as in the old English parishes, to check this evil. Persons who, after 
repeated warnings, continued to live an immoral life, were presented by the 
Vestry to the County Court, where the fact that admonition had already 
been given by the Vestry was sufficient evidence to convict offenders. 
Adulterers, fornicators, and such like, were fined, or in default of fine, 
whipped till the blood came. After 1749 corporeal punishment for such 
offences was abolished. Persons who swore profanely in the presence of a 
Minister, Vestry-man, or Warden were fined, and any one of these officers 
could commit to the stocks for one hour an offender who did not pay his 
mulct, or could appoint, in the absence of a Constable, a deputy Constable 
to whip the aforesaid, the lashes not to exceed thirty-nine at one whipping. 
Every minister had to read to his congregation four times a year the penal 
laws of the colony. 

After Braddock's defeat, in order to pay for an increase in the militia, 
taxes were laid upon some additional items, among them " batchelors" 
Every year the Vestry prepared a list of such delinquents in the parish who 
were over twenty-five years old. This list was then fastened upon the 
church door (which was a favorite place for advertising parish business), and, 
when revised, was sent to the Sheriff of the county. Among the "taxed 
bachelors" in 1760 it is curious to note Governor Sharpe, Messrs. Husband 
and Love, and the Rev. Mr. MacPherson, rector of S. Anne's, Annapolis, 
although he was not legally taxable. This imposition upon poor, lone 
bachelors ceased after eight years. It was perhaps because " misery loves 


company," or possibly from the belief that " in union is strength," that 
this persecuted class sought refuge at church in " bachelors' pews." 

Colonial laws and local records afford comparatively little information 
regarding parish poor. Legacies were occasionally left for the benefit of 
the poor, by whom were no doubt meant needy ones connected immediately 
with the parish church. Scholars were sent to charity schools by the parish, 
and collections were made in the churches for special objects, such as to aid 
the sufferers by the great Boston fire in 1760. 

From the beginning there was great ill-feeling toward the Established 
Church in Maryland. Romanists and Dissenters thought themselves wronged 
in having to contribute toward the support of an alien ecclesiastical system 
whose evils, but not whose blessings, they shared. The underlying cause 
of this discontent was the strong sentiment of the people that the existing 
parish system was an infringement of freemen's rights, and this feeling, with- 
out doubt, helped to strengthen that opposition to the mother country 
which resulted in the American Revolution. During that struggle the 
Church in Maryland, for various reasons, lost considerable ground. Many 
of the clergy adhered to the royal cause and tried to lead their congrega- 
tions the same way. Great numbers, consequently, left the Church and 
attached themselves to Methodism, which was just beginning to thrive in 
America. In the " Declaration of Rights " adopted in the Maryland Con- 
vention of 1776, the tax for the maintenance of the clergy was removed, so 
that ministers who remained had to make great shifts to find support. The 
property of the Church remained to her, but those who stood by her were 
too much occupied with the momentous questions of the time to give heed 
to parish matters, and so church buildings were rapidly falling into decay. 
A new Vestry Act was therefore passed. Under it the legal voters of a 
parish chose seven Vestry-men " for the preservation of the church, care of 
the glebe, and for the happiness and welfare of the State." Their civil 
duties were taken away, although Wardens still kept peace in the churches. 
Ministers were paid by subscription and controlled the glebe during incum- 
bency. When any improvements were made parishioners contributed 
material and sometimes services. In 1798 another Act became the law, 
upon which is based the present Vestry system of Maryland. Although the 
law is easy of access, it may be well to mention its most important features. 
Eight Vestry-men were elected, the former Vestry-men being the judges of 
election. All Vestry-men and Wardens took the oath of fidelity to the Gov- 
ernment, professed faith in the Christian religion, and subscribed the oath 
of office. The first Monday in February, May, August, and November was 
legal Vestry-day. Four members constituted a quorum. The Minister, 


who was " called" by the Vestry, was chairman. He collected the votes, 
and, if there was a tie, had the deciding voice, unless he happened to be 
personally interested in the result. The Vestry chose Church Wardens. 
Although a corporate body, the Vestry could dispose of no Church property 
without the consent of both of the Wardens. 

At present Vestries in Maryland are governed by the provisions of their 
charters, which conform generally to the Constitution and Canons of the Dio- 
cesan Convention. Parishes still exist as geographical divisions, but within 
them are " separate congregations." There are eight Vestry-men elected 
each Easter Monday in congregational meeting. Frequently the meeting 
of the congregation consists of the Vestry-men alone, who solemnly and 
regularly re-elect themselves. It is on record that at one such meeting in 
Baltimore the only persons present were the two Wardens, who elected 
themselves chairman and secretary respectively, and elected a Vestry. The 
Wardens, if they are not also Vestry-men, can take part in discussions, but 
cannot vote in Vestry-meeting. Although the powers of officers of the 
peace were taken from the Wardens in 1802, nevertheless, as representatives 
of the Vestry they still have the old right to keep order in the church, and 
are, like the ancient Tithingmen and " Sabbath Wardens " of New Eng- 
land, objects of terror to small boys, or other disturbers of public service. 

The parish of Maryland, which was originated for religious purposes, 
but which, as an institution of English people, naturally partook of the politi- 
cal features of the old English parish, gradually lost its connection with civil 
matters, until to-day it exists for ecclesiastical objects alone. 

Johns Hopkins University 

Nairn's map of south Carolina — Mr. Nairn's Map of Carolina is a very de- 
fective one ; and indeed the whole of that Gentleman's Map (tho' a Commissioner 
for the Indian Trade) is full of Errors : The Coast is wrong laid down, the Rivers 
drawn at random, and particularly the Watteree River is there made to run into the 
Sea, whereas it runs into the Santee River above 100 Miles up the Country; in 
short, there is not any one Map, or any one Account that has been hitherto pub- 
lished of that Country, that can be depended upon, the Descriptions being taken by 
Hear-say, or by very ignorant Persons, who have hitherto made Journals of that 

Near the Santee River, the General Atlas makes Soto, in the year 1540, travel 
over the Mountains as high as the Appalachian Mountains, whereas at that particular 
Spot of Ground, it is Pine Flat Land, the lowest in the Province. — Daily Journal, 
London, October 14, 1730. W. K. 


who was u . called" by the Vestry, was chairman. He collected the votes, 
and, if there was a tie, had the deciding voice, unless he happened to be 
personally interested in the result. The Vestry chose Church Wardens. 
Although a corporate body, the Vestry could dispose of no Church property 
without the consent of both of the Wardens. 

At present Vestries in Maryland are governed by the provisions of their 
charters, which conform generally to the Constitution and Canons of the Dio- 
cesan Convention. Parishes still exist as geographical divisions, but within 
them are " separate congregations." There are eight Vestry-men elected 
each Easter Monday in congregational meeting. Frequently the meeting 
of the congregation consists of the Vestry-men alone, who solemnly and 
regularly re-elect themselves. It is on record that at one such meeting in 
Baltimore the only persons present were the two Wardens, who elected 
themselves chairman and secretary respectively, and elected a Vestry. The 
Wardens, if they are not also Vestry-men, can take part in discussions, but 
cannot vote in Vestry-meeting. Although the powers of officers of the 
peace were taken from the Wardens in 1802, nevertheless, as representatives 
of the Vestry they still have the old right to keep order in the church, and 
are, like the ancient Tithingmen and " Sabbath Wardens " of New Eng- 
land, objects of terror to small boys, or other disturbers of public service. 

The parish of Maryland, which was originated for religious purposes, 
but which, as an institution of English people, naturally partook of the politi- 
cal features of the old English parish, gradually lost its connection with civil 
matters, until to-day it exists for ecclesiastical objects alone. 

Johns Hopkins University 

Nairn's map of south Carolina — Mr. Nairn's Map of Carolina is a very de- 
fective one; and indeed the whole of that Gentleman's Map (tho' a Commissioner 
for the Indian Trade) is full of Errors : The Coast is wrong laid down, the Rivers 
drawn at random, and particularly the Watteree River is there made to run into the 
Sea. whereas it runs into the Santee River above 100 Miles up the Country; in 
short, there is not any one Map, or any one Account that has been hitherto pub- 
lished of that Country, that can be depended upon, the Descriptions being taken by 
Hear-say, or by very ignorant Persons, who have hitherto made Journals of that 

Near the Santee River, the General Atlas makes Soto, in the year 1540, travel 
over the Mountains as high as the Appalachian Mountains, whereas at that particular 
Spot of Ground, it is Pine Flat Land, the lowest in the Province. — Daily Jour7ial, 
London, October 14, 1730. W. K. 


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Bibliographical Account — Part II 


Charlevoix's " Histoire et Description generate de la Nouvelle France," Paris, 1 744, 
is the first historical work of value to treat of the early explorations. Charlevoix 
was familiar with the country traversed by Marquette and La Salle, having, in 1721, 
followed the latter' s route to the Mississippi. Shea published at New York, in 
1866-67, an English translation of this work, and in the notes which he added, em- 
bodied the results of his extensive studies upon the early history of America, show- 
ing the latest knowledge possessed of the first travellers. 

In 1844 Sparks issued his "Life of La Salle," for the materials of which he de- 
pended upon the printed narratives of Hennepin, Joutel, Tonty, and the recitals in 
Le Clercq's ''Premier Etablissement," etc., being unable to obtain any of the MSS. 
which are now accessible. Sparks' "Life of Marquette" appeared in 1845, and 
soon after Falconer's work "On the Discovery of the Mississippi," which contained 
translations of important MSS., was published at London. 

In 1853, Shea's valuable "Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi" was 
brought out at New York. The contents of this work have been perhaps suf- 
ficiently indicated in the notices of contemporary journals, which are reproduced in 
it. In i860 Thomassy published " Geologie pratique de la Louisiane," in which 
he presented some important inedited documents. This writer contemplated writ- 
ing a history of La Salle's exploits from the MSS. in the French archives, and, as a 
preliminary, issued in separate form the documents which he had collected, under 
the title, "De La Salle et ses relations inedites," Paris, i860. In 1869 Parkman 
published the first edition of his " Discovery of the Great West," forming the third 
volume of the series of historical narratives upon " France and England in North 
America." In the latest edition, published in 1879, the title was changed to "La 
Salle and the Discovery of the Great West." In the writing of the later edition the 
author had the use of additional documentary material, since printed by Margry, 
which caused a revision of some portion of the work. Gravier's " Decouvertes [etc.] 
de La Salle," Paris, 1870, and the supplementary monograph published by him in 
1871, add little that is not in Parkman's work. The later publication corrects some 
errors and deficiencies in the first. Dr. Shea's contributions to the history of the 
first explorations of the West, beside his " Discovery of the Mississippi," New York, 
1853, consist mainly of notes to the many important original narratives which he has 
edited, notably those of Hennepin, Le Clercq, and Charlevoix. 


The following works contain among the first travellers, accounts of the country 
traversed by Marquette, Hennepin, and La Salle : 

La Hontan, who travelled in 1689 and subsequent years, wrote "Nouveaux 
Voyages," Paris, 1703. This work passed through several editions. Although ad- 
ventures related by La Hontan are in many cases imaginary, yet, says Parkman, he 
"had seen much, and portions of his story have a substantial value." J. Gravier, in 
1700, went from the Illinois country to DTberville's colony in Louisiana. See 
"Relation de Voyage en 1700 depuis le Ilinois jusqu'a l'embouchure du Mississipi," 
New York, 1859 {Shea's Cramoisy Press). The " Relation de la Mississipi en 1700, 
par MM. de Montigny, De St. Cosme et Thaumur de la Source," New York, 1861, 
{Shed's Cramoisy Press), narrates the experiences of a party of the missionaries un- 
der the guidance of Tonty. An extract from Gravier is given in French's Historical 
Collections, second series, pp. 79-93. St. Cosme's and Gravier' s narratives are also 
included in Shea's collection of " Early Voyages up and down the Mississippi," Al- 
bany, 1 86 1, where also may be found Le Seuer's journal of a voyage from Louisiana 
to the Sioux country in 1 699-1 700. An extract from Le Seuer is given in La Har- 
pe's "Journal Historique," Paris, 183 1, and in French's Historical Collections, pt 3. 
A journal by Penicaut, who accompanied Le Seuer, is included in his " Annals of 
Louisiana, from 1698 to 1722," in French's Historical Collections, new series, pp. 
33-162, New York, 1869. The memoirs of D'Iberville's expedition to the Missis- 
sippi, in 1 699-1 700, contain descriptions of the lower Mississippi and throw light 
upon La Salle's movements in that region. The principal documents concerning 
D'Iberville's enterprises are printed in the fourth volume of Margry. A brief report 
by DTberville of his voyage on the Mississippi in 1699, is printed in French's His- 
torical Collection, second series, pp. 19-31. An anonymous narrative entitled, 
" Historical Journal; or, Narrative of the Expedition under D' Iberville, to explore 
the Colbert (Mississippi) River, 1698-99," is published in French's Historical 
Collection, second series, pp. 29-119. Both of these papers are included in Mar- 
gry's collection, volume iv. Sauvole was a member of DTberville's company; 
see his " Journal Historique" in French's Historical Collections, pt. 3, pp. 223- 

Father Marest's letter on his mission at the Illinois, dated 1712, published in 
the "Lettres edifiantes," vol. ii., and reprinted in Kip's " Early Jesuit Missions," 
pp. 191-227, New York, 1846, describes the scenes of his labors. 

In 1 72 1, Charlevoix, the historian, made a journey from Canada across the 
lakes to the Illinois, and thence down the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico. He 
was requested by the King of France, to write an account of his travels. The 
descriptions of the country published in vol. iii. of his " Histoire et Description gene- 
rale dela Nouvelle France," Paris, 1744, afford perhaps the best views of the primi- 
tive West which we have. 

The English editions of his travels are entitled " Journal of a Voyage to 
North America," London, 1 761, and "Letters to the Duchess of Lesdiguieres," 


London, 1763. See also French's Historical Collection, pt. 3, pp. 1 19-196, where 
his journal is reprinted from the English editions. 

On reaching the subject of Maps, we find that Harrisse's Notes sur la Nouvelle 
France contains a section upon the " Cartographie de la Nouvelle France, depuis la 
decouverte jusqu'en 1700," which affords an extensive list of published and inedited 

Parkman gives a descriptive account of " Early unpublished maps of the Mis- 
sissippi and the great lakes," in the appendix to his " Discovery of the Great West." 
Thomassy's Geol. pr. de la Louisiane," has an appendix upon the "Cartographie 
de la ancienne Louisiane, 1544-1858." Baldwin's "Early maps of Ohio and the 
West," Cleveland, 1875, and Peet's article, " The discovery of the Ohio, Early maps," 
in Amer. Antiquarian, vol. i., pp. 21-35, Cleveland, 1878, are useful studies of some 
early maps in the possession of Western historical societies. Hurlbut's " Chicago 
Antiquities," Chicago, 1881, contains a chapter upon the first maps representing that 

The following printed works contain some of the more important edited maps, 
bearing date in the original previous to 1700: Champlain's "Voyages," Paris, 
1632, is accompanied by a map upon which Lake Superior is shown, and a "grande 
riviere qui vient du midy " is represented as flowing into the lake from the south. 
This map, which is reproduced in the later editions of Champlain, is of little value 
in a geographical sense for the western country. A map of " Nouvelle France," 
showing the great lakes, is in Sanson d'Abbeville's " L'Amerique en plusieurs 
cartes," Paris, 1656. Du Creux's " Historia Canadensis," Parisiis, 1664, contains 
a map dated 1660, which shows the outlines of the great lakes. Bressani's "Relation 
abregee de quelques missions dans la Nouvelle France," Montreal, 1852, contains a 
reproduction. Dollier and Galinee's map of 1670, showing their course in travelling 
to Ste Marie, is reproduced in Faillon's Histoire de la col. fr., vol iii., p. 305 (see 
Parkman's La Salle, p. 449, for description) ; Claude Dablon's " Relation de la 
Nouvelle France, 1670-167 1, Paris, 1672, contains a map made about 1670 (see 
Parkman, p. 450) ; a reproduction is published in Foster and Whitney's " Report on 
the Geology of Lake Superior," Washington, 1850 ; Marquette's map of 1674 ac- 
companies the various editions of his narrative. The map in Thevenot's " Recueil" 
is by Liebaux, and not by Marquette. Gravier's " Etude sur une carte inconnue" 
contains a facsimile of a map by Joliet, probably in 1674. A facsimile of the 
map, printed for The Magazine at Rouen, under the superintendence of M. 
Gravier, will be found in the present (April) number. This map is the first pub- 
lished map showing the great lakes in connection with the Mississippi. 

Shea's edition of Dablon's "Relation de la Nouvelle France, 1673 & 1679," New 
York, i860, has a reproduction of a map made by the Jesuits in 1673, showing the 
missions upon Lake Michigan. Hennepin's "Description de la Louisiane," Paris, 
1683, contains a map made upon data by Hennepin. The later editions of this 
work are also accompanied by a map. Parkman gives a reproduction of the 


portion oi Franqulin's famous map, which shows La Salle's colony on the Illinois, 
and that portion showing the lower part of the Mississippi is reproduced in Thorn- 
assy's " Geologie de la Louisiane." A map made by Mine t, the engineer of La 
Salle's last expedition, which gives two separate views of the mouth of the Missis- 
sippi, is given in a reduced size in Gravier's " La Salle," and in Thomassy's "Geo- 
logie de la Louisiane." Le Clercq's "Premier etablissement de la foy," Paris, 1691 ; 
Hennepin's " Nouvelle decouverte," and *' Nouveau Voyage;" La Hontan's 
" Nouveaux Voyages dans l'Amerique," La Haye, 1703; Coxe's "Description of 
Carolana," London, 1742, and Charlevoix's " Histoire de la Nouvelle PYance," Paris, 
1744, are accompanied by maps made nearly contemporaneously with the publica- 
tion of the works in question. & facsimile De Lisle's map of 1700, which indi- 
cates the course of the early explorers, is in Gravier's "La Salle" and in French's 
Collections, pt. 2. A map by Joutel, dated 1713, accompanies the printed editions 
of his journal (see Magazine, viii. 184). Margry's " Decouvertes et etablissements 
des Francais," when completed, will include a volume devoted to maps now in edited. 
The third volume of this collection contains an outline sketch, representing La Salle's 
discoveries. A modern map, representing countries traversed by Marquette, Henne- 
pin, and La Salle, is given in Parkman's "La Salle." 

We next give a list of publications which treat of the explorations of the Mississippi 
valley, arranged in chronological order. Works which have been cited under differ- 
ent headings of this article are, in most cases, not included in this enumeration. 

La Hontan. " Nouveaux voyages dans l'Amerique Septentrionale," Paris, 1703. 
This work passed through several editions. Bacqueville de la Potherie, " Histoire 
de l'Amerique Septentrionale," Paris, 1722. Editions were also published in 1723 
and 1753. Has some account of La Salle's travels in 1682. Barcia, " Ensayo 
cronologico para la Historia General de Florida," Madrid, 1723. The author 
relied upon the memoirs of Marquette, Joutel, and Tonty for the portion of his work 
relating to the French explorations. Lafitau, " Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains," 
Paris, 1724. Coxe, "Description of the English province of Carolana, by the Span- 
iards called Florida; by the French, La Louisiane," London, 1742. The author 
disparages the French discoveries, and urges the English right to the country. 
Dumont, " Memoire sur la Louisiane, contenant ce qui y est arrive de plus remar- 
quable depuis 1687 jusqu'a present," Paris, 1753, 2 vols. Bellin, " Remarques sur la 
carte de l'Amerique Septentrionale, comprise entre le 28e et le 72e degre de latitude," 
Paris, 1755, gives some account of La Salle's establishments. Le Page du Pratz, 
" Histoire de la Louisiane," Paris, 1758, 3 vols.; English translations were published 
in 1763 and 1774. Gayarre, " Essai historique sur la Louisiane," Nouvelle Orleans, 
1830, 2 vols.; La Harpe, " Journal historique de l'etablissement des Francais a la 
Louisiane," Paris, 1831. This work is reproduced in French's Historical Collections, 
vol. hi. Conover, "Oration on the History of the First Discovery and Settlement of 
the New World, with especial reference to the Mississippi Valley," Cincinnati, 
1835. Perkins, " Early French Travellers in the West," in North American Review, 


vol. xlviii., pp. 63-108. A review of Spark's " La Salle " and " Marquette. Colt, 
" The Devil's Hole, with an account of a visit made to it by La Salle," Lockport, 
N. Y., 44 pp., the third edition appeared in 185 1. Gayarre, " Histoire de la Loui- 
siana," Nouvelle-Orleans, 1846-47. Guerin, " Les navigateurs Francais," Paris, 
1846. Bradford, " Notes on the Northwest," New York, 1846. Kip, " Early Jesuit 
Missions in North America," New York, 1846, contains letters by missionaries giving 
descriptions of the newly discovered country. Monette, " History of the Discovery 
and Settlement of the Mississippi," New York, 1846. Gayarre, "Romance of the 
History of Louisiana," New York, 1848. Foster and Whitney, ''Report on the 
Geology and Topography of a Portion of the Lake Superior Land District, Wash- 
ington, 1850-51, 2 vols., contains an account of the first Jesuit missions on Lake 
Superior. Gayarre, " Louisiana : its Colonial History," New York, 185 1, and " Louisi- 
ana and its History as a French Colony," New York, 1852. Hart, " History of the 
Discovery of the Valley of the Mississippi," St. Louis, 1852 ; History of the Valley of 
the Mississippi," New York, 1853. Gayarre, " History of Louisiana," New York, 
1854. W. R. Smith, " History of Wisconsin," Madison, 1854 ; only volumes one 
and three were published of this valuable work ; volume three contains translations of 
the Jesuit relations, which describe the operations of the Jesuits in Wisconsin terri- 
tory. Shea, " History of the Catholic Missions among the Indian Tribes of the 
United States, 1529-1854," New York, 1855. E. D. Neill, "Materials for the future 
History of Minnesota," St. Paul, 1856, also in the "Annals of Minnesota," 1856, and 
reprinted in Minnesota Historical Society Collection, vol. i. Law, "Jesuit Missions in 
the Northwest," in the Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, vol. iii., pp. 89-1 11, 
118-121, Madison, 1857. The author of this article makes the erroneous statement 
that missionaries had reached the Mississippi several years before Marquette's visit. 
Shea disproves this in an article entitled "Justice to Marquette," in pp. 111-117 of 
the same volume of the Wisconsin collections. Shea, " Indian Tribes of Wiscon- 
sin," in the Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, vol. iii., pp. 125-128. Fer- 
land, " Cours d'Histoire du Canada, 1534-1759," Quebec, 1859. This author is highly 
esteemed as an historical writer. Shea, " Early Voyages Up and Down the Missis- 
sippi," Albany, 1861. Ferland, " Notes sur les registres de Notre Dame de Quebec," 
Quebec, 1863. Neill, "Early French Forts and Footprints in the Valley of the 
Upper Mississippi," in Minnesota Historical Society Collections, 1864, pp. 9-20. 
Faillon, " Histoire de la Colonie francaise en Canada," Villemarie [Montreal], 1865, 
3 vols.; this work comes down only to 1671, but is of value for period covered. 

French, " Biographical Sketch of La Salle," in Historical Collections of Louisiana, 
new series, pp. 4-7, New York, 1869. Gallaud, "Mississippi : a Brief History of its 
Discovery, in "Annals of Iowa," vol. vii., pp. 194-201, Davenport, 1869. Van 
Fleet, " Old and New Mackinac ; with copious extracts from Marquette, Hennepin, 
La Hontan, and others," Ann Arbor, 1870; Brodhead, "History of New York," 
New York, 187 1 ; the author gives briefly the latest knowledge upon the first ex- 
plorations. The Revue Maritime et Coloniale, Paris, 1872, contains controversial 



articles by Harrisse and Margry, both with the title " Histoire critique de la d6cou- 
verte du Mississippi." Harrisse, "Notes pour servir a l'Histoire [etc.] dela Nouvelle 
France, 1545-72," Paris, 1872. In addition to the bibliographical matter in this 
work there is a brief historical summary of the early explorations. Neill, " French 
Voyageurs to Minnesota," in the Annals of Minnesota, 1850, pp. 10-28, reprinted in 
Minnesota Historical Society Collections, vol. i., pp. 17-36. Durrie, "Early Out- 
posts of Wisconsin," Madison, 1873, contains notices of the visits of Perrot, Alloiiez, 
Marquette, and others. " Laval universite, Quebec, 2ooe anniversaire de la decou- 
verte du Mississipi par Joliet et le P. Marquette, Soiree litteraire et musicale, 17 
Juin, 1873," Quebec, 1873, 54 PP-j contains a discourse by the Abbe Verreau. Parry, 
" Historical Address on the Early Exploration of the Mississippi Valley," Daven- 
port, Iowa, 1873, 36 pp. Salter, " Address commemorative of the 200th Anniversary 
of the Discovery of Iowa by Marquette and Joliet," in the " Annals of Iowa," vol. ii., 
pp. 501-515. Shea, " Address on Discovery of the Mississippi, read on the bi-centen- 
nial of said Discovery, June 17, 1873," published in Wisconsin Historical Society 
Collections, vol. vii., pp. 111-122. Marshall, "The First Visit of La Salle to the 
Senecas in 1669," Buffalo, 1874, 45 pp. Baldwin, "Early maps of Ohio and the 
West," Cleveland, 1875, 25 pp. ; this forms one of the Western Reserve Historical 
Society tracts. French, " Biographical Sketch of L. Joliet," in his Historical Collec- 
tions, second series, pp. 139, 140. 

" Memoir sent by the King to M. Denonville, explanatory of the French Posses- 
sions in North America," in French's Historical Collections, second series, pp. 123- 
142. This document briefly recapitulates the French discoveries. Baldwin, "Mar- 
gry Papers, vol. ii.," in Western Reserve Historical Society tracts. United States 
Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers, Washington, 1876. Volume hi. of this 
report contains an extract from Marquette's journal, and a reduced reproduction of 
his map. Gravier, "La route du Mississipi," in the compte-rendu of the second ses- 
sion of the Congres des Americanistes, 1877, vol. i., pp. 237-312. Whittlesey, "Dis- 
covery of the Ohio River by La Salle," 1669-70, one of the Western Reserve His- 
torical Society tracts. 

Hurlbut, " Father Marquette at Mackinaw and Chicago," Chicago, 1878. Jacker, 
"La Salle and the Jesuits," in American Catholic Quarterly Review, vol. hi., pp. 
404-426, Philadelphia, 1878. Peet, " Discovery of the Ohio," in American Anti- 
quarian, vol. i., pp. 21-35. Shea, "Address before the Missouri Historical Society 
at the celebration of the 250th anniversary of Marquette's Voyage, July 20, 1878; 
same. " Romance and Reality of the Death of Marquette, and the recent Discovery 
of his Remains," in Catholic World, vol. ii., pp. 267-281. 

C. C. Baldwin, " Indian Migration in Ohio," Western Reserve Historical Society 
tract No. 47; also in American Antiquarian, April, 1879. M. F. Force, " Some 
Early Notices of the Indians of Ohio," Cincinnati, 1879. Margry, "Was La Salle 
the Discoverer of the Mississippi," in American Antiquarian, vol. ii., pp. 206-209, 
Chicago, 1879-81. O. H. Marshall, "Building and Voyage of the Griffon in 1679," 


Buffalo, 1879. Blanchard, " Discovery and Conquests of the Northwest," Chicago, 
1880 ; gives a brief account of Joliet's and La Salle's voyages. 

Brucker, "J. Marquette et la decouverte de la vallee du Mississipi," Lyon, 1880. 
Thoulet " Cavelier de La Salle et la decouverte du Mississipi, d'apres l'ouvrage de 
M. Margry," in Bulletin de la Societe de la Geographie, 6e serie, tome xx., pp. 435- 
454, 534-556, Paris, 1880. Hurlbut's "Chicago Antiquities," Chicago, 1881, con- 
tains translations from the journals of Marquette, Hennepin, La Salle, and of other 
travellers, which relate the incidents of visits made to the site of the present city. 
Neill, "Minnesota Explorers and Pioneers from 1659 to 1858," Minneapolis, 1881. 
J. Fiske, "Romance of the Spanish and French Explorers," in Harper's Magazine^ 
February, 1882. An article by the editor in The Magazine of American History, 
March, 1882. Gravier's "Sketch of La Salle," in same magazine, May, 1882. 
Hurlbut, "Review of Gravier's Article," in same for September, 1882. Butler, 
"First French Foot-prints beyond the Lakes" [Madison, 1882], closes the list of the 
writings up to the present time. It has not been thought necessary to include general 
histories of the United States, such as Bancroft's and Hildreth's, and others. 

Bibliography. — The principal bibliographical works used in the compilation of 
this note are Boimare's " Notes bibliographiques et raisonnees sur les principaux 
ouvrages publies sur la Floride et l'ancienne Louisiane " [Paris, 1855] ; Faribault's 
" Catalogue d'ouvrages sur l'histoire de l'Amerique," Quebec, 1837 ; "Field's Essay 
toward an Indian Bibliography," New York, 1875, and Harrisse's "Notes pour 
servir a l'histoire, a la bibliographie [etc.] de la Nouvelle France," Paris, 1872. 
O'Callaghan's "Jesuit Relations of Discoveries in Canada, 1632-1672," New York, 
1847, has been used for the titles of the Jesuit reports. 

The references in Parkman's " La Salle " have indicated many authorities, and 
the author's characterizations have been helpful. Gravier's " La Salle," Paris, 1871, 
contains a list of eighty-nine articles upon La Salle. The compiler of this article 
was unable to examine a copy until after completion of the list. The essential works 
in it were found to have been noted. Sabin's "Bibliography" is indispensable in 
verifying titles. APPLETON P. C. GRIFFIN 

Boston Public Library 


The joliet map — The Joliet map of 1674, which accompanies the article by Mr. Griffin, is of 
special value, as he has indicated, for the reason that it is the earliest map representing the Missis- 
sippi in connection with the great lakes. It is not, however, the first to distinguish Lake Michigan 
as a separate body of water, as the Sanson, Du Creux, as well as the Jesuit map of 1672, shows this 
fact. Du Creux' s map shows better the relative position of the great lakes ; Galinee's map gives the 
northern shores of Lakes Huron and Ontario with greater exactitude, and the Jesuit map of 1672 
excels as regards accurate representation of the geography of Lakes Huron, Michigan, and Superior. 
This latter map is, perhaps, unsurpassed as far as concerns those places by any published map before 
1700. Franquelin's map of 1684, which is unedited, shows the course of the Mississippi with some 
degree of accuracy. 

On the Joliet map the Mississippi is called the Buada(see The Magazine, viii. 156, 226). This 
map does not show the Mississippi valley water system so well as the map found in Magin's " Histoire 
Universelle," 161 1. Joutel*s map (viii., 185) fails essentially, while the map of 161 1 shows the Ala- 
bama in its relation to the Mississippi in a way that proves the hydrography of the region to have 
been known. It resembles that of the last Government survey. The Joliet map does not show the 
course of the Ohio, but only a portion near its mouth, indicating that Joliet did not believe that La 


Salle descended the Ohio. This view is supported by a map which we have recently inspected in the 
collection of Mr. S. L. M. Barlow. This appears to be the original Joliet map. It is a large map, 
twenty-seven by forty inches, and has the rivers tinted blue. The mouth of the Ohio is indicated by 
a blue opening, and the river itself is drawn with a pen by an unskilful hand, extending it across a 
colored scale of miles into what represents the present region of western New York. Dr. John Gil- 
mary Shea and General John S. Clark, of Auburn, inform us that they hold this to be the original Jo- 
liet map, and, further, that it disposes of the notion based upon copies of the map, used to demon- 
strate that La Salle descended the Ohio. One of these copies is in the possession of Mr. Barlow, but 
it does not show the Ohio properly as an addition by a later hand, but makes the river appear, falsely, 
like a part of Joliet's original sketch. The map which we lay before the reader is very valuable, and 
supports the view based upon Mr. Barlow's map, which, like all his material, he is ever ready, most 
courteously, to place at the use of scholars. Mr. Barlow has another large and beautiful map of 
about the same date, which shows, by putting the Bay of the Holv Spirit at the mouth of the " Bu- 
ada," that the French recognized the Spanish River of the Holy Spirit as the Mississippi. 

The Editor 


In the military services of Great Britain and of the United States, as well as in 
those of other powers, the respective army regulations prescribing a " uniform " have 
generally included, as part of the uniform, a distinctive button for each particular 
regiment, corps, or arm of service. During the War of American Independence the 
regular continental regiments of the American army were generally uniformed as 
well as circumstances would permit, while the militia and levies came into the field 
in the clothes worn by them at home. When the Massachusetts infantry regiments 
of the continental line were reorganized in February, 1777, "for 
the war, the Eighth Regiment Massachusetts Continental Infantry 
was formed in Boston from the remains of Colonel Paul Dudley 
■Sargent's regiment, which had done such good service under Gen- 
eral Washington at the siege of Boston and in the campaign of 
1776. Lieutenant-Colonel Michael Jackson, of that regiment, 
who had been severely wounded in an attack on Montressor's 
Island, N. Y., September 23, 1776, was promoted to be colonel of the Eighth on 
January 1, 1777. Major John Brooks, of the Nineteenth Continental Foot (Colonel 
Charles Webb), was promoted to be lieutenant-colonel of the Eighth, also to date 
January 1, 1777, and Captain William Hull, of the late Nineteenth Continental Foot, 
was promoted on the same day to be its major. The Eighth Massachusetts, therefore, 
had for its field officers three who had already greatly distinguished themselves, and 
it soon acquired by its services the sobriquet in the army of the "Bloody Eighth." 

Colonel Jackson's wound prevented any operations in the open field, but he 
was a thorough disciplinarian during the war, and received from General Washington 
many expressions of esteem. Lieutenant-Colonel John Brooks afterward became 
Governor of Massachusetts, and held other positions of trust, both civil and mili- 
tary. Major William Hull, after an honorable military career of many years, finally 
as Governor of Michigan Territory, and Brigadier-General U.S.A., was constrained 
to surrender Detroit under circumstances which would appear to have been excus- 
able, if it had not been necessary to sacrifice him to the political requirements of 
the inefficient Administration then in office. 



The Eighth Massachusetts marched in April, 1777, to Ticonderoga, to join 
Major-General St. Clair. After the evacuation of that post it was sent under 
Major-General Benedict Arnold to the relief of Fort Stanwix, then besieged by St. 
Leger. It returned in time to participate in the two battles of Stillwater and Sara- 
toga, which preceded Burgoyne's surrender. It was in the latter of these contests 
that the regiment acquired its great reputation. On September 19, 1777, at "Still- 
water," or " Freeman's Farm," it was but slightly engaged. The pewter button here 
delineated was picked up on that battlefield. At " Saratoga," on October 7, 1777, 
the regiment was particularly conspicuous, and, with fixed bayonets, stormed the 
redoubt defended by the Germans under Colonel Breyman, who was killed there. 
It afterward joined the main Continental Army under General Washington in Penn- 
sylvania, and in December, 1777, went into winter-quarters at Valley Forge. It 
served in the battle of Monmouth and campaigns of 1778 and 1779, an d a detach- 
ment was under Brigadier-General Anthony Wayne at the storming of Stony Point. 
It participated in the campaign in New Jersey in 1780, and in the operations before 
New York in 1781. 

Thenceforward it remained on duty in the Highlands of the Hudson until June 
12, 1783, when all the men enlisted "for the war" were furloughed, a propor- 
tionate number of officers placed on " waiting orders," and 
the remainder transferred to the Third Regiment Massa- 
chusetts Continental Infantry, and its military history was 

This button is of the size and description of coat but- 
tons prescribed for all general officers and aides-de-camp 
commissioned as such during the Revolutionary War, and 
was either of yellow metal or gilt. As late as the war of 
18 1 2 it continued to be the style in use. 

The three buttons here represented were found respectively at Fort Clinton, on 
the Hudson, White Plains, and Saratoga, and appear to have been gilt. They un- 

doubtedly came from the coats of patriotic farmers who had left their homes for short 
service in the militia at the call of their country, either in 1776 or 1777. 

The larger of these series of pewter buttons shows the size of the uniform coat 
button as worn by the infantry of the continental service. It was found, as well as 



the next one to it (which is a sleeve-button), on the battlefield of Saratoga, and be- 
longed to one of the continental regiments there engaged, either to the First New 
Hampshire (Colonel Jos. Cilley), Second New Hampshire (Colonel Nathan Hale), 
Third New Hampshire (Colonel Alexr. Scammell), or to the Second New York 
(Colonel Philip Cortlandt), or Fourth New York (Colonel H. B. Livingston). 
The Massachusetts Continental regiments all had numbers on their buttons to 
designate the particular regiment. The monogram seems to have been a favorite 
mode of indicating the letters U. S. A. The third of this series, a sleeve-button, 

was found in the revolutionary works at Constitution Island, opposite West Point, 
and it is believed that most of the infantry regiments other than of Massachusetts 
wore buttons of this design. 

After the War ,of the Revolution the infantry of the army of the United States 
used a smaller coat button of brass, with the device here indicated, until the year 
1800, when regiments were required to have their special num- 
ber expressed on the face of the button. This one was found at 
West Point. 

From the year 1775 until the close of the second war with Great 
Britain, the uniform button for the artillery arm of the service repre- 
sented an unlimbered field-piece, raised upon brass or gilt metal, 
with a small guidon flag fastened by its staff to the right side of the trail of a De 
Gribeauval gun-carriage, about where the wheel guard-plate is fixed 
on the modern trail. The rim of the button was slightly orna- 
mented, and of the size noted. One of the kind here described 
was found at Constitution Island, which was long garrisoned from 
the Continental Corps of Artillery. 

From 1815 to 1821 the uniform coat buttons of the Artillery 
Corps of the United States Army were of brass or gilt metal, and of about the dimen- 
sions and design here indicated. The word " Artil- 
lery " over the eagle has, however, in this represen- 
tation been accidentally omitted by the engraver. 
This button was found at West Point. 

The Light Artillery Regiment United States Army, 
organized in 1808, had a brass or gilt button of the 
size and design herein indicated. In 182 1 the regiment was consolidated with the 



artillery corps, and lost its distinctive button. The one from which this design was 
taken was found at Fort Preble, Portland Harbor, Me. 

The accompanying design represents the breastplate to a shoulder-belt of the 
Seventeenth Regiment Light Dragoons, British Army, which was found at Fort 
Washington. The regiment was raised in Hertfordshire, in 1759, an( ^ m x 775 i ts 
uniform was as follows : Scarlet coats with half lappels, lined with white ; white col- 
lar and cuffs ; white metal buttons, and the buttonholes ornamented with white 
braid. Waistcoats and breeches white ; helmets ornamented with white metal and a 
scarlet horsehair crest. Boots reaching to 
the knee. Cloaks scarlet, with white capes. 
Officers wore silver lace or embroidery, sil- 
ver epaulettes, and crimson silk sashes 
round their waists. 

The Seventeenth Light Dragoons came 
to Boston from Ireland on May 24, 1775, 
under Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel Birch. 
It served at the siege of Boston, and a de- 
tachment volunteered for duty in the assault 
of Bunker Hill. When Boston was evacu- 
ated it went to Halifax, but returned to the 
United States with Sir William Howe, and 
was in the battles of Long Island and White 
Plains and capture of Fort Washington. 
From December 8, 1776, one troop served 
in Rhode Island for a year. The remainder 
was quartered in New York City. It par- 
ticipated in Major-General William Tryon's 
plundering expedition to Danbury, Conn., 
of April 26, 1777, and was in the affair of 
i( Compo Hill." One troop subsequently participated, dismounted, in the capture 
of Forts Montgomery and Clinton, on the Hudson River, opposite Anthony's Nose. 
The regiment then proceeded by sea to Philadelphia. 

It was in the affair at " Crooked Billet," Penn., in May, 1778, and at " Barren 
Hill Church," where Layayette extricated the American detachment in a manner 
so creditable to himself. Afterward the Seventeenth was in the battle of Mon- 

A detachment of the regiment embarked and went south in December, 1779, at- 
tached to Colonel Banastre Tarleton's Legion, served at the siege of Charleston, 
and at the surrender of Major-General Benjamin Lincoln, May 12, 1780, and in the 
previous cavalry affairs at Monk's Corner and Lenew's Ferry. Forty of the Seven- 
teenth were in the command of Colonel Tarleton, which obtained such an unenvi- 
able notoriety by its brutal conduct at the Waxhaws, May 29, 1780, in the massacre 



of Colonel Buford's Virginia Continentals after all resistance had ceased. The ex- 
pression " Tarleton's quarters " was subsequently used with great effect by the 
Americans in subsequent contests in the South when making an attack. 

The regimental detachment of the Seventeenth in the battle of Camden, 
August 16, 1780, under Earl Cornwallis, and on January 6, 1781, received rein- 
forcements from New York. At the battle of the Cowpens, on January 17, 1781, in 
which Tarleton was totally defeated by Brigadier-General Daniel Morgan, the 
Seventeenth escaped capture after the action only by the rapidity of its retreat. 
When Earl Cornwallis advanced into Virginia he ordered it to join Lord Rawdon in 
South Carolina. On June 11, 1781, Sir Henry Clinton, from head- 
quarters, New York, directed the immediate return of the regiment 
/ / /£T»7/ 11 to that station, where it served until the evacuation on November 
25, 1783, and was the last of the British cavalry regiments to serve 
within the United States. 

This design represents a pewter button of the Fifty-seventh 
Regiment of British Foot, which has recently dug up in the garden at the main 
Lighthouse, Sandy Hook, New York Harbor. The limits of this sketch will not, 
however, permit a history of the regiment's services in America. 






Treaty at fort harmar, 1788-9, 
etc. — Solomon Drowne, M.D., of Provi- 
dence, R. I., a surgeon of the Revolution, 
and later a Professor of Botany and Ma- 
teria Medica in Brown University kept 
a brief journal of events while at Marietta, 
Ohio, where he arrived November 19, 

1788, and remained until June 16, 1789. 
He was present at the treaty with the 
Indian Nations at Fort Harmar, Decem- 
ber 19, 1788, and, fortunately, his MS. 
sketch of the Cornplanter and other 
chiefs' speeches has been preserved with 
several of his letters. Also, with the 
chiefs and proprietors, he participated in 
an elegant entertainment, January 12, 

1 789, on the occasion of the peaceful and 
advantageous issue of the treaty. 

Dr. Drowne attended his long-time 
friend, General James M. Varnum, the first 
Judge of the North West Territory, who 
died in Marietta, January 10, 1789, and, 
on the 13th of that month, pronounced his 
funeral eulogy in the N. W. Block House. 
By invitation of General Rufus Putnam et 
als, Committee, April 7, 1 789, he delivered 
there the first Anniversary Address of the 
Settlement of Marietta. 

The Indian name of " The Corn- 
planter," a Seneca chief, as recorded by 
the late Samuel G. Drake, of Boston, 
Mass, in his "Book of the Indians," is 
Gyantwaia, and, as written by the late 
James Ross Snowden, of Philadelphia, 
Pa., Gy-ant-wa-chia, in his li Memorial 
of the Cornplanter." 

The latter spelling is more Indian-like 
and probably the most accurate, as Col. 
Snowden evidently gave it close attention. 
H. T. Drowne 

Wyandots, shawanese, (senecas, 
mohawks, onkidas, cayugas, ononda- 
gas, tuskaroras — six nations), dela- 


pottowattomies, and sauks — December 
19 th , 1788. Crossed the Muskingum with 
Gen 1 Tupper, &c. to attend the Treaty 
held between y e above Nations and Gov r 
S* Clair (with Gen 1 Butler). A very cold 
day, preventing a; j comfort to be taken 
in y e Markee and Council Bower of y e as- 
sembled Chiefs ; — y e council fires not- 
withstanding. First arose an old sachem 
of y e Senecas, and delivered a conciliatory 
address, recommending harmony, and 
that good dry wood might be put on y e 
council fire to make it burn clear — and 
earnestly desiring that a deep hole might 
be dug, in which any harsh and angry ex- 
pressions that had dropped from some of 
them the day before, might be entirely 
buried. A white string [of beads was pre- 
sented] to y e Governor. 

Several Strings of beads (some white, 
some black and white, &c.) and a Belt of 
Wampum being arranged on y e Table, the 
noble Obeel, commonly called the Corn- 
planter, arose, and began his speech, by 
recriminating his younger brothers, the 
Wyandots, 1 and y e Shawanese (who it 
seems, had been severe upon y e six Na- 
tions, the day before) blaming them for 
not coming to his council fire ; — for their 
adherence to Brant ; and for their tardi- 
ness in attending the present Treaty. 
He reminded them of his having been to 
the great Council of the Thirteen Fires, 
where he saw y e Treaty between y e Eng- 

1 The Wyandots not pleased with being called 
younger Brothers, and, with others, at the Epi- 
thet of Father, to y e Representative of U. S. — 
Mr. Williams. 



lish and Americans, signed by y e King's 
own hand, and sealed with y e great seal ; 
— a Copy of this, he said, he had shown 
them ; so that they could not be ignorant 
of it, nor of the boundary of the United 
States running thro' y e lakes to the Mis- 
sissippi. He called them foolish in not 
listening to him, and charged the Sha- 
wanese with having their Tomahawks 
found bloody in their hands, notwith- 
standing this information, &c. declining 
peace. He said he should put Brant in 
his chair, or shut him up in his house, 
that he might not go about doing mischief, 
etc. 1 

After addressing the Nations and pre- 
senting several strings, he turned to y e 
Governor — the representative of y e thir- 
teen fires. He styled him "Father," and 
said "I call you father because we all 
came out of your belly." 2 He observed 
"that when the Americans first dropped 
upon this Island, they found the Six Na- 
tions very powerful, and willing to assist 
them, taking them by y e hand," etc. men- 
tioning y e Treaties of Schenectady and 
Fort Stanwix. " Since that time," he 
said, "the Great Spirit has favoured you, 
and you are become a powerful people." 
He expressed his earnest wishes " that a 
lasting peace might be concluded between 
y e Nations present and y e thirteen fires, — 
that it might be strong and continue as 
long as the Heavens endure." To this 
end he requested the Governor to point 

1 N. B. The Nations by this time pretty gen- 
erally joined in blaming Brant, who, they say had 
deceived them, having concealed letters, from y e 
Governor which [ought] to be communicated. 

2 This expression excited laughter among ye 
Chiefs, a smile in y e Governor and in Obeel him- 

out to his Brothers (who were uneasy) the 
line between them and y e United States 
that they might make it known to y e 
Nations towards y e sunsetting, that their 
minds may be easy. He requested y e 
United States to consider them, to pity 
them, [allow them hunting ground, I be- 
lieve, etc.] He hinted, that as y e Ameri- 
cans present were well clothed this cold 
season, he hoped they would consider his 
Brothers who needed clothes. Taking 
up y e Great Belt, he offered one end to 
y e Governor and said he and his Brothers 
of all y e Nations held y e other, (this con- 
tained y e Treaties of Schenectady, etc.) 
then delivered it up. Before this a white 
string [was used as heretofore]. 1 

The Governor then made a speech, 
mentioning he was not prepared to an- 
swer to some part of the above. Spoke 
of exchanging Prisoners ; told the Wyan- 
dots, &c. he was ready to release them 
the prisoners in his possession, on their 
giving Hostages for the delivery of theirs. 
Said a stop must be put to y e practice, of 
taking prisoners and selling them from 
one nation to another; without which 
there could be no lasting peace, etc. etc. 

A Chief of y e Wyandots spoke and 
said, as there was another nation con- 
cerned in y e prisoners they would consult 
together, and make known their deter- 
mination with respect to Hostages, at y e 
next Council meeting. 

Letter from Solomon Drowne, M.D., to Mrs. 
Elizabeth (Russell) Drowne. 

Marietta, Dec. 9 th , 1788. 
My Dear Wife. 

You see I am still detained upon the 
banks of Muskingum ; tho' at present 

1 N. B. Cornplanter's speech was interpreted by 
a Pottowattomie chief to his people. 



for want of a good opportunity to go fur- 
ther down the Ohio, rather than on ac- 
count of lameness or cold weather. . . 
I have also another piece of pleasing 
information to communicate to you and 
my friends, viz., That the Indians are 
coming into the Treaty, which I expect 
will begin this week. This sudden de- 
termination in their Council (which was 
held about fifty miles up the Muskingum) 
is said to be owing to a speech of Corn- 
planter, Chief of the Senecas, who lately 
went from this quarter. He is a noted 
chieftain, sensible, humane, and of unim- 
peachable morals. Brant, Chief of the 
Mohawks, a Colonel in the British ser- 
vice, and undoubtedly under the influ- 
ence and instructions of a party of that 
nation, has been exerting his policy to 
put off or prevent the Treaty. But after 
the speech of Cornplanter, the Council 
broke up, and the Indians are said to 
l>ave set out upon the run for this 

Whilst I am writing the wind breezes 
more fresh, and it becomes colder. The 
lateness of the season, and some other 
circumstances, make it uncertain whether 
I shall go down to Kentucky, therefore, 
when you or my friends write, it will be 
best to inclose the letters in a coarse 
cover, and address to me in Marietta, 
to be left at Major Goodale's. . . . 
Gen 1 . Varnnm continues very ill, and 
seems in a more critical situation than 
when I wrote before. 

Wishing you all health and true happi- 
ness, I am most affectionately yours, 

Solomon Drowne. 

To Mrs. Drowne, Providence, R. I. 

Letter from Solomon Drowne, M.D., to Mrs. 
Elizabeth {Russell) Drowne. 

Marietta, at the confluence of Ohio 
and Muskingum, 

December 31 st 1788. 
My Dear and amiable Consort, 

I need not mention how painful to me 
is this separation from you, and our dear 
children ; and make no doubt you are 
also often filled with regret at my long 
absence from you. . . . May we yet 
see many happy years. . 

The 19 th Inst. I went over the Mus- 
kingum, to the Council Bower, where the 
great Treaty is held between Governor 
St. Clair (who is Commissioner from 
Congress) and the Chiefs of a number of 
Indian Nations. I was much pleased 
with Cornplanter, and have since written 
what I could recollect of his speech, but 
cannot now transcribe it. It afforded 
me great satisfaction to see their manner 
of doing business, — at the end of a speech 
presenting a String of Beads, or Belt of 
Wampum. I think there was more deco- 
rum observed than in the British Parlia- 
ment, when I was there. 

Last Thursday, the 25 th Inst, was ob- 
served here as a day of public Thanksgiv- 
ing, agreeably to a Proclamation, issued 
by the Governor. It being Christmas, 
public worship was introduced by reading 
the Collect, &c. in the Church Prayer 
Book. Gen 1 . Parsons read a sermon 
adapted to the occasion, from Psalms 103, 
1 & 2 verses. Good singing. 

I dined at Major Goodale's (who came 
from Brookfield) and as this is such a 
new Country, perhaps you will like to 
know our bill of fare. — A boiled dish, 
Turkey, Beef and Bacon, Cabbage, Tur- 
nips and Potatoes, Butter, &c. — A roast 



Turkey, i7lbs. — A Turkey Pie. — Cus- 
tards. — Wheat Bread, &c. 

1789, January 2 d . New Year's day 
was celebrated by much fireing, which 
commenced at about midnight on the 
Virginia side, and occasioned an alarm 
in the stockade, terrifying some of the 
women, very much. A number of In- 
dians, cordially joined, with their Rifles, 
bringing an American Flag ; and were al- 
lowed to excel our people in the regu- 
larity of their firing. Three discharges 
of Cannon at Fort Harmar Garrison and 
Stockade. [By order of Capt. John 

There is a great profit to be made by 
trading with the Indians in skins, &c. I 
think I have heard Thomas Russell x say 
he had half a share here ; if so, you may 
give him a hint that I think he can trade to 
better advantage here than in Newport. 
. . . The business of the Treaty has 
been suspended by the cold weather, and 
partly by the Governor's want of health; 
the Bower, wherein they meet being very 
open and airy. They met however lately, 
and there is reason to expect a favour- 
able issue, as they are peaceably disposed. 

I have a view from the Chamber where 
I write of the beautiful Muskingum glid- 
ing gently by, with a good deal of rotten 
ice floating on its surface ; also of a 
lofty hill on its opposite bank containing 
a quarry of excellent stone, easily cut 
into any shape and hardening in the air (a 
kind of free stone), and more than suffi- 
cient to build the whole City of Marietta. 

I have had some few patients ; but in 
general the inhabitants have been very 
healthy, except colds lately. 

1 [The father of the venerable Charles H. Rus- 
sell, of Newport and New York.] 

Sincerely wishing you all a happy New 
Year, I am, yours, most affectionately, 
Solomon Drowne. 

To Mrs. Drowne, Providence, R. I. 

The Treaty 

A Letter of Franklin to Laurens, from original 
in Collection of Col. T. Bailey Myers. 

Passy April 17 th 1784. 
Dear Sir 

I have received your Favours of March 
28 th and April 7 th . I am glad that M r . 
Hartley being luckily at Bath saved you 
the Fatigue of a Journey to London. His 
letter to you of which you sent us a Copy 
was very satisfactory. By one that he 
has written to us of the 9 th Instant we 
find that he expects to be here in a few 
days. I have not yet had the pleasure of 
seeing M r . Bourdieu and apprehend he is 
either gone back to London or has taken 
some other Route, as I find on the back of 
your last " Forwarded from Dover 10 th of 
April by J. B." Loudsley [?] went well 
from here the Day after his arrival here. 

I thank you very much for your Re- 
marks on the Considerations &c. They 
appear to me very judicious and just, 
and show so extensive a knowledge of 
the Subject that I regret exceedingly 
your purpose of leaving Europe before 
the Commercial Treaty is settled, and if 
the Commission for that Treaty arrives 
soon, as I expect it will in the Washing- 
ton, I hope you will conclude to stay and 
see that important business finished. 

The Congress although they have given 
you leave to return, appear by all their 
Letters to consider you still in their Ser- 
vice and M r Grand holds himself ready 
to pay the continuance of your salary as 
you shall demand it. We are none of us 
otherwise paid at present for they have 



omitted sending us any bills since June 
last. You have not mentioned to me the 
name of the Author of the Considera- 
tions. Is it a Secret ? 

I sympathize with you in the loss of 
your Papers in America. I too having 
lost a great part of mine there. But I can- 
not with the same Justice as you do blame 
the Enemy. It was my own Imprudence 
in entrusting them to the Care of a pre- 
tended Convert to our Cause, who after 
my Departure for France went over to 
the Enemy. M r Jay is preparing for his 
Departure and M r Adams is still in Hol- 
land and likely to continue there some 
time, being engaged in framing the plan 
of a Treaty with another Power. 

My Grandson joins in best wishes for 

you and the young Lady's Health and 

Happiness, with 

Dear Sir, Your Most Obedient 

& most humble Servant 

B. Franklin. 
His Exc'y 

Henry Laurens Esqr. 

The columbus portraits — Judge 
Daly has secured for the American Geo- 
graphical Society a copy of a portrait of 
Columbus, the authenticity of which he 
favors ; and the Wisconsin Historical So- 
ciety has another, also recently copied in 
Spain. The latter has the advantage of 
bearing a certain resemblance to the 
photograph of the present representative 
of the Columbus family, Senor Christoval 
Colon, Duke of Varagua, who kindly sent 
us the picture, with an autograph letter. 
Since the resemblance, which we think 
discoverable, is hardly the result of ac- 
cident, we incline to accept the photo- 

graph as favoring the correctness of the 
Wisconsin picture ; the connection be- 
tween the photographer and the painter 
reminding one of what was said of a cer- 
tain naturalist and the bees, to the effect 
that the bees had told him things, or he 
had told the bees. 

The serpent mound — This remark- 
able earthwork is situated in Adams 
County, Ohio, and is described as repre- 
senting an immense serpent, one thousand 
feet long, holding in its mouth an egg- 
shaped mound, one hundred and sixty 
feet in length, having its tail coiled in a 
triple coil. The existence of this mound 
was questioned at one of the sessions of 
an American Association for the Advance- 
ment of Science, but Mr. Phcene, who 
gave a lecture on the mounds some time 
ago before the New York Academy of 
Sciences, stated that he had explored the 
regions in question, and found the serpent 
mound, of which we give an engraving 
below. He also argued that the mounds 

of America bore a distinct relation to 
many mounds in the old world. 

Sir Christopher Gardiner — It is re- 
freshing to find in one of the popular 
magazines a writer doing something be- 
sides tooling over the old hackneyed ma- 
terial, adding, instead of discovering, 



blunders. Such a writer is Mr. Charles 
Francis Adams, who not only discusses 
his themes with the ability that marks the 
works of his predecessors in the family 
line, but invariably turns up something 
fresh. This is the case with respect to 
his article in Harper for March, where 
he gives such an admirable picture of 
that strange and much abused character, 
Sir Christopher Gardiner, described by 
Longfellow as wearing a " Prince Ru- 
pert hat" in 1630. Referring to Pal- 
frey's remark concerning Sir Christopher 
— "the master of the Lion could not be 
persuaded to take charge of him, and it 
was some months longer before he could 
be gotten rid of" — Mr. Adams says, 
" Here are four errors in less than three 
lines," continuing, " the case of Gardiner 
is confounded with that of Morton, and 
the master of the Gift with the master of 
the Lion ; the Lion was five weeks on 
her voyage before Sir Christopher was 
brought back to Boston, and we have 
Winthrop's authority for saying that he 
was never 'gotten rid of at all, but 
went away of ' his own free will.' " Now, 
if Palfrey, described as a " careful and 
conscientious writer," makes worse work 
of the subject than Longfellow, who wrote 
with " a glorious indifference to dates," 
what must have been the liabilities of 
those early New England worthies who 
wrote of Thomas Morton and Sir Chris- 
topher Gardiner without winning any 
alliterative "careful and conscientious," 
and who, in the case of Morton, put 
under the wrong hat the wrong brains, 
giving the Lord of Merry Mount the 
cerebral development, not of " Prince 
Rupeit," but of Prince Hal, and the 
idiosyncrasies of FalstarT, his chum ? 


Mr. Justin Winsor, Librarian of Harvard 
College, has given the beginning of a 
11 Bibliography of Ptolemy's Geography," 
in the Bulletin for January, 1883, start- 
ing with the so-called edition of " 1462 " 
and continuing down to 15 11, cover- 
ing twelve editions, and including with- 
in a brief space a great deal of valuable 
information. A copy of this earliest 
edition is in the library of the late H. C. 
Murphy, and should, very likely, be as- 
signed to the year 1472. The edition of 
1475 is the first undisputed edition. In 
connection with the edition of 1478 there 
will be found some matter relating to the 
Bianco Map and the Behaim Globe. 
The latter is pictured in Barnes' " Popu- 
lar History," while we can hardly call 
Dopplemayer's representation, 1730, a 
facsimile, though Mr. Stevens speaks of 
it as such. In discussing the edition of 
1482, which gives the earliest published 
map of Greenland, Mr. Winsor quotes 
Santarem, who says that there is a map 
in the Pitti Palace at Florence, showing 
Greenland, with the date of 141 7. This 
is an error. The map is in the Biblio- 
teca Nazionale, at the Uffizi Palace, 
where we examined it some years since, 
and copied a portion, the date being 
plainly 1447, not 1417. It is mounted 
on a triptych, and is being badly used. 
The Ptolemy of 1482 states that Green- 
land is so well known that it is not 
necessary to describe it. 

Harvard College Library does not ap- 
pear to possess any of the editions of the 
work comprised within the years 1462- 
1508. The Murphy library contains the 
editions of " 1462," 1475, 1482, i486, 
1490, 1507, 1508. Mr. Winsor would 



put the lovers of Ptolemy under addi- 
tional obligation, if he would throw his 
useful and admirable notes into a little 

Boston, "January 6, 1800. 
The COMMITTEE chofen by the TOWN to adopt fuch Meafures 

u may indicate the Pu»l.ic SiXjuilitt on the lite amiaive Event cf the DEATH of 


Announce the following Arrangement!, to be adopted oa 

THURSDAY, the Ninth Day of January inrt:. 

Being the Day affigned for the Delivery of an EoLOGltm on the Occafion, ai the Old 
South Meeting-Houfe, by the Hon. CF.ORGE RICHARDS M/lfOT, £ja> 


r Crape or black Riband on the left Arm, 

THE Female, to aveai 

THIS Mourning to 

Day of February neat. 

THE Morn to be iht 

; Laid oth of January, and to be continued tratH t 

d^r&er of $roceflton. 

TlfE Male Youth of the Town, 'from Ten to Fourteen Yean of Age, Eight I 

Conduct of their fevcral Inftructor,. 
The Uniformed Companie, of Militia, with Side Armi, conducted by their I 
Military F-fcort. 
Officer) of the Militia ; of the Army and Navy. 

Orator and Chaplain. 
Sheriff of the County, with hi. Wand. 

Lieutenant-Governor and Council. 

Prcfidcnt and Members of the Senate. 

ker and Member, of the Houfe of Reprefcntatlvm 

ecretary, and Trcjfurer of the Commonwealth. 

Judge, of the Supreme and DiuTtct Courts. 

Reverend Clergy. 

federal Officer! in the Civil Department. 

Town and County Officer*, 

The Mechanic Intcreltt, 10 be arranged by the Prefidei.t and Truftees of the Med 

THE Inhabitant, are defired to meet at it o'clock, A. M. at the New State Houfe-. as the Pra. 
ceflion will move precifcly at n o'clock. Jt will pafi through Common Street, Winter Street, 
Summer Street, Federal Street, Milk Street. Kilby and State Street,, palling the North Side af the 
Town Houfe, through Cornhil], to the Old South Mccting-Houfc. 

Appropriation of tfjc £HD £>outij fl@cetins*$oUfc. 

THE Wan Pew, on the Floor, and the lower Eaft Gallery, for the Ladiet. 
Vpper Eaft Gallerv, for the Youth. 
Body Pew, and AiGes, for the Proceftion. 
Centre of front Gallery, for the Singer, and MUficlc 
(Fell Galleries and Remainder of the front Gallery, for Citizens not otherwife leeon 

THE COMMITTEE reTpeflfu'lly invite all Claffes of their Fellow-Citizens to join !• 
the propoled folemn Tribute to the illuftrioui MAN, whofe l.ofs is fo jullly and uni- 
versally deplored. They have taken every Mcafurc in their Power, for the Preserva- 
tion of good Order, and to promote public Convenience ; but they rely, principally, 
on the Sentiment and Feeling of each Individual, to enforce the NeccfTity of that filcnt, 
dignified and rcfpettful Demeanour, which can alone do Jufticc to the Scnfibility of 
the Inhabitants, in their Attempt to evidence their Refpcft for the Memory of the 
great, the good, and beloved WASHINGTON. 

By Order of the Committee, 

CAvUc* £%J/incA, Ckairman. 

<y Should TnviSDATy the yb infant, prove flormy. the whole Ceremony will he poflponed 
until the next fair Day ; to be announced by the Firing of Cannon, and the Rising of Belli. 

The above is a reduced copy of a broadside in the posses- 
sion of the Librarian of the Long Island Historical Society. 

Concerning fusang — The question 
" Where was Fusang ? " has long excited 
interest, and some have supposed that 
Fusang was the Western Coast of Amer- 

ica, which had been discovered by the 
Japanese. The literature of the subject 
is extensive, but unsatisfactory in the ex- 
treme. An almost unknown book, or 
rather essay, on Fusang, was put out 
somewhat privately a few years ago by 
the Rev. William Brown, D.D., who is 
now in Japan, translating the Bible into 
the Japanese tongue. One of the later 
efforts in connection with the subject is 
Leland's " Fusang, or the Discovery of 
America by Chinese Buddhist Priests in 
the Fifth Century," London, Triibner & 
Co., 1875. About all that concerns the 
bibliography of Fusang may be traced in 
this work. We have frequently been 
treated to pretended extracts from the 
chronicles containing the voyage to " Fu- 
sang," wherever it may have been, but 
having a desire to learn the exact facts 
from a known American scholar, we ad- 
dressed a note to the Rt. Rev. Channing 
M. Williams, Bishop of Japan, asking for 
information, who in reply, kindly wrote 
as follows : 

" It is only within a day or two that I 
have been able to procure the informa- 
tion that you wish. The Shan Hai King 
(Mountain and Sea Classic, which the 
Japanese pronounce San Gai Kio), is a 
very old Chinese work, many of the ac- 
counts of which are entirely fabulous. It 
treats largely of dragons and fanciful be- 
ings of all sorts — men with ten heads or 
one eye, creatures with bodies of animals, 
birds, snakes, and insects, and heads of 
men, etc. 

" I have, however, gotten one of the 
best scholars I know to examine the 
work, and he has found three places in 
which reference is made to the Fu sang 
(Jap., Fu-soo) tree. These I have trans- 



lated quite literally and herewith enclose. 
The Japanese think the reference is to 
their country, and one of the names which 
have been given to it is Fu-soo-koku. 
There is a Japanese work I have seen, 
which speaks of the Fu-soo (Chinese, Fu- 
sang) tree in the island of Ki-Shu, which 
was 9, 700 feet in length, and dark, petri- 
fied wood is said to be now dug up where 
the tree is supposed to have stood. 

"The subject has, I see by the Shang- 
hai papers, been brought before the North 
China Branch of the Asiatic Society, and 
Dr. Macgowan promised to read a paper 
at the autumn meeting, proving that the 
Chinese did not go to America. 
" Yours very truly, 

" C. M. Williams. 

" Vol. 4. ' To the south the water 
goes 500 li (three Chinese li make a mile), 
the flowing sand 300 li (when you) reach 
the Wu-ko mountain. To the south (you) 
see the Tu Sea. To the east (you) see 
the Fu tree — also Fu-Sang. No trees or 
grass (but) great wind (on) this mountain. 

"Vol. 9.— 'North of this 1 is Heh 
Chi Kwok (Black Teeth Country). The 
people of Heh Chi Kwok are black, eat 
rice, use snakes, color of which is red. 
Below there is a hot-water valley. Above 
the hot-water valley is the Fu-sang (tree). 
The place where the ten suns bathe is to 
the north of the Heh Chi Kwok. (They) 
dwell in the water. Nine suns dwell in 
the lower branches. One sun dwells in 
the upper branches. 

"Vol. 14. — 'Within the great unculti- 
vated waste is a mountain called Nie Tao 
Kiun li. On it is the,Fu tree. Its height 
is 300 li. The leaves are like mustard. 
There is a valley called Warm Spring 
1 A place which cannot be identified. 

Valley. Above this hot-water valley if* 
the Fu-tree. Just as one sun reaches 
(or arrives) another sun comes forth. 
All bear (lit., cause to ride) a crow.' " 

" P. S. — Since writing the above I have 
looked at Klaproth's introduction to 
' Nippon dai islai rau,' and find that he 
has translated a little freely, one of the 
passages from the ' Shan Hai King.' The 
longer account of Fu-Sang which he 
gives in a note, is translated from another 
Chinese work called ' Nan Szu' ('Histoire 
du Midi'). 



The original document, of which the 
following oath of secrecy is a copy, is in 
my possession. It was found about forty 
years ago among the papers left by 
Matthew Vischer (Fisher), who was the 
Secretary of the Albany County Com- 
mittee of Safety in the revolutionary war. 
Among the thirty signers of this paper 
are to be found interesting and promi- 
nent characters, many of whom greatly 
distinguished themselves in our subse- 
quent State history. Can any one now 
explain the occasion which gave rise to 
this interesting document ? 

" We the subscribers do swear, that we 
will keep a profound secret the contents 
of the affidavit of Michael Ryan, and the 
resolves which this sub-committee have or 
may enter into in consequence thereof ; 
excepting that we may severally have 
liberty to disclose the same to any of the 
members of the city and county of Albany 
in general or sub-committee convened, 
when such members have taken such 



oath ; and also excepting that we may 
severally have liberty to disclose the same 
to such officers or other persons whom 
the General or Sub-Committee may judge 
necessary to employ to carry into execution 
any Resolves of the said General or Sub- 
Committee in consequence of the infor- 
mation given by the said affidavit. And 
that we shall severally remain under the 
said injunction until we severally have 
permission from the Chairman of the said 
Committee for the time being, or a ma- 
jority of the Subscribers, to make the 
same public. Albany Committee Cham- 
ber, April 24 th , 1776. 

Henry Bleecker 
Ab m Cuyler 
Isaac Van Aernam 

Goosie Van Sch ...jk 
Jac° bleecker Jun r 
John Ten Broock 
Benj" Hicks 
Ph. P. Schuyler 
Philip Bronck 
Harmen Vosburgh 
John H. Ten Eyck 
Ab m Yates Jun r . Chair. 
Jer. V. Rensselaer 
Gerrit Lansing Ju r 
Robert Yates 

Jo. Young 
Mat. Vischer 
Henry I. Bogert 
Leonard Gansevoort 
Jacob C. Ten Eyck 
John Tay Beeckman 
Har s Wendell 
Gisbert Marselis 
John Barclay 
Jacob Cuyler 
John Bay 
Sam 1 Stringer 
Robert M c Clellen 
Bastean T. Vischer 
Michael Ryan " 

H. C. V. S. 

Undescribed buttons — Besides those 
buttons given in the article by Major Asa 
Bird Gardner, we give the following. Per- 
haps some reader may be able to describe 


Earthquakes in Canada — On this 
point [11. 755] to which I have seen no 
reply, allow me to refer the readers of The 
Magazine to the account given in Richau- 
deau's " Vie de la Reverende Mere Marie 
de L' Incarnation," the founder of the 
Ursulines at Quebec. On page 354-5 of 
this biography, printed at Paris, in 1873, 
we find an account of what happened in 
1661, the earthquakes, if we may trust the 
narrative, having been foretold by one or 
more of the Religious of Quebec. The 
noise created by the movements of the 
earth are described as similiar to the 
sound of many carriages driving rapidly 



over pavements. Terrible noises were 
heard in the air. Doors opened of them- 
selves, bells rang, walls and floors cracked, 
and the people fled from their houses, 
fearing that they would fall, while the 
cattle were equally terrified. Some were 
in complete dismay, and thought that the 
last Judgment had come. The first shock 
continued half an hour, and in the even- 
ing there was another that threw the 
Ursulines, who were in the choir, upon 
the floor. During the night more than 
thirty oscillations of the earth were felt. 
The shocks affected many portions of 
Canada, and lasted from February 5th to 
September. Entire hills disappeared, 
ravines were formed, and the St. Lawrence 
River was of the color of sulphur for 
eight days. Morton 

Ocean steam navigation [viii. 783, 
IX. 73] — The first steam vessel to brave 
the ocean on the American side of the 
Atlantic was the Savannah, Capt. 
Rogers. She steamed out of Savannah, 
for Liverpool, making the voyage in 
twenty-two days, eighteen of which, I 
understand, she was propelled by steam 
power. Shawmut 

Capitol [ix. 70, 216] — As the State 
House in Virginia had been burned, and 
as Jamestown was situated in an unhealthy 
place, it was determined in 1699 to 
change the seat of government. The 
Assembly passed "An act directing the 
building the Capiioll and the City of 
Williamsburgh " (" Henning's Statutes," 
Vol. 3, p. 197). This Act was repealed 
in 1705, in " An Act Continuing the Act 
directing the building the Capitol and the 

city of Williamsburgh ; with additions " 
(" Henning's Statutes," Vol. 3, p. 419). 
After providing for a site for the building 
where the General Assembly and Courts 
could hold meetings, it was ordained 
" that the said building shall forever here- 
after be called and known by the name of 
the Capitol, of this his Majesty's colony 
and dominion of Virginia." 

Edward Ingle 

Lottery tickets [ix. 217] — Faneuil- 
Hall Lottery, No. Five, " granted by an 
Act of the General Court of the Province 
of the Massachusetts-Bay, for Rebuilding 
Faneuil-Hall, etc. Boston, June, 1765, 
B. John Hancock." 

Faneuil-Hall Lottery, Letter A, as 
above. John Ruddock, E. 

U. S. Class 3d, Philadelphia, Novem- 
ber 18, 1776, G. Campbell. 

Charlestown Lottery, June 23, 1779, 
Class 2 1 st, T. Harris. 

Pitcataque Bridge Lottery, Class 2d, 
J. N. West, No. 75 Cornhill, Boston. 

Harvard College Lottery, Class First, 
J. N. West, No. 75 Cornhill, Boston. 

Harvard College Lottery, Second Class, 
14th March, 1806, John Williams. 

South-Hadley Canal Lottery, Class 
Fifth, Feb. 25, 1802, Justin Ely. 

Pavement Lottery, Fourth Class [New- 
port, R. I.], S. Fowler. J. C n 

Arms of officers [ix. 215] — In cor- 
roboration of " Half Pike," I would call 
attention to the fact that not only in 
St. Leger's case, but in the engraving of 
General Sullivan, the latter is also repre- 
sented holding an esponton in his hand. 




Ingram [ix. 172] — In the last line of 
the note, Hortop should read Ingram, as 
called for by the text. 

The mathers [ix. 167] — There was a 
Moses Mather, a descendant of Richard, 
who was born in Lyme, Conn., and be- 
came a clergyman and was settled in Da- 
rien, same State ; and I presume that it 
is the homestead of this Mather that is 
referred to. G. 



society — The Society met in its rooms 
March 7th, President Wilder in the chair. 
The Rev. Charles C. Beaman, of Boston, 
read a paper on " Windsor, Vt.," in which 
he claimed that at the time of the first 
knowledge of it by English colonists the 
territory was called Vermont, probably 
by the French, who had settled in Canada. 
It is now agreed that no permanent In- 
dian settlement had been made, but Indian 
names still lingered around mountain, 
river, and plain — local Indian names — 
Iroquois and Huron tribes each claimed 
its occupancy, but had no desire to live 
there ; also that the first civilized settle- 
ment within the borders of the present 
State of Vermont was commenced Feb- 
ruary 3, 1 724, by Massachusetts. Colonel 
Josiah Willard was sent with four car- 
penters and twelve soldiers, with axes 
and two teams, to construct a fort, which 
he accomplished without opposition. The 
fort was situated on the west bank of 
Connecticut River, in the southeast cor- 
ner of the present town of Brattleboro. 

The new york historical society — 
On Tuesday evening, March 6th, the 
President, Augustus Schell, in the Chair, 
a valuable paper was read by the Rev. 
A. V. Wittmeyer, on the " Huguenot 
Church" of New York, in which the 
writer showed : 1. That the Huguenot 
immigration before the revocation of the 
Edict of Nantes was much more consid- 
erable than is generally supposed. 2. That 
in 1670, for example, fifteen years be- 
fore the Recall, the French formed one- 
fourth of the population of this city. 3. 
That French services, begun in 1628, were 
more or less regularly continued until the 
organization of an independent French 
church. 4. That a regularly organized 
French congregation existed here as early 
as 1672, probably under the care of the 
Rev. Ezechiel Carri. 5. That the real 
founder of the church in Marketfield Street 
was the Rev. Pierre Peiret, who came here 
November 10, 1687. 6. That in conse- 
quence of the surrender of the church in 
the fort to the English, the French con- 
gregation which the Rev. Pierre Daille had 
reorganized in 1683, left the fort in 1692, 
and united with the church in Market- 
field Street. 7. That the main cause of 
the difficulties which broke out from time 
to time in the French church, was the fa- 
vorable disposition of its ministers and of 
a large part of its membership to the 
Church of England. 

Dr. Gallaudet, as one of the descend- 
ants of the Huguenots, moved a vote of 
thanks, and Dr. B. F. DeCosta followed 
him, cordially attesting the value of the 
paper as one showing original research, 
and giving fresh and important informa- 
tion, admitting that while the Dutch were 
on the ground in 1596, the first regular 



settlers represented the French element, 
to which, heretofore, justice has not been 
done. He also spoke of the devotion of 
the French and the sacrifices which they 
made to maintain their conscientious con- 
victions, of which, however, they made 
no parade. Mr. Wittmeyer, who is the 
Rector of the French church Saint 
Esprit, is engaged in a general study of 
the French in America. 

In reply to a letter signed by the Presi- 
dent and others, inviting him to deliver 
the annual address before the Society, 
November 27, 1883, and suggesting as an 
appropriate subject the history of the 
treaty by which Great Britain recognized 
the independence of the United States, 
the Hon. John Jay wrote accepting the 
invitation, saying, among other things : 

" The generous confidence with which 
you ask me to present before our honored 
and venerable society ' the fair record ' 
of that negotiation, which, as regards the 
sufficiency of the grounds on which the 
American commissioners, under the lead 
of Jay, violated the instructions of Con- 
gress, to undertake nothing in the nego- 
tiations without the concurrence of the 
minister of the King of France, and ulti- 
mately to govern themselves by their 
advice and opinion, has been for a cen- 
tury a subject of controversy. 

" Had no new light been thrown upon 
the subject I might well have hesitated, 
even at your request, weighted alike with 
persuasion and authority, to undertake a 
task so delicate ; but, as you are aware, 
important historical material bearing di- 
rectly upon the question, and which has 
not yet been collected, has been recently 
furnished, partly by our historical collec- 
tions and in part by the governmental 

archives of England and the Continent. 
Among them is the report in the Thom- 
son papers, in your collections for 1878, 
of the secret proceedings in the Conti- 
nental Congress in July and August, 
1782, on a motion to revoke the instruc- 
tions to the Commissioners of Peace, 
which, it was admitted, had been a sacri- 
fice of the national dignity to national 

" Then there is the interesting sketch of 
the peace negotiation from an English 
point of view, given by Lord Edmund 
Fitzmaurice in the life of his grandfather, 
Lord Shelburne, with a note of the effort 
by M. de Rayneval in his visit to that min- 
ister, to defeat the American claim to the 
fisheries, the Mississippi, and the Ohio. 

" Lastly we have the volume of inedited 
documents from European archives, pub- 
lished at Paris in 1876 by the Count 
Adolphe de Circourt, containing confiden- 
tial correspondence on the American 
claims to be recognized by treaty, between 
the Count de Vergennes, and his diplo- 
matic agents, the Count de Montmorin at 
Madrid, M. Gerard, and the Count de 
la Luzerne, at Philadelphia, and his sec- 
retary, M. de Rayneval, at London. 

" These new disclosures, and especially 
the instructions of the Count de Vergennes, 
to the British ministers in America, are of 
the highest authority, for they were 
gathered by our associate, Mr. Bancroft, 
and they definitely settle the questions of 
fact which have been raised as to the cor- 
rectness of the views officially expressed 
by the American Commissioners in re- 
gard to the policy of France ; views that 
impelled them to break the instructions 
which would have made the French king 
f master of the terms of peace.' " 




One of the First Settlers of Winsor, 
Conn., and of some Descendants. By Sam- 
uel Wolcott. Printed for private distribu- 
tion. New York : Anson D. F. Randolph 
& Company. 1881. 4to, pp. xi, 436. 

On taking up a work like this, the mind natu- 
rally recurs to the thought of Bacon, who says : 
"It is a reverend thing to see an ancient castle or 
building not in decay, or to see a fair timber tree 
sound and perfect ; how much more to behold an 
ancient, noble family which hath stood against 
the waves and weathers of time ;" for many of 
the old families of New England, quite as much 
as any titled class, may very justly entertain a re- 
spect for their history. This is especially the 
case when a family in the New World is a con- 
tinuation of one in the old. The splendid volume 
forming the subject of this notice, however, is not 
disfigured by the exhibition of any unseemly 
vanity. Its projectors appear to have been moved, 
not by " a weak family pride, but a desire to res- 
cue from oblivion the memories and services of 
godly men." 

So far as respects mere age, the Wolcott family 
is much older than many of the so-called noble 
families of England. The history of this family 
was first studied systematically, with reference to 
publication by that well-known antiquary, now 
deceased, Mr. H. G. Somerby, who, in 1849, re " 
ported that he found the family established in Tol- 
land in 1525. During the summer of 1849, Mr. 
Somerby visited Tolland and collected all the in- 
formation he could gather. In the neighboring 
parish of Lediard he found it recorded that 
" Henry y e sonne of John Wolcott was baptised 
the VI. of December 1578," while in the parish 
churchyard at Tolland he found two ancient fam- 
ily monuments. Next, Mr. Somerby extended 
his search among the wills, finding that of " John 
Woolcott," dated February 9, 1571. Full par- 
ticulars are wanting in regard to the Wolcotts of 
Tolland, but it would appear that they held good 
social positions and were freeholders, in times of 
war supporting the government with man and 
horse, armed and equipped. Their circumstances 
were at least easy, and the deed of Galdon Manor, 
the principal mansion in Tolland, refers to the 
" meadows, pastures, mills, tenements, and here- 
ditaments thereunto belonging." This estate came 
into the possession of Henry Wolcott, of Win- 
sor, and son of John of Tolland, after his removal 
to America, from his brother Christopher. 

Henry Wolcott in New England was always re- 
garded as an English gentleman of ability, intel- 
ligence, and virtue. About the year 1606 he 
married Elizabeth Saunders, and, when more 
than fifty years of age, being dissatisfied with his 

position in England, he emigrated with three sons 
to New England, arriving at Boston in the fa- 
mous Mary and John, May 30, 1630. That con- 
scientious scruples led him to seek a home in the 
New World we may readily conceive, and also 
that he was a "stout-hearted and God-fearing 
man ;" but that he was an advocate of civil and 
religious liberty, except for himself and those of 
his way of thinking, there is no proof. October 
19, 1630, he was made a freeman at Boston, but 
in 1635 he went to Connecticut. In 1637 he was 
made a member of the first Connecticut General 
Assembly. In 1640 his name stands first on the 
list of the inhabitants of Winsor. In 1640 he 
visited England. He was a resident of Winsor 
at the time of his death, which occurred May 30, 
1655, the thirty-fifth anniversary of his landing at 

The volume gives an account of eight genera- 
tions of the Wolcott family in America, where it 
has occupied an honorable and distinguished po- 
sition, the various branches exhibiting the virtue 
and ability that distinguished Henry Wolcott of 
Winsor, proving that "children's children are 
the crown of old men," and that " the glory of 
children are their fathers." 

The mechanical execution of the volume marks 
it as the finest volume of the kind ever turned 
out by the American press. The illustrations 
are singularly valuable, and reveal the greatest 
excellence, combining steel and wood engrav- 
ings, and facsimile reproductions by the photo- 
type process. The frontispiece gives a view of 
Tolland church and churchyard, with the Wolcott 
monuments, being followed by the Wolcott arms, 
beautifully engraved. Next are full- page facsim- 
iles of the Great Seal of England, which was at- 
tached to the License of Alienation of Galdon 
Manor, under the Chancellorship of Lord Bacon. 
The deed conveying the manor, and accurate en- 
gravings of the Wolcott monument, are given, 
with other interesting illustrations, after which 
comes the Wolcott homestead at South Winsor, 
exquisitely engraved, and, like the rest of the 
wood engravings, printed upon India paper and 
mounted after the style of steel cuts ; two silver 
tankards with family arms, a monument from 
the Wethersfield churchyard, and the splendid 
Wolcott elm at South Winsor. We next reach 
the superb steel portrait of Oliver Wolcott, the 
signer, and that of Marianne Wolcott, one of the 
most distinguished beauties of her time, engraved 
after a crayon likeness by Sharpless, with a fac- 
simile of Washington's letter to Oliver Wolcott. 
Then follow fine portraits of Laura Collins Wol- 
cott ; Oliver Wolcott, the Secretary ; Oliver 
Wolcott, the Governor, and a portrait of Fred- 
erick Wolcott. These are accompanied by por- 
traits of recent representatives of the family — 
Henry S. Wolcott, sometime United States Con- 
sul at Shanghai, who died in 1852 ; the Wal- 
cott monuments and homestead at Litchfield, the 



latter being a remarkably fine piece of work by 
Richardson; and the youthful face of Lieutenant 
Huntington Wolcott, who lost his life in the 
struggle for the Union, together with a view of 
his monument at Mount Auburn. The portrait 
of the well-known and able author of this work, 
the Rev. Samuel Wolcott, S.T.D. (No. 471), 
finds an appropriate place in connection with the 
eighth generation. A view of the Old Meeting- 
House at Litchfield, and a drawing of the deed 
chest of Henry Wolcott, 1630, complete the list 
of illustrations, which have taxed the skill of a 
number of our most celebrated artists, bearing no 
relation to the class of illustrations so often found 
in works on genealogy, and especially in those, 
like Pindar's razors, made to sell. This very 
costly volume cannot be purchased at any price. 
The edition was limited to three hundred copies, 
and it will long, if not always, remain unapproach- 
able in its character, being marked in every re- 
spect by the best judgment and the most refined 

A work like this suggests many topics for re- 
flection, while its story is one that the Wolcotts 
may cherish without being accused of vanity. 
Few families have occupied such distinguished 
positions as the Wolcotts of Connecticut, high 
place becoming, in the most natural way, not the 
birthright, but the fairly won distinction of suc- 
ceeding generations. 

This volume is rich in reminiscences of the past, 
being of peculiar and touching interest in connec- 
tion with the labors of Henry Wolcott, the found- 
er of the American branch. It contains rare 
letters of the period of the so-called Puritan emi- 
gration, being rich both in revolutionary matter 
and information respecting the formative period 
of our constitutional history. It combines much 
that is curious, quaint, and wellnigh forgotten. 
It contains statements and opinions that might be 
questioned, if that were the object of this notice, 
while there are documents which we should be 
glad to quote entire, especially the " racy " letter 
of Roger Wolcott (p. 357), a man not in advance 
of his times, "to the Rev d Mr. Eben r Punder- 
son," missionary of the Society for the Propaga- 
tion of the Gospel, proving, ingeniously, and to 
the writer's satisfaction at least, that the said 
Ebenezer was well worthy of bonds and a residence 
in the jail for non-payment of his share of the 
stipend of the Congregational parson, whose busi- 
ness it was to preach the Reverend Punderson 
down. There are also some interesting bits in re- 
lation to witchcraft and slavery, with documents 
bearing on the French and Revolutionary wars, 
and excellent descriptions of social life, both in 
the early colonial and more recent periods. 

The author tells us that at the present time 
there is not a trace of the Wolcott family to be 
found in its ancient seat at Old Winsor, except in 
the churchyard. Litchfield, like Old Winsor, is 
literally a Litch field j while in the other Winsors 

scarcely a dozen living representatives remain. 
"The shades where our ancestors reclined and 
the streams by which they roamed are deserted by 
their descendants, and grass has grown up in the 
paths once trod by the masters in our Israel." 
Yet the family coheres, and, though scattered, is 
still solid for the "name of Wolcott." The an- 
cestral acres are now farmed by strangers, but the 
inheritance of character is undiminished, and the 
heirlooms are treasured with reverential care. 
Among these are the silver cup and tankard bear- 
ing the Wolcott arms, and the signet ring of 
Henry Wolcott, preserved in its original box, 
after the lapse of two and a half centuries ; a 
"connecting link, binding the eight generations 
together." This is very interesting indeed, and 
though we have no disposition to re-edit this rich 
volume, we may nevertheless point out a fact that 
may yet be utilized, and which would do duty as 
a connecting link quite as well as any ale mug or 
ring. In fact, the Wolcotts have inherited the 
family baptismal font. On page 419 we have 
the story of the "heir of all the ages," little 
"Oliver," whose number is 580, and who is the 
descendant of seven governors, beginning with 
Bradford, of Plymouth. As we have seen, Henry 
Wolcott, of Tolland was baptised in the neigh- 
boring church of Lediard, December 6, 1578. 
Three centuries later his descendant, the "heir of 
all the ages," is baptized in St. Luke's Church, 
near " Roseneath," on the Hudson, according to 
the ritual used in the old Lediard church at the 
baptism of Henry, upon which ritual and all its 
belongings Henry eventually turned his back, op- 
posing it with a steady perseverance in the New 
World. These two cases, No. 1 and No. 580, 
show how much of unreality there was in the an- 
cient quarrels, and remind us of the saying of 
Bancroft, that Laud was justified by men whom 
he persecuted. 

Dictionary of Biblical, Historical, 
Doctrinal, and Practical Theology 
Based on the Real Encyklopadie of 
Herzog, Plitt, and Hauck. Edited by 
Philip Schaff, D.D., LL.D., Professor in 
the Union Theological Seminary, New York. 
Associate Editors : Rev. Samuel M. Jackson, 
M.A., and Rev. D. S. Schaff. New York : 
Funk & Wagnalls, 10 and 12 Dey Street. 
Vols. I. and II., pp. xix, 847, xvii, 844, 17 14. 

On taking up an encyclopaedia, one has to ask, 
not what could the author have accomplished, if 
he had tried, but what did he really undertake, 
and does the result agree therewith. Dr. Schaff 
might have devised a work in twenty-two volumes, 
like Herzog's, upon which his plan was based, but 
that would have proved too extensive, and would 



have furnished the English-speaking reader a vast 
amount of material that he would not care to read, 
much less to buy. Hence the plan adopted was 
more moderate, and in keeping with practical re- 
quirements. Approaching the subject in this 
direction, it must be conceded that the editor of 
the above volumes has achieved an admirable suc- 
cess, and has supplied an urgent want, furnishing 
what he promised. This brings us to the fact, that 
the sole object of criticism is not the discovery of 
faults and the exhibition of errors. If that were 
so, any publication of this kind, great or small, 
would afford a fertile field. No one, however, 
expects perfection, or at least it is never found. 
Therefore Dr. Schaff's work has its shortcom- 
ings. Nevertheless, hostile criticism, though in- 
geniously and ably applied, has revealed no more 
than the average number of defects, for the critic 
must view these subjects comparatively, and bear 
in mind the slaughterings that have been, and may 
still be, committed in connection with such works 
as Smith's Dictionary of the Bible ; while, before 
indulging in any minute criticism, we ought to 
inquire whether a book is in its first edition, or 
like Mr. Bancroft's History, has been worked 
over during half a century. 

The aim of Dr. Schaff and the associate edi- 
tors was to give, in accordance with the order 
usually observed in such works, a summary of the 
most important information needed respecting 
the different departments of historical Christi- 
anity, together with biographical and other ma- 
terial of a kind adapted to the wants of all classes 
of intelligent persons, whether students or general 
readers. The work is to be restricted to three 
volumes, the last of which will shortly appear. 
The editor has summoned to his aid a strong staff 
of scholars, many of whom are well known both 
at home and abroad, and who, in the two volumes 
before us, have done much thorough and valuable 
work. In the list of writers we find such names 
as those of Abbot, Alexander, Baird, Cairns, 
Calderwood, Crooks, Dexter. Fisher, Gilman, 
Green, Hodge, Hall, Hitchcock, McCosh, Park, 
and Woolsey. 

Within three volumes, even of an ample char- 
acter like these, it would be impossible to com- 
press the twenty volumes of Herzog. As a mat- 
ter of course, therefore, a large number of subjects 
are of necessity omitted, while others are treated 
with brevity. Every person will have his own 
opinion respecting the manner in which the prin- 
ciple of excision has been acted upon, as every one 
inclines to fancy that the subject in which he is 
himself particularly interested should be the last 
set apart for sacrifice ; yet, whatever may have 
been omitted, we should all feel glad to have 
everything that has been retained from Herzog, 
while the new topics, specially contributed by 
American writers, furnish material hard to find 
elsewhere in any proper form. 

We examined the volumes, first, with reference 

to the history of the various religious bodies in 
this country, and we are bound to say that, with 
a single exception, they appear to be well done. 
This exception is found in Mr. Sabine's account 
of kt the sect which he professeth," in connection 
with which account he forgets that the principal 
object of an article in an encyclopaedia is to give 
real facts, not to argue about fancied ones. 

We notice, likewise, a disposition in some 
other articles to wander away from the merits of 
the question, but not to look for this would argue 
too much perfection in human nature. 

These volumes do not bristle with the technical 
signs of learning, after the style of some encyclo- 
paedias, yet they abound with the fruits of real 
scholarship, combined with a sober and discrimi- 
nating judgment. Many of the articles are han- 
dled in a way that excites deep interest, while the 
substance throughout will be found of a useful 
and enduring kind. 

America from 1619 to 1880. Negroes as 
Slaves, as Soldiers, and as Citizens : together 
with a Preliminary Consideration of the Unity 
of the Human Family, an Historical Sketch of 
Africa, and Account of the Negro Governments 
Sierra Leone and Liberia. By George W. 
Williams, First Colored Member of the Ohio 
Legislature, and Late Judge Advocate of the 
Grand Army of the Republic of Ohio, etc. 
New York : G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1883. 
In two vols. Volume I., 161 9 to 1800. Vol- 
ume II., 1800 to 1880. Pp. 488, 611. 

This is perhaps the most creditable performance 
that has yet come from the pen of any represen- 
tative of the African race in America. It is the 
result of long and conscientious study by a vigor- 
ous and patient mind. It shows much labored 
research, and if there are those who, in some re- 
spects, could have performed the task better, few 
could have worked more enthusiastically or pro- 
duced more acceptable general results. The task 
undertaken was a great one, the author's scope 
being very broad, though the undertaking grew 
out of the delivery of a Fourth of July oration in 
1876. It is divided into nine parts, as follows : 
I. Preliminary Considerations ; II. Slavery in 
the Colonies ; III. The Negro during the Revo- 
lution ; IV. The Conservative Era — Negroes in 
the Army and Navy ; V. Anti-Slavery Agitation ; 
VI. The Period of Preparation ; VII. The Ne- 
gro in the War for the Union ; VIII. The First 
Decade of Freedom ; The Decline of Negro 
Governments. The work is of deep and absorb- 
ing interest, but the limits assigned to our notice 
do not allow extended remark. Attention may 
nevertheless be called to the fact that the author's 



style is not sufficiently restrained, while neither 
the origin nor the abolition of American slavery 
is treated with the exactness that is desirable ; and 
for the reason, no doubt, that so little is known 
of the beginning and so much of its end. In Vol- 
ume I. Mr. Williams discusses the introduction 
of slaves into Virginia, but on pages 118-19 he 
seems to get confused, and appears to mix events 
that occurred in Virginia with those that trans- 
pired in Bermuda. He is sufficiently free in his 
criticism of others, but does not seem to settle 
the question of the introduction of the Virginia ne- 
groes. It would have been well, also, if the de- 
tails of emancipation had been given so as to en- 
able the critical reader to have a more exact view 
of the subject than we find. Yet the merits of 
the work are so great that we do not incline to 
find fault with details. The author has achieved 
a large degree of success, and has endeavored to 
tell the story of the black man in an impartial 
spirit, which will secure the sympathy and respect 
of all intelligent readers. No one who fails to 
become acquainted with the contents of this book 
can claim to have a full understanding of Ameri- 
can history, to which it forms a large and indis- 
pensable contribution. The author deserves the 
most substantial support upon the part of the 
reading public. 

America. By George Bancroft. The 
Author's Last Revision. Volume I. New 
York : D. Appleton & Co. 1883. 8vo, pp. 
xxii, 619. 

This is the first of six volumes, into which the 
original twelve are to be cast. It is described as 
" an entirely new edition, partly rewritten and 
thoroughly revised." We, nevertheless, lay down 
the volume, after careful and extended examina- 
tion, with a feeling of disappointment. That it 
is thoroughly revised, is not proven by the pencil 
marks in our copy indicating the errors. The 
work of recasting shows signs of haste. Omissions 
have been indiscriminately made, changes have 
been hastily effected, while it is evident that the 
distinguished author has failed, in more than one 
department, to read down carefully to the present 
date ; nor can we tell, in some cases, where his 
quotations end. This is the more to be regretted, 
as all foot-notes are swept away, rendering this 
" last revision " unserviceable to those who would 
inquire into the history of America. We find 
him, for instance, making Ponce de Leon discover 
Florida in 15 13, though Peter Martyr showed the 
region in his map of 1508. In 1602, Gosnold, he 
also tells us, with the " concurrence of Raleigh," 
steered "directly across the Atlantic," having 
conceived " the idea of a direct voyage," though 
as a matter of fact he was prosecuted by Raleigh 
for poaching upon his manor, while the voyage 

actually took him by the way of the Azores. We 
are also informed that Gosnold went back to 
England, leaving ' ' not so much as one European 
family between Florida and Labrador," while, in 
1603, Pringwent to "Martha's Vineyard;" and, 
in 1605, Waymouth anchored in " an excellent 
harbor," among the St. George's Islands, on the 
coast of Maine, where there is no harbor, as all 
but blind men visiting the coast may see. He 
afterward sends Waymouth to explore a splendid 
river in a region where there is so little water that 
fish can barely swim. He also tells us that it was 
the St. George's River that inspired Sir Ferdinan- 
do Gorges to enter upon the colonization of 
Maine, omitting to study the maps and relations 
to ascertain when the St. George's River actually 
became known. Mr. Bancroft is also mixed as 
respects the Popham Expedition of 1607, and 
writes that the two ships of the expedition reached 
Monhegan on the " afternoon of the last day of 
July," whereas both were not there until the 
morning of August 7th. It would be easy to fol- 
low Mr. Bancroft at any length in this ungracious 
work of criticism ; but we prefer, however, in such 
a connection to recognize, as we do most gladly, 
the debt under which he has placed the country 
by his lifelong studies and researches, which, 
though not altogether exact or exhaustive, never- 
theless claim our gratitude and admiration. We 
beg, however, to express the hope that this may 
not be considered as the "last revision." 

worth Smith, M.A., Late Fellow of Trinity 
College, Oxford ; Assistant Master at Harrow 
School; author of "Carthage and the Car- 
thaginians," " Rome and Carthage," etc., 
In two Volumes, Vols. I. and II. New York : 
Charles Scribner's Sons. 1883. 8vo, pp. 
484, 567. 

John Lawrence was a Scotch-Irishman, born in 
England in the year 181 1. 

When a boy at College Green School, he was 
flogged every day except one, when he was flog- 
ged twice. At the English school he was known 
as " Paddy," and in the Irish at Foyle, he was 
called " English John.'" In 1827 he went to India 
to enter the civil service, three of his brothers, 
Alexander, George, and Henry having preceded 
him in a military capacity. He rose rapidly, and 
at the end of ten years, returned to England on 
a furlough. In 1842 he took duty in India, and 
performed a distinguished part in the Afghan and 
Sikh wars, going home again at the end of twenty 
years with the honors of knighthood. Afterward 
he received the appointment of Viceroy of India, 
and went out once more to that country, spending 
ten additional years. In 1869 he was back in 
England, where he died in 1879, as "Lord Law- 



rence of the Punjab and Grateley." Lord Law- 
rence was born a soldier, but led the life of a 
civilian ; and while his brother, who became Sir 
Henry Lawrence, conquered on the field, it became 
his part to rule as jurist and viceroy, being recog- 
nized as the " saviour of India," and rendering 
services that made him one of the most important 
and distinguished men of his time. The story of 
his life forms a history of India for at least half a 
century. His biographer develops the heroic 
character of his subject in connection with an 
oriental history abounding in those startling 
tragedies that upon their occurrence filled the 
world with horror. His career was singularly 
brilliant and successful, and time has justified the 
wisdom of his Afghan policy, the departure from 
which cost England too much prestige as well as 
blood and treasure. The work is one of deep and 
absorbing interest, and the author does ample 
justice to his theme, which is handled in an able 
and scholarly manner, putting the reader in entire 
sympathy with the simple, rugged, but gentle 
nature of Lord Lawrence, who won his advance- 
ment by his talents, his splendid services to Eng- 
land and humanity, and by his genuine worth. 
These two ample and appreciative volumes are 
•worthy of the great civilian to whom they are de- 
voted. The reader will find them invested with a 
peculiar charm, and realize that they contain the 
biography of the present publishing season. 

or Summer Islands. Edited from a MS. in 
the Sloane Collection, British Museum, by 
General Sir J. Henry Lefroy, R.A., C.B., 
K.C. M.G., F.R.S., etc., formerly Governor of 
the Bermudas; author of " Memorials of the 
Discovery and Settlement of the Bermudas or 
Somers Islands." London : Printed for the 
Hakluyt Society. MDCCCLXXXII. 8vo, 
pp. xii, 327. 

General Lefroy attributes this work to Captain 
John Smith. In his "Advertisements" he refers 
to a " History of the Sea," which he had in hand, 
but the above work is not confounded therewith. 
The editor of this work on the Bermudas thinks 
that at the time of writing Smith had both works 
in hand. A strong confirmation of Smith's author- 
ship is found " in the minute coincidences of this 
work with his account of Bermuda in Book V. of 
his " Generall History of Virginia," first published 
in 1624, which are so numerous as to show beyond 
a doubt that it was written subsequently to that 
publication, and based upon the same materials, 
an amplification, in fact, of the same narrative, 
with such fuller particulars and occasional correc- 
tions as were likely to come into his hands." The 
editor also points out a resemblance in the orthog- 
raphy, upon which, however, he does not de- 

pend, but finds a better argument in the tone of 
the Virginia and Bermuda histories, where they 
treat of the factions that divided the Virginia 
Company. The MS. comprises 363 closely writ- 
ten foolscap pages, without title-page, name of 
author, or date, though the initials W. C. are 
written in pencil nine times, and, possibly, may 
be those of Dr. William Crashaw. If Smith was 
the author of this work, we may well understand 
that his Eastern travel led him to speak of the 
situation of Bermuda as " being in an equal eleua- 
tion with that of the Holy Land, and in perticu- 
ler very neere with the very citty of Jerusalem." 
This volume shows that the twelve African slaves 
imported into Bermuda were taken there, not by 
the ship Treasurer, but by the piratical Captain 

SETTS Historical Society. Vol. VIII. 
Fifth Series. Boston : Published by the So- 
ciety, MDCCCLXXXII. 8vo, pp. xviii, 596. 

This volume contains Part IV. of the " Win- 
throp Papers," by which is generally understood 
papers preserved by six generations of the Win- 
throp Family at New London, Conn. In i860 
they came into the possession of the Hon. Robert 
C. Winthrop, the now venerable President of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society. The collection 
extends from the latter part of the sixteenth to the 
middle of the seventeenth century. The "Life and 
Letters of John Winthrop," contain some of these 
papers, while the present volume is the fourth 
published by the Society whose imprint it bears. 
The volume before, gives letters of the sons and 
grandsons of Governor John Winthrop the 
younger. Another volume will give the letters 
of Fitz John and Wait Winthrop. The entire 
body of correspondence is of rare value, as illus- 
trating the history of the times in which they were 
written, forming, also, noble memorials of the men 
themselves, who appear to very high advantage, 
being of a gentle, tolerant, and amiable spirit, and 
free from those severe moods which marked so 
many of their associates. They seem to have 
cared little for literature, as attested by their style 
of composition, and not much for politics. They 
were able, practical men, diligent in business, and 
honest and religious. These letters are printed 
verbatim, and a heliotype copy of a portrait of 
John Winthrop, Jr., now in the possession of 
Robert Winthrop, of this city, serves as a frontis- 
piece. The first letter is that of John Winthrop, 
Jr., addressed to his father from London, England, 
January 14, 1626 ; and the last is that of John to 
Fitz John Winthrop, Boston, August 4, 1701, 
who says : " S 1 ', this paper kneels to kiss yo r hon 1 ' 3 
hand, asking pardon for its master's bouldness in 
pi-esuming to prostrate such rude scrawles at yo r 
hono" feet." 



in the Native Religions of the Western 
Continent. By Daniel G. Brinton, M.D. 
Philadelphia: H. C. Watts & Co. 1882. 
8vo, pp. xvi, 243. 

The object of this book is to exhibit American 
characters like Quetzalcoatl as unhistoric person- 
ages that came into existence in accordance with 
a law of evolution, being personifications of light, 
winds, and storms. The theory is that set forth 
by Schoolcraft in his ponderous and pedantic 
work on the red man. This theory has a founda- 
tion of the most unsatisfactory character, and yet 
the author tells us that hereafter " whoever uses 
these names [Quetzalcoatl and others] in an his- 
torical sense betrays an ignorance of the subject 
he handles which, were it in the better-known 
field of Aryan or Egyptian lore, would at once 
convict him of not meriting the name of scholar." 
Now, whoever labors in the field to which Dr. 
Brinton has devoted so much time, is entitled to 
a certain degree of consideration, and this to the 
author of "Hero-Myths " we freely accord. He 
has done, and may yet do, good service, but his 
labors will prove the most useful, however, in 
rendering accessible any facts of which he may 
come in possession, since he lacks the essentials 
of a savant destined to overturn the principles 
upon which the best thought of Europe and Amer- 
ica is based and empty the human mind of the 
supernatural. The author appears to have at- 
tended more than one antiquarian feast, but his 
style is vague and elliptical and his mental pro- 
cesses are too unscientific. Upon the whole the 
treatment of the subject is unsatisfactory. 

Virginia, Maryland, and the Carolinas. 
By J. A. Doyle, Fellow of All Souls' College, 
Oxford. New York : Henry Holt & Com- 
pany. 1882. 8vo, pp. 420. 

Typographically this volume is very alluring, 
while the literary charm is so recognizable that 
we should be glad to say more in its favor than 
we intend to, but its merits have been sufficiently 
proclaimed ; while, upon the whole, we incline to 
the opinion that it belongs to a class of books 
that the world, if not the bookseller, might easily 
spare. Hence, we are not very grateful for the 
information that the New England colonies will 
be treated in the same way in a separate volume. 
Living within easy reach of ample, and, to a con- 
siderable extent, unused materials, the author 
might have written an original work of equal in- 
terest and superior value ; but, as it remains, he 
has given the public what may be called a compi- 
lation. In several places he talks about original 
manuscripts, but to such sources he is really under 
slender obligations; while he does not hesitate to 

frame entire chapters by rehashing well-known 
and recent writers, whose blunders he copies, not- 
withstanding his talk about the " collation " of 
authorities. The author is capable of conducting 
more exact and useful studies ; and therefore it is 
a pity to find him referring the reader to Bryant 
and Gay's history for an account of the Zeno 
Brothers after the subject, so rich in its litera- 
ture, has been treated by Mr. Major. 

of America under the Constitution. By 
James Schouler. Vol. I., 1783-1801 ; Vol. 
II., 1801-1817. Washington, D. C: William 
H. Morrison. 1882. i2mo, pp. 523, 472. 

These two volumes, which appear as the first 
instalment of a series which the author proposes 
to continue to the opening of the civil war, in 
1861, cover those important years which may be 
called " our first national era." " My main de- 
sire," says Mr. Schouler, "is to interest and in- 
struct my countrymen in a period of American 
history which exhibits the primitive Union and 
primitive manners;" and again, to trace "the 
public progress " of our republic and distinguish 
" the impelling influences, whether individual or 
collective, political, moral, or social," which have 
caused our remarkable advance. The author's 
aim is very satisfactorily accomplished, and for 
the general historical reader who cannot devour 
the numerous biographies of the leading men of 
that time, his work must be a welcome vade mecum. 
Mr. Schouler follows the best authorities, and as- 
sures the reader that he has also consulted valuable 
manuscripts at Washington hitherto unpublished. 
Almost without exception, however, the refer- 
ences in the foot-notes are to works already in 
print. Frequent quotations from the original 
papers in question would have added to the inter- 
est of the volumes. 

RAPHY of Richard Hayes McDonald, of 
San Francisco, Cal. Compiled and edited by 
his Eldest Child, Frank V. McDonald. 
Vol. I. Honour thy Father and thy Mother. 
— Ex. xx. 12. Cambridge : University Press. 
4 to, pp. xix, 27-95, 119. 

As a piece of book-making we must regard this 
volume — if it is a volume — as phenomenal, both 
in its pagination and illustrations. As a literary 
performance it is also exceptional. The appen- 
dices contain 116 pages, and steel and wood en- 
gravings of various styles, including portrait and 
landscape, are freely tucked in at every possible 
point, regardless of expense. The author has an- 
cestral reverence enough, at least, and proposes, 
by and by, to write the life of his worthy and re- 



spected father ; for what we have is simply so 
much preparation for the work of telling the story 
of a Californian adventurer, who played the part 
of farmer, mechanic, druggist, and banker, accu- 
mulating a large fortune, which, instead of being 
put into a telescope, is devoted, in part at least, to 
a memorial volume. These notes, however, are 
simply preparatory, and we therefore await the 
grand opus without indulging in criticism. 

By Edward A. Freeman, D.C.L., LL.D., 
Honorary Fellow of Trinity College, 
Oxford. I. The English People in its Three 
Homes. II. The Practical Bearing of Gen- 
eral European History. Philadelphia : Porter 
& Coates. i2mo, pp. 455. 

These lectures were delivered during 1881- 
1882 at Boston. Baltimore, Ithaca, New Haven, 
and Philadelphia. They form, practically, two 
books in one. The first treats of the original 
home of the English on the Continent, of the 
English in England, their second home, and of 
the third in America. The author's aim is to 
illustrate the relationship of the scattered families, 
holding that all that belongs to the older and 
lesser England in Britain belongs no less to the 
younger and greater England in the New World. 
The second part of the volume is devoted to 
"Causes and their Effects," "The Democratic 
City," "The Aristocratic City," "The Ruling 
City and its Empire," "The Elder and Newer 
England," and " Rome Transplanted." These 
chapters cover the colonization of Europe, and 
take us more or less into the field of current pol- 
itics. The author deals chiefly with general prin- 
ciples, and does not go much beyond the range of 
the average audience. His style is clear, strong, 
and interesting, and sometimes brilliant ; while the 
book covers ground that merits special treatment. 

ano. By Cyrus Thomas, Ph.D.; with an 
Introduction by D. G. Brinton, M.D. 
Washington: Government Printing Office. 
1882. 4to, pp. xxxvii, 237. 

The Maya manuscript, called after the name of 
its possessor, was found at Madrid in 1866. It is 
written on a strip of Maguey paper about four- 
teen feet long and nine inches wide, folded in 
thirty-five folds, and presenting the appearance of 
an octavo volume. The text is composed of 
characters and figures painted in colors, of which 
this volume gives representations in fac simile. 
Mr. Thomas regards the work as a religious cal- 
endar for the guidance of the priests in the per- 
formance of their duties among an inland people 
comparatively advanced in the arts. The work is 

elaborated with great care and in a very judicious 
spirit. It is of great value and interest, and the 
author has conferred a great benefit upon stu- 
dents of Maya antiquities. Before saying much on 
the subject, however, we desire to know the con- 
tents of the second part of the manuscript, said to 
have been found recently, and which, by all means, 
should find its way into the hands of Mr. Thomas. 

of the Search for the Jeannette. By 
William H. Gilder. With maps and illus- 
trations. New York : Charles Scribner's 
Sons. 1883. 8vo, pp. 344. 

This volume forms an improvement on Mr. 
Gilder's " Schwatka's Search," and is really a 
good book, being exceedingly well illustrated be- 
sides; and, notwithstanding the present abundance 
of Arctic literature, this new production will find a 
recognized place and a large circle of appreciative 
readers, who will never weary of the story of these 
heroic attempts to reach the pole. 


By George E. Pond, Associate Editor of the 

Army and Navy Journal. New York : Chas. 

Scribner's Sons. 1883. i2mo, pp. 287. 

This volume forms Number XI. of the " Cam- 
paigns of the Civil War," and shows how the 
Valley of Virginia, drained by the Shenandoah 
River, formed a sort of sluiceway for the Confed- 
erate forces in their movements against the North, 
and the theatre of Sheridan's brilliant exploits, 
which are well told in this admirable volume, 
fully illustrated by maps. 

Battles about Chattanooga, under the 
Command of General U. S. Grant, in 
1862-63; an Historical Review. By Sam- 
uel Rockwell Reed. Cincinnati : Robert 
Clarke & Co. 1882. Pp. 201. 

If generals were supposed to be infallible, the 
author of the above work would have his case ; but 
as he criticises Grant and his generals "after the 
event," his book does not call for extended notice. 

plementary Chapters on the other Fa- 
mous Cataracts of the World. By 
George W. Holley. With Illustrations. 
New York : A. C. Armstrong & Co. 1883. 
l2mo, pp. 183. 
The volume forms an elegant gift book, and 

will also serve as a thoroughly reliable handbook 



of Niagara. The author tells us about every one 
of the subjects worth knowing, while his style is 
pleasant, and the illustrations very fair. 

GEORGE RIPLEY. By Octavius Froth- 
ingham. Boston : Houghton, Mifflin & 
Co. 1SS2. Pp. 321. 

Carlyle immortalized Ripley by describing him 
as a Socinian preacher who left his pulpit to 
reform the world by cultivating onions. The 
onions at Brooks Farm did not pay, and he 
finally made his name in literature. Mr. Froth- 
ingham has told his story well, and placed Ripley 
upon his well-earned pedestal. 

HENRY D. THOREAU. By F. B. Sanborn. 
Boston : Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1883. 

I2H10, pp. 324. 

Mr. Emerson characterized this singular person 
as a man of genius who became "the engineer of 
a huckleberry party." Thoreau certainly did not 
live up to his opportunities, but he lived for a 
purpose, and that purpose is well set forth in this 
exceedingly interesting volume. 

ley Warner. Boston : Houghton, Mif- 
flin & Co. 1882. i2mo, pp. 304. 

Washington Irving was a practical man, born 
at a fortunate time, and he improved his chance. 
If he had come upon the stage to-day, he would, 
perhaps, have had a different reception. As it 
was, however, he won a permanent place in litera- 
ture, and will be remembered and read when Rip- 
ley and Thoreau are forgotten. As Mr. Warner 
wrote this book, it needs no praise, and, in fact, 
no more capable or sympathetic writer could have 
been selected for the task. 


CHUSETTS Historical Society, December 
14, 1882. [Extracted from the Proceedings.] 

This pamphlet contains the address of the Hon. 
Robert C. Winthrop, President, after his return 
from Europe, where he used his opportunities for 
the advancement of the objects of the Society. 
Mr. Winthrop gives an account of the unveil- 
ing of the Raleigh memorial, a window in St. 
Margaret's, London ; while he thinks that the 
Brief among the Harriot papers, in the British Mu- 
seum, may be an abstract of the speech made by 

the unfortunate knight before his execution. The 
pamphlet also contains an interesting letter from 
John Winthrop to Nathaniel Riche, dated Bos- 
ton, May 22, 1634. 

federation. A Study in Anthropology. By 
Horatio Hale. Salem, Mass. 1881. 8vo, 
pp. 20. 

In this paper, read before the American Asso- 
ciation for the Advancement of Science, the au- 
thor takes the ground that Hiawatha was a his- 
toric personage. 

and its Disastrous Results in China and 
India. The Spread of Opium-smoking in 
America. By the Rev. John Liggins. New 
York : Funk & Wagnalls. 1882. 8vo, pp. 

The title of this pamphlet is quite descriptive of 
its character, but few perhaps appreciate the ex- 
tent to which the opium habit prevails in this 
city, or know much of its frightful results in 
America. The author formerly resided in China, 
and his brief history of the business may be relied 
upon as correct. 

First Bishop of Connecticut. 8vo, pp. 8. 

As the centennial of the consecration of Bishop 
Seabury draws nigh, all the circumstances con- 
nected with the event become of interest ; and, 
therefore, in this brief paper Dr. Beardsley, the 
well-known author of the " Life of the first Bishop 
of Connecticut," maintains, in opposition to 
Bishop Perry, that Dr. Seabury was not the first 
choice of the people of that State, who, he main- 
tains, previously expressed a preference for the 
Rev. Jeremiah Learning. He presents a strong 
piece in the shape of the draft of an address to 
the Archbishop of Canterbury, recommending Mr. 
Learning for the office ; but the argument is cumu- 
lative and strong, and gives a fresh view of the 

logue of a valuable collection of Books and 
Pamphlets relating to America. With a de- 
scriptive list of Robert Clarke & Co's histori- 
cal publications. Price, fifty cents. Cincin- 
nati : Robert Clarke & Co. 1883. 8vo, 
pp. 266-42. 

This is a new compilation, and will be found 
worthy of preservation. 

iWnte d_Ly-i tuart? % TruniiauIL 

X»S ljyu AB33ui &aA 



Vol. IX MAY 1883 No. 5 


THE origin of this famous street, and its connection with the begin- 
nings of our national life and prosperity, are scarcely less interest- 
ing to the world at large than its more recent financial mysteries, 
its whirlwinds of panic, and its gigantic operations. We turn backward 
but two and one half centuries to find its site a picturesque tangle of 
underbrush, wild grape-vine and tree, animated with untrained bears of a 
shining pitch-black color, hungry wolves, noisy wild-cats, and sly raccoons. 
It will be remembered that while the little settlement — the germ of the 
present city of New York — on the extreme southern point of Manhattan 
Island was yet in its helpless infancy, a bloody Indian war nearly deso- 
lated the whole surrounding country. The savages were respectfully 
afraid of the fort ; but they prowled about in its immediate vicinity, steal- 
ing whatever they could find of use to themselves, and scalped every man, 
woman, or child who chanced to stray too far into the woods. As the 
spring of 1644 opened, the few surviving colonists were in absolute de- 
spair. They could not even turn their cows and oxen into the fields to 
nibble wild grass with the reasonable hope of ever seeing them alive 
again. Governor Kieft finally issued an order for the erection of " a good 
solid fence " across the island, commanding every man who wished his 
cattle pastured in security to appear with proper tools and assist in the 
work. Those who failed to give their aid were to be " excluded from the 
privileges of the inclosed meadow." This primitive fence was to perform 
the double duty of keeping the domestic animals of the settlement within 
proper limits, and of checking the approach of Indians and wild beasts of 
the forest. It was built on the line of what is now Wall Street, and was 
the initial paragraph, so to speak, of the curious chapter of record and 
story which traces the progressive steps of one of the most widely known 
and remarkable localities in the civilized world. 

* Copyright, 1883, by Mrs. Martha J. Lamb. 305 



The utility of the fence as a fortification was never brought to a test, 
however. Before the May flowers bloomed, in that eventful year, a treaty 
of peace was concluded with the savage tribes, and the besieged people in 
and around the fort began to breathe more freely. The fence remained 
standing some nine years, and formed the northern boundary of a fifteen- 
acre " sheep pasture " — a public field of rolling upland and swampy 
meadow, where the cows, oxen, horses, goats and sheep of the settlers 
grazed in common. The meadow-land in the valley, along the line of the 
present Broad Street, was taken up for tanneries in the course of the 
period ; and prior to 1653, a considerable portion of the remainder of the 
" sheep pasture " had been granted by the West India Company, in large 
parcels, to persons of influence, apparently on speculation. But it was 
even then unimproved — a bit of barren landscape — although the little 

town had crept 
gable-roofs and 
the prospect was 
of promise. The 
colony at this 
a ferment owing 
clared on the 
Atlantic between 
Holland. Intel- 
battles fought 
came with every 
Old World. The 
torious, chiefly, 
were enormous ; 
of their vessels 
my's hands, their 
suspended and 
m e r c e by the 
cut off. Gov- 
watched all these 
ments with acute 


in sight with its 
wind-mills and 
alive with signs 
affairs of the 
juncture were in 
to hostilities de- 
other side of the 
England and 
ligence of terrible 
upon the sea 
ship from the 
Dutch were vic- 
while their losses 
sixteen hundred 
fell into the ene- 
fisheries were 
their entire corn- 
English Channel 
ernor Stuyvesant 
significant move- 
anxiety, and, 

convinced that prudence was the better part of valor, took earnest meas- 
ures to preserve peace with his English neighbors on this side of the 
ocean. To conciliate his own people he yielded to the pressure for munic- 
ipal privileges, and thus a new power in the government came into 

The city of New York, originally called New Amsterdam, was created 



by proclamation, February 2, 1653, the governor of the province naming 

its first officers, and defining 

their exceptionally limited au- ik 


The inconspicuous 
event was duly chron- 
icled ; and the new 
City Fathers at once 
an air of 


1 T 




- v strictly in keeping with 
the customs of Holland, 
and the spirit of the age. 
When Sunday morning came 
they met at the City Hall and 
marched in solemn and dignified pro- 
cession to the church in the fort, pre- 
ceded by the bell-ringer carrying their 
'* cushions of state — which he deposited with 
much ceremony in the pew set apart for their 

At the very moment when New York thus 
made its debut in the annals of the world, Eng- 
land seemed rapidly drifting into a condition of an- 
archy. The army had provoked the ire of Parliament ; and excuses were 
industriously sought to overthrow the dangerous power of Cromwell. 




The Dutch made some advances toward a peace, and were severely 
snubbed by that haughty assembly of English statesmen whose determi- 
nation was to increase national expenses until it could compel the disband- 
ing of the army. Meanwhile rumors reached New York in March, 1653, 
of war and tumults to be expected from the Puritan colonies of New 
England, who, it was said, longed to make New Netherland a trophy of 
the strife. Stuyvesant had more than once been warned by the West 
India Company to keep a watchful eye on the English inhabitants of 

North America, lest they incline to 
take a hand in the European game. 
He was, therefore, in a measure, pre- 
pared for this new alarm, and has- 
tened to call a joint meeting of the 
provincial council and city magis- 
trates, to consider the perils of the sit- 
uation, and agree upon some energetic 
course to pursue in the emergency. 
The meeting promptly resolved that 
s£ the citizens should mount guard every 
night, and that the fort should be 
repaired. But the citadel was not 
large enough to contain all the in- 
habitants of the city in the event of 
a siege, therefore it was decided " to wall the city in ;" and to de- 
fray the expenses the city government proposed to borrow some six 
thousand guilders (or $2,000) from the principal citizens of the little 
miniature city, to be repaid by a tax on the commonalty. Within 
two days upward of five thousand guilders had been subscribed ; * and 
every able-bodied man was required, under penalty of fine, or ban- 


* The names of the subscribers to this fund, with the amount contributed by each, will interest 
the antiquarian, as well as the numerous descendants of those leading men of 1653, who invested 
in the original wall : 


The Hon'ble Cornells Werckhoven 200 

Johannes de Peyster 100 

Johannes Van Brugh 200 

Johannes Van Beech 200 

Cornells Steenroych 200 

Govert Loockermans 150 

Oloff S. Van Cortlandt 150 

Jacob Schelling 200 

Pieter Prins 100 


Antonie Van Hardenburg 200 

Johannes Nevius 100 

Gulian Ways 200 

Pieter Bays 100 

Paulus Schrichs 100 

Jacob Gerrits Strycker 200 

Francois Fyn 100 

Matheus de Vos 100 

Adriaen Blommaert 100 



ishment, to leave his 
business and lend a help- 
ing hand in building the 
wall. The quaint structure was lo 
cated nearly on the line of the primitive 
fence, and its length from river to river was es- 
timated at about one hundred and eighty rods. 
It was built of palisades, twelve feet high and 
eighteen inches in girth, sharply pointed at the 
top. Posts seven inches thick were erected at 
intervals of a rod, to which split rails were nailed 
two feet below the top. On the inside was a breast- 
work of earth four feet high, and from three to four 
feet wide, thrown up from a ditch three feet deep and 
two wide. At the point where the wall crossed the 
partially opened road, now Broadway, a huge gate was con- 
structed called the " Land Gate;" and at the junction of Pearl 
Street, which was then at the edge of the sea, another gate was 


Evert Tesselaer's clerks 200 

Adriaen and Johannes Keyser 100 

Jacob Backer 150 

Nicholas Boodt 100 

Isaac de Forest 100 

Abram Geenes . 100 

Jacob Steendam 100 

Anthony Clasen 50 

Jan Jansen, jr 50 

Jan Vinje 50 


Arent Van Hattern 100 

Martin Krygier 100 

P. L. Van der Grist 100 

Maximilian van Gheel 100 

Allard Anthony 100 

Abram de la Noy 100 

Daniel Litschoe 100 

Philip Gerardy 50 

Egbert Van Borssum 100 

Heindrick Schip 100 


planned known as the " Water Gate." A space of some one hundred 
feet parallel to the wall on the city side was set apart for the evolution 
of troops — within which limits no buildings were to be permitted. 

During the month of April following, the city was in one perpetual 
fever of intense excitement and consternation. The scene along the site 
of Wall Street as the work went briskly forward was like an elongated 
bee-hive. The danger was imminent ; and war not only threatened, but 
a scarcity of food through the interruption of trade in every direction. 
The consumption of grain by brewers and distillers was strictly forbidden, 
and an edict went forth that all tobacco planters must prepare to cultivate 
as many hillocks of corn as of tobacco in the near future. Stuyvesant was 
an experienced soldier, and manfully endeavored in the midst of the 
general terror to negotiate a treaty of commerce with Virginia, in which, 
however, he was only partially successful. The uncertainties of the situ- 
ation rendered it depressing in the extreme. The Indians might be in- 
cited to desperate deeds ; a revolt on Long Island was reasonably appre- 
hended ; Connecticut was known to be in the humor to march at any 
moment upon the little Dutch capital ; and Boston was furious over the 
captured instructions of the West India Company to Stuyvesant, suggest- 
ing that he employ the Indians as allies in case of colonial war-trouble. 
Such was the atmosphere of insecurity and dismay on Manhattan Island 
that the ninth day of April was observed (throughout the province) in 
fasting and prayer. A week later some travelers from New England 
reported the story in full flower in that region that the Dutch had secretly 
hired the savages to massacre all the English people ! Stuyvesant quickly 
wrote to the governors of New Haven and Massachusetts declaring the 
rumor a base fabrication, and offering to come to Boston in person and 
prove his innocence of any such horrible conspiracy. On the very day he 
penned these letters a scene was enacted in England of grave bearing 
upon the future of each of the American colonies. It was described by 
William Henry Montague in the following terse language. 

" On the 20th of April, while the Commons were debating about dis- 
banding the army, Cromwell went, attended by a detachment of chosen 
men, to the house, and having placed some of them at the door, some in 
lobby, and others on the stairs, he entered, followed by a number of 
officers, who were entirely at his command. Taking his seat, he for some 
time listened attentively to the debates. He then called Harrison, and 
told him that he now judged the Parliament ripe for a dissolution. Har- 
rison replied, ' The work is very great and dangerous ; I desire you to 
seriously consider before you engage in it.' * You say well,' answered 


Cromwell, and sat still, about a quarter of an hour. When the question 
was going to be put, he said again to Harrison, l This is the time I must 
put it.' And suddenly starting up, he loaded the Parliament with the 
vilest reproaches, for their tyranny, ambition, oppression, and robbery 
of the public. Then stamping with his foot, which was the signal for the 
soldiers to enter, 'for shame,' said he to the Parliament, ' get you gone; 
give place to honester men ; to those who will more faithfully discharge 
their trust. You are no longer a Parliament ; I tell you, you are no longer 
a Parliament. The Lord has done with you ; he has chosen other instru- 
ments for carrying on his work.' After this fanatic speech he reviled 
several of the members by name, calling one a drunkard, another an adul- 
terer, and a third a glutton. He next commanded a soldier to seize the 
mace, saying: 'What shall we do with this bauble? Here, take it away.' 
Then addressing himself .o the house, he said, ' It is you who have forced 
me upon this.' Having commanded the soldiers to clear the hall, he him- 
self went out the last, and ordering the doors to be locked put the keys in 
his pocket." 

The dissolution of the Long Parliament, in this bold and extraordinary 
manner, prepared the way for a treaty with the Dutch, which brought 
great credit to Cromwell's administration. But like the wall which gave 
to Wall Street its name, peace was a monument of slow growth, and of 
uncertain character for a full twelve-month. The summer of that year 
(1654) was one of peculiar turmoil on both sides of the Atlantic. Crom- 
well was not invested with the supreme power to make war or peace 
until December. In the mean time a civil contest threatened the kingdom, 
and the people of New York knew no comfort or rest. When the first ap- 
propriation for the building of the wall was exhausted, the work neces- 
sarily ceased, although it was a conspicuously incomplete fortification. 
The hostile attitude of Connecticut continued, and volunteers there formed 
into companies to " instantly " subdue the Dutch were with difficulty re- 
strained by the general government. The authorities of Massachusetts 
refused to bear part in an offensive war against New York, and their ac- 
tion Connecticut in wrath pronounced an " indelible stain upon their honor 
as men, and upon their morals as Christians," and wrote to Cromwell urging 
that the Dutch be removed from the coast of North America. 

Stuyvesant tried in vain to induce the Burgomasters and Schepens to 
raise further funds for the defenses of the city. The fort, they said, was a 
proper charge upon the provincial revenue, and unless the excise on wines 
and beers was guaranteed to the city treasurer, they would contribute 
nothing to its repair. This demand for the excise was unfalteringly firm, 


and finally was conceded in November by the unwilling and conquered gov- 
ernor, on condition that the city fortifications be supported together with 
the civil and ecclesiastical officers of the city. About this time the shores 
of the East River were infested with pirates and robbers, such as always 
abound in times of war ; and some of the English residents of Long Island 
were suspected of aiding the freebooters in their depredations. The 
winter was one of serious tribulation, and spring brought only a renewal 
of complications and terrors. Stuyvesant fitted out several yachts to drive 
away the pirates, and these movements were quickly misconstrued by the 
watchful English settlers into "treacherous expeditions of cruel warfare." 
The agents of Connecticut in England finally obtained Cromwell's ear, 
and an armament of four ships for the reduction of Dutch New York. 
Major Robert Sedgwick and Captain John Leverett were placed in com- 
mand, with instructions to take the Dutch capital " by surprise, open force, 
or otherwise." Isaac Allerton, returning from Boston on the 29th of May,, 
informed Stuyvesant of spirited preparations in New England for his 
downfall. A troop of horse and nine hundred foot were actually ready 
to march by land upon New York, and a fleet of vessels were to co-operate 
by sea. The governor was quickly in counsel with the city officials, and 
all were in trepidation. It could not be expected that the people scat- 
tered through the country would assist much in case of an attack; and as 
for the English settlers, they were sure to join the enemy. " To invite 
them to aid us," exclaimed Stuyvesant, " would be bringing the Trojan 
horse within our walls." It was resolved to enlist some sixty or seventy 
men, " in silence, and without beat of drum," to man the wall of the 
city ; and money was again borrowed of the wealthy citizens to defray the 
cost of preparing for a siege. To repay this loan, an annual tax of twenty 
stivers per morgen on tillage land was to be levied, with the hundredth 
penny on each house and lot in New York and in Albany ; a guilder on 
each head of horned cattle over three years old, and the tenth of all mer- 
chandise to be exported during the season. The Dutch, old and young, 
wielded the spade and the pickaxe, and the public defenses soon assumed 
comparative strength. Meanwhile the English residents talked treason, 
and began to send away their goods and furniture. This brought a sharp 
proclamation from the governor declaring all persons, " of whatever rank," 
found removing their property, subject to banishment and the confiscation 
of their effects. 

At this critical moment a London merchant ship entered the port of 
Boston with a copy of Cromwell's Proclamation of Peace between England 
and Holland ; also an order restraining all English subjects from commit- 


ting any further acts of hostility against the Dutch. The joy in New York 
on the reception of these tidings was almost overwhelming. The peace 
proclamation was published from the City Hall " with ringing of bell ; " 
and Stuyvesant piously summoned the people " to praise the Lord, who 
had secured their gates, when the threatened torch of war was lighted, 
when the waves reached our lips, and subsided only through the power of 
the Almighty." The 12th of the following August was appointed as a day 
of general thanksgiving throughout the province. 

The wooden wall proved a blessing, although the city escaped its threat- 
ened invasion ; and it was kept in tolerable repair for many years. Indeed, 
New York flourished as a walled city for nearly a half century. The gate 
at the junction of Pearl Street (the water gate) was completed in 1656, and 
had quite an imposing effect. About the same time a portion of the 
Damen Farm was sold to Jacob Flodder, who divided it into lots thirty feet 
front and offered it to purchasers ; one of these was Jacob Jansen Moes- 
man, a merchant trader, who proceeded to build a dwelling-house and store 
on the site of the present custom-house. This was the first building of any 
note in Wall Street, and the only one for half a dozen years, with the ex- 
ception of the shanties of a wool-spinner and a chimney-sweep, and two or 
three beer-shops. 

There was, however, a brisk sale of lots during the year just named, as 
appears from records in the city archives. On the 27th of May, of that year, 
Jacob Steendam, the earliest resident poet in New York, sold from his 
possessions in the " sheep pasture," a lot thirty feet front and one hundred 
and thirty deep, on the east side of Broadway, near Wall Street, to Leen- 
dant Aerden ; and on the same date he sold another lot ten rods square, 
in vicinity of Exchange place, east of Broad Street, to the Worshippful 
Schepen, Jacob Strycker, and Secretary Cornelis Van Ruyven. Steendam 
was a man of varied accomplishments. He indulged in quaint conceits 
and rhymes, and wrote poems of considerable merit. The Complaint of 
New Amsterdam to her Mother, published in 1659, and the Praise of New 
Netlierland, issued in small quarto form, in 1661, are among the legacies of 
his genius. The action of his poems was usually taken from the Scriptures 
or classical mythology. Two lots, west of the city wall, abutting on the lot 
of Moesman, and on the south lot of Govert Loockermans, were sold on 
the 24th of June to Pieter Cornelis Vanderveen, who had then been mar- 
ried some four years to Elsie Tymans, the step-daughter of Govert Loock- 
ermans. Vanderveen was one of the richest men of his time, and is named 
in the records as " old and suitable " for a great burgher. He built a pre- 
tentious house in Pearl Street in 1657, and tried to persuade the authorities 


to establish a public square near the present Battery, without success.* 
After his death his widow became the wife of the remarkable and unfortu- 
nate Jacob Leisler. Among those concerned in real estate transactions in 
the immediate vicinity of Wall Street during this year, we find such well- 
known names as Verplanck, Beechman, Kip, Duyckinck, De la Mon- 
tague, Rutgersen, Ten Eyck, Bayard, Brouwer, and Van Cortlandt. On 
the 25th of August, Allard Anthony and Oloff Stevenson Van Cortlandt, 
sold to Vanderveen a piece of property which is thus described : 

" A lot west of the Great Highway (Broadway), bounded north by the 
Company's Garden, and south by lot of Oloff Stevensen Van Cortlandt ; 
width on the street or east side three rods and two feet, and in the rear on 
North River, or west side, three rods three and one-fifth feet. Depth on 
south side twenty-one and one-half rods, and on the north side twenty-one 
rods eight feet. Being premises conveyed by Rt. Hon. Director-General 
Petrus Stuyvesant to said Anthony and Van Cortlandt, Burgomasters of 
the city, 9th May, 1656." 

These lots were then valued at prices ranging from fifty to one hundred 
dollars each. The wall was usually spoken of as " The Cingel," the Dutch 
term for " Ramparts." The map illustrates the general plan of the city as 
it unfolded in that eventful decade. f There is little evidence that the soil 
was at any time tilled between the town and the " Ramparts," except for 
gardening purposes. In the lower part of Pearl Street some forty-three 
houses had appeared — surrounded, in some instances, by pretentious 
grounds, and a few small shops. Jan Vinge lived in a farm-house about 
the present corner of William and Pine Streets, and must have given his 
attention to agriculture, judging from the court records, for he instituted 
several suits for damages done his cabbage-patches and pea-vines by school 
boys running through them. The City Court of Magistrates formed an 
august tribunal in their supervision of public affairs. It was the duty of 
the Schout to personally perambulate the city, and enter complaints against 
all such miscreants as disregarded police regulations. We find him in fre- 
quent collisions with disorderly and unruly persons. One Jasper Abra- 
hamson was arrested for forcibly entering a house and demanding with 

* An exquisitely beautiful gold chatelaine, worn at this period by Mrs. Peter Vanderveen, was 
in a somewhat romantic manner discovered in 1875, in possession of one of her descendants, in 
Newark, New Jersey, by the author, and an engraving of it made, by permission, for The History 
of the City of New York. Vol. I., p. 251. 

f The earliest known map of New York (1664), rescued from the European archives by George 
H. Moore, LL.D. This map is apparently derived from the same survey as the elaborately col- 
ored map familiarly known among historical scholars as " The Duke's Plan," and is believed to 
be the more correct of the two. — Ed. 






violence food and liquor, particularly liquor. Upon trial he was sentenced 
" to be fastened to a stake, and severely scourged, and a gash to be made 
in his left cheek or jaw, and then to be banished from the city for twenty- 
five years, and pay costs." Another significant instance was that of Mes- 
sack Martens, charged with stealing. He confessed to having climbed 
over the palisades and taken five or six cabbages from a garden, but it was 
thought he was much more deeply implicated. " On a subsequent day, the 
prisoner being again brought forward, was examined by torture, as to how 
many cabbages, fowls, turkeys, and how much butter he hath stolen ; who 
his abettors and co-operators have been. Answering, he persists in his 
reply that he did not steal any butter, fowls, or turkeys, nor had any abet- 
tors ; being again set loose, the Schout demands that for his committed 
theft voluntarily confessed, he shall be brought to the usual place of crim- 
inal justice, well fastened to a stake and severely whipt, and banished from 
the jurisdiction of the city for ten years, with costs. Decision of the 
court : That he be brought to the usual place of execution, to stand in the 
pillory with cabbages on his head, and be banished five years from the 
jurisdiction of the city, with costs and mises of justice." On one occa- 
sion the court applied to Stuyvesant and obtained authority to inflict cap- 
ital punishment. The culprit was charged by the Schout with having 
spoken treasonable words. The seven high and mighty Burgomasters and 
Schepens in solemn council voted as follows : 

The Heer Burgomaster Martin Cregie (Cruger) : That he shall be 
whipped, and branded, and banished ; and banished for all his life out of 
the Province of New Netherlands. 

The Heer Burgomaster Oloff Stevensen Van Cortlandt : Though he be 
worthy of death, yet from special grace, that he be whipped, and branded, 
and banished. 

The Heer Schepen Pieter Van Couwenhoven : He shall be put to death. 

The Heer Schepen Johannes Van Brugh : That he be whipped, and 
branded, and banished the country. 

The Heer Schepen Hendt. J. Vanderveen : That he is worthy of death, 
and ought to be punished until death follows, with the costs and mises of 

The Heer Schepen Jacob Kip : That he should be executed by death. 

The Heer Schepen Cornelis Steenwyck : That he be whipped and 
branded under the gallows, the halter being around his neck, and then 
banished forever and put hence with his wife and children, on pain of the 
gallows, thanking the magistracy, on his bended knees, for their merciful 
and well deserved justice. 


It was therefore decided by plurality of votes that the prisoner be 
whipped, branded and banished. The sentence was approved by the gov- 
ernor, and permission given to erect a half gallows before the City Hall to 
carry out the sentence. The prisoner was subsequently shipped to Virginia. 

The wall, with its feint of strength, was regarded as a curiosity by the 
English officers at the surrender of New York in 1664. Governor Nicolls 
examined it with reference to the possibilities of a military siege. It 
seemed of trifling account as a defense against a civilized foe ; but troubles 
were brewing among the Indians at the North, and it might be of service 
in the matter of keeping hostile savages at bay. Ere long a complication 
of difficulties between "the French and the Indians, and the New York 
colonists, created apprehension of mischief to be expected from the 
French ; and, in the same breath as it were, another fierce conflict between 
England and Holland cast its blight over the innocent city, the cause of the 
whole bloody disturbance. Improvements ceased, trade was suspended, 
famine threatened. Nicolls called a meeting of the citizens to consult about 
fortifying New York on the river side ; and, presiding in person, his open- 
ing address was a marvel of oratory. He said, with much emphasis, that 
he should constrain no one to fight against his own nation, at the same 
time he asked important and much-needed aid. In reply, the Dutch mag- 
nates said the town was strong enough already ; and other and various 
excuses were offered, which rendered it obvious to Nicolls that he should 
be able to command very little assistance from a community eager to wel- 
come the restoration of Dutch authority. Fortunately, the Peace of Breda 
(in 1668) brought relief, and men went about their business once more. 
Prosperity dawned, commerce with Boston and with Virginia recom- 
menced, merchant vessels might again cross the seas in safety, Dutch and 
English laborers no longer quarreled with each other at their work, and 
buildings began to multiply. But the wall was as yet a long distance out 
of town, that is, the town was not approaching the wall with marvelous 
celerity. Governor Lovelace succeeded Nicolls, and for some four years 
ruled the province with commendable discretion. But his attention was 
given to more knotty subjects than the city's growth. Conflicting claims 
about lands stirred up quarrels in every part of the province. One was no 
sooner quelled than another broke forth. His perplexities were greatly 
aggravated by the absence of any uniform nationality. Some of the 
habits and customs were Dutch, some French, some English, some Chris- 
tian, and some heathen. Extremes of evil and good were singularly linked 
together, and the barbarous punishments which both English and Dutch 
usage warranted seemed the only safeguard against chaos. 


Again, in 1673, the parent nations over the water plunged into another 
terrible war, and New York, as in every former instance, suffered severely. 
The fort and the wall were strengthened and repaired, volunteer forces 
were drilled, commerce was restricted, and merchants were on the eve of 
bankruptcy. The summer was flitting away, when suddenly a Dutch fleet 
appeared in the harbor, and an order came for the immediate surrender of 
New York. The governor was absent, and the summons was followed so 
promptly by the landing of the Dutch forces that no defense was 
attempted. The citadel was vacated by the English garrison, and the 
three-colored ensign of the Dutch Republic rose to its old place on the 
flag-staff. New York became once more New Netherland, and the city was 
called New Orange, in honor of the Dutch prince. It was an absolute 
conquest, by an open enemy in time of war. Everything henceforward 
assumed a military air. Guards were stationed near Sandy Hook to watch 
for vessels ; no person was allowed to cross the ferries without a pass ; and 
whoever had not taken the oath of allegiance was expelled from the city. 
Hostilities being apprehended from New England, citizens were forbidden 
to harbor any stranger, or to hold any correspondence whatever with the 
people of Massachusetts and Connecticut. Sentinels were stationed 
along the wall, and no person was allowed to enter or depart from the 
city except through one or the other of the two city gates, on pain of death. 
The wall was now a consequential feature of the city. At sundown 
every night the gates were closed, and a strong watch kept over them 
until sunrise the next morning. 

Meanwhile a series of remarkable events in Europe were shaping the 
destiny of New York. A treaty was concluded with the belligerent 
nations, which involved a mutual restoration of conquests. The Dutch 
governor, Colve, received instructions from Holland to yield the Province 
of New York to whomsoever the King of England should depute to receive 
it. Sir Edmund Andros was the dignitary thus delegated, and on Satur- 
day, the 10th day of November, 1674, he landed near the Battery with 
much ceremony, and was graciously welcomed by the Dutch Commander. 

The wall was not allowed to go at once into decay with the return 
of permanent peace. Eighteen years later, when a French invasion was 
threatened, two bastions were erected for the defense of the wall, each 
a huge mass of earth and stone faced with sods. It was, during its whole 
history, esteemed a protection against the bears of the forests, as the lo- 
cality has since been the haven of civilized bears. A curious and authen- 
tic incident of the year 1678 is handed along to us by the Rev. Charles 
Wolley (a Minister of the Church of England), who in visiting New York 


recorded in his journal the description of a bear hunt in John Robinson's 
orchard — between what is now Cedar Street and Maiden Lane. He 
writes, " we followed a bear from tree to tree ; and when he was got to his 
resting place, perched upon a high branch, we dispatched a youth after 
him with a club to an opposite bough, who knocking his paws, he comes 
grumbling down backwards with a thump upon the ground, so we after 
him again." In what precise decade the native bear retired before the 
march of civilization on Manhattan Island, history does not state with 
absolute precision. But houses and streets were taking such strides in a 
northerly direction, that in 1688 Governor Dongan ordered an examina- 
tion of the condition of the wall, with a view to the enlargement of the 
city, " and, if occasion should require to lay fortifications further out." 
It appeared from the report that the " water gate " was in ruins, the 
" curtain palisades from the gate to the Artillery Mount (northwest corner 
of Wall and William) fallen down, the ground laid out in lots and partly 
built upon, the Artillery Mount itself in a state of dilapidation, the curtain 
palisades between it and the ' land gate ' at Broadway in ruins, the land 
also laid out in lots ; the Land Gate Mount in decay, and the gate across 
Broadway ready to fall down." This account was sufficient to have in- 
duced the authorities to decide upon the demolition of the wall. But the 
time was unpropitious. The city was in commotion over the news that 
Dongan was to be displaced in the government, and New York consolidated 
with New England under the rulership of Andros. And the revolution, 
responsive to that in England upon the abdication of James II., following 
soon, the public mind had little room for the consideration of local affairs. 

Before retiring to his farm, Dongan (in 1689) sold the greater part of 
the property he had acquired in Wall Street to Abraham De Peyster, and 
Nicholas Bayard. A scrap of curious history is told in connection with 
this property. The southerly line of the street had been laid through 
the sheep walk, and drawn with reference to a proper field of military 
manoeuvre, one hundred feet from the wall. A city street of that width 
was considered unnecessary. Hence a little shrewd speculation. Dongan 
purchased of the heirs of the Damen estate, eighty feet in depth along 
the line of the ditch, across the whole southern front of their property. 
To this he added some forty-five feet from the vacant land to the south of 
the ditch, and thus made lots of about one hundred and twenty-five feet in 
depth, along the southern edge of which he fixed the northern line of Wall 
Street. This was in 1685, at which time the street was surveyed and 
ordered to be established. 

During the years immediately following the English Revolution the 


city advanced rapidly. Abraham De Peyster was the mayor in 1691, 
and he projected improvements with a lavish hand. The Garden Street 
Church, completed in 1693, was chief among the substantial indications of 
progress. It was built in the midst of a beautiful garden — a few years 
of age — " a great distance up town," fronting a narrow lane called Garden 
Alley, which afterward became Garden Street, and is now Exchange 
Place. The same year Wall Street was first paved to the width of ten 
feet in front of the houses facing the wall. 

It was at the suggestion of Mayor De Peyster that the city first as- 
sumed the support of public paupers. Each alderman was ordered to 
make a return of the poor in his ward. About the same time the corpo- 
ration erected on the river shore (in front of the old City Hall) a pillory, 
cage, whipping post, and ducking stool. This last-named instrument of 
torture was for the punishment of excess or freedom of speech. It was 
not a Dutch but a purely English invention, and had been used for a long 
time in the British Empire. The year 1695 was eventful in the city's 
progress, and several handsome dwellings were erected in Wall Street. 
More money was in circulation than ever known before, and real estate 
advanced materially in price. Privateers and pirates walked the streets 
freely, and bought provisions for long voyages in exchange for gold and 
valuable commodities from the East. Trinity Church was projected, at 
the head of Wall Street, and several pretentious houses were erected in 
various parts of the city. De Peyster built an elegant mansion in Queen 
(Pearl) Street opposite Pine, fifty-nine feet front and three stories high. 
Some of the rooms were forty feet deep ; and the walls and ceilings were 
elaborately decorated. The ground occupied the whole block, with a coach- 
house and stable in the rear. De Peyster, about the same time, presented 
the city with the site for a new City Hall at the head of Broad Street in 
Wall. The first opening of the lane (since Nassau Street) known then as 
Kip Street, was in June, 1696. The mayor and corporation had been pe- 
titioned by Teunis De Kay for the privilege of making a cartway through 
" the street that runs by the pie woman s leading to the City Commons^ 
The privilege was accordingly granted, and the land alongside given to 
De Kay as compensation for his labor. The following year the streets 
were first lighted, by a lantern containing a candle, hung on a pole from 
every seventh house. The first night-watch was instituted soon afterward; 
four "good and honest men" being appointed to go round the city from 
nine in the evening until daylight next morning, with a bell, to proclaim 
the season of the weather, and the hour of the night." 

The final erection of the City Hall, in 1700, was the great event which 


•established Wall Street as the central point of interest for leading business 
and professional men. It was an enterprise of magnitude for those primi- 
tive days, and was achieved through much tribulation. A curious and 
romantic chapter might be written on the chronicles of the three years 
while the subject was in agitation. In October, 1697, the jurors chosen 
for a certain trial raised quite a breeze by refusing to attend court, lest 
the old city hall " fall upon their heads." It was declared shaky and 
ready to tumble down. The matter was brought before the city authori- 
ties, and the mayor announced to the common council that he feared the 
building would give way under the pressure of the crowd that would pre- 
sumably be in attendance at the coming trial — which was of some notori- 
ous criminals before the Supreme Court. The judges were seriously 
alarmed, and they also invited special attention to the weak character 
of the edifice. The result was that competent masons and carpenters 
were sent to examine and report, who decided that " with six studs and a 
plank, the building might be secured from any danger of falling." These 
supports were ordered, the trial went on, and no accident happened; but 
the scare had its effect for good. A committee was appointed the next 
January to take measures for selling the old, and building a new city hall. 
As soon as plans were matured, the city petitioned the governor and his 
council for the final demolition of the wall, saying : " Whereas the former 
line of fortifications that ranged along Wall Street from the East River to 
the North River, together with the bastions that were erected thereon (in 
1692, when there was alarm about a French invasion), are fallen to decay, 
and the encroachments of buildings which have been made adjacent 
thereto will render the same useless for the future, and the city proposing 
with all speed to build a new city hall at the end of one of the principal 
streets, fronting the above said line of fortifications, we pray His Excellency 
that the said fortifications be demolished, and the stones of the bastions 
be appropriated to building the said city hall." 

The prayer was granted, and the corner-stone of the edifice was laid 
with much ceremony by the Mayor, David Provost, in the autumn of 1699. 
The structure was very nearly completed in 1700. The king's arms and 
the arms of Lord Bellamont, then governor, and of Nanfan, the lieutenant- 
governor, were carved on separate stones and placed in the front wall. In 
1702, those of the two last named were ordered to be pulled down and 
broken by the marshal of the city, by the opposite political party, which 
had come into power; and the wall was filled up. In 1703, the cage, pil- 
lory, whipping-post, and stocks were removed from the water's edge to the 
upper end of Broad Street, and placed in full view of the inmates of the 



City Hall. The punishment at that time for a petty thief was to burn 
into the left cheek near the nose the letter " T." The jail was remodeled 

during the winter of 
704, and made more 
secure for felons; and a 
debtors' prison was ar- 
ranged in the upper 
story of the edifice. 
This was a rough room 
with coarse board par- 
titions, without chairs, 
warmth, or comforts of 
any sort. It remained 
substantially in the same 
.^■■■■^MM jfl cheerless and comfort- 
less condition for three- 
fourths of a century. 

One of the most ex- 
citing scenes ever wit- 
nessed under the historic 
roof of this seat of jus- 
tice was in connection 
with the city elections 
of 1 7 o 1 — immediately 
following the death of 
Lord Bellamont. Eoth 
political parties at the 
polls seemed to lose all 
sense of honor and de- 
cency. There was as 
much illegal as legal vot- 
ing, and several bloody 
skirmishes among indi- 
viduals. Then came a 
violent dispute as to 
which party had really 

CITY HALL IN WALL STREET, 1700. WQn< J^ Q new ma y r, 

Thomas Noell, of the aristocratic party (as it was designated), was sworn 
according to custom before the governor and council, whence he re- 
paired with the elected aldermen to Trinity Church to listen to an ap- 



propriate discourse from the rector. From there they proceeded down 
Wall Street in solemn state to the City Hall, where the bell was ring- 
ing. Mayor Noell published his commission and took the chair. The 
retiring mayor, De Reimer, gracefully presented to him the city charter 
and seal. So far all went well. Abraham Gouveneur, the city recorder, 
took his seat by the mayor, who told the clerk to proceed with the cere- 
mony of swearing in the members elect. As their names were called, sev- 


eral shouted that they had been sworn in already by the old mayor. 
Others cried " it cannot be done," and " it is unlawful " — all talking to- 
gether, until the hubbub was deafening. Not only voices but fists were 
raised, and the uproar assumed such alarming proportions that the mayor 
dissolved the meeting. Noell naturally declined to sit with aldermen as a 
common council who refused to be sworn by him. And as the common 
council was the only legal authority for scrutinizing disputed elections, 
the city was in danger of being without a government. The urgency of 






o A 


Sold to PrabXh. 
in 171S,.ftr £330. 1 

71 ft. 
Samuel Paya 

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67 it. ^ 
A. de Pej ster «" 

No:iB s 

05 ft. 


25 ft. 


95 ft. 


3 ? 



No. 12 
25 ft. 





No. 11 
25 ft. 


25 ft. 



8 ^ 

"3 J 
I s 


25 ft. 


n j 

5 ?■ 
S "" 

25 ft. 



25 ft. 


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c " 


25 ft. 




3 (^ 



25 ft. 

75 ft. o 

Samuel Bayard <*- 

No.l " 



67 l't. j 

Sam'l Bnyard'- 

No,17 S 

Abram de Peysteru> 
No.2 gj 


■:s ft. 

1 "" 


07 ft. J 
Sam'l Eayard^ 

NoilS <= 

25 ft. 


1 ™ 


25 ft. 

25 ft. 



2 92 ft. long 5 

Thcs' i Lots mlo 

in 1773. 
A fir £200 

Wall St. in 1718. 


\ Broad St. \ 


the case was such that Noell appointed four men in each ward to inspect 
returns. His opponents pronounced the proceeding irregular, and refused 
to serve. The work went on, however, and the aristocratic party were 
found to be in the majority. Noell then called another meeting in the 
City Hall to swear in the new aldermen. Such as the movement would 
displace marched along the streets, and entered the hall with the others. 
They took their seats side by side, with anger in their faces. When Noell 
attempted to swear in those who had been legally chosen, shouts of prot- 
estation were heard from every part of the hall. The clerk administered 
the oaths amid a deafening roar of voices, and when the mayor attempted 
the transaction of business, all took part with audacious effrontery. Such 
was the confusion that the Board was adjourned for two weeks, and the 
case went to the Supreme Court. The decision was for an equal division 
of the aldermen and assistants between the two parties ; then, as the 
mayor and the recorder were politically opposed, the Board stood equally 

The property on the north side of Wall Street was divided between 
the owners into lots for building purposes, and a map made of it in 1718. 
About that time a lot was sold to the congregation of Presbyterians, on 
the north side of Wall Street, to the westward of the City Hall, eighty 
feet front by one hundred and twenty-four feet deep. Upon this site the 
First Presbyterian Church was erected in 17 19. The congregation was 
allowed to meet for public worship in the City Hall (by special act of the 
corporation) prior to the completion of the edifice, which stood a little 
back from the street with' a small graveyard in front, shaded by handsome 
trees. This church had an eventful history; it was enlarged in 1748, 
taken down and rebuilt in 1810, burned in 1835, rebuilt in 1836, and in 
1844 sold and removed stone by stone and re-erected in Washington 
Street, Jersey City. 



The city hall was supported upon brick arches over the sidewalk, 
under which pedestrians could pass from street to street in all directions. 
One of the rooms on the first floor was at a later day (about 1730) appro- 
priated for the reception of the two first fire engines in New York, im- 
ported from London. The court-room was in front, on the second floor, 
as shown in the diagram. In winter the chief justice and judges were 
attired in robes of scarlet faced with black velvet ; in summer they wore 
full black-silk gowns. The edifice was for nearly a century the great 


political and judicial center of the province, as well as of the city, in which 
were held the sessions of the General Assembly, the Supreme Court, the 
Admiralty Court, and the Mayor's Court. It was the scene of the famous 
Zenger trial in 1735, which excited the attention of all America. The 
court-room was crowded to suffocation, and every kind of business was 
neglected during a whole summer. The freedom of the press was at stake, 
as was also liberty of speech. Zenger had started a new weekly paper, 
and filled it with satire. He had criticised the officers of the government, 
and everything generally. He was on trial for " false, scandalous, malicious 


and seditious libels," and the world waited breathlessly for the result. 
Two of the leading lawyers of New York, William Smith and James Alex- 
ander, counsel for the prisoner, were excluded from the bar at the outset, 
having commenced proceedings by a spirited attack upon the court itself. 
The services of the eloquent Andrew Hamilton, of Philadelphia, were then 
engaged, and he was hailed on his arrival as the champion of liberty. His 
gifted irony, his brilliant humor, and his subtle power in argument won the 
case. The jury returned their verdict of "not guilty" after only a few 
moments' deliberation. The shouts of delight shook the building with 
such terrific force as to startle and anger the judges, one of whom indis- 
creetly threatened the leader of the uproar with imprisonment, whereupon 
Captain Norris pertly responded that huzzas were somewhat loud in West- 
minster Hall at the acquittal of the seven bishops. The shouts were re- 
peated and repeated, and when Hamilton emerged from the court-room 
Wall Street rang with the wildest enthusiasm, and it was with difficulty 
that he resisted a ride upon the shoulders of the crowd. The city cor- 
poration tendered him a magnificent dinner, the mayor presenting him 
with the freedom of the city in a costly gold box purchased by private 
subscription, and a gorgeous ball was given in his honor. The whole city 
complimented him with escort, and cannon, and huzzas, and banners on 
his departure for Philadelphia. 

The public library of the city occupied one of the apartments of the 
city hall for several years, and was the popular resort of all scholars, au- 
thors, and lovers of literature. A handsome clock with four dials graced 
the cupola, which was presented in 171 5 by Stephen De Lancey. He was 
one of the Assemblymen, who upon receiving his fee of ,£50 for services 
donated it immediately for this purpose. 

Thus two churches, Trinity looking down the street, and the City Hall, 
were conspicuous features of Wall Street to the end of the century. 
Meanwhile an institution of another and opposite character flourished at 
the foot of Wall Street at the East River, on the site of the old Dutch 
block-house. It was a slave mart, where the traffic in negroes went on 
from day to day. It was established in 1709, and not until about 1762 do 
we find the fact registered that the Wall Street residents courageously 
complained of it as a public nuisance, and demanded its removal. 

Another characteristic of early Wall Street for many years was Bayard's 
great unsightly sugar-house, which occupied nearly the whole northern 
front between the City Hall and William Street. It was built in the be- 
ginning of the century by Samuel Bayard, and used for its original purpose 
until his death in 1745. It stood back from the street and about in the 


center of the block, with a small building facing the street, and a rough 
fenced inclosure. It was demolished some time prior to the Revolution, 
and handsome residences appeared on its site. Samuel Verplanck pur- 
chased three lots in 1773 for £260, and built a house upon the one next to 
the city hall. It was about the middle of the century when Fashion first 
turned her face toward Wall Street as a choice place of residence. One 
elegant dwelling after another was reared and occupied, and long before 
the tocsin of war sounded through its charmed precincts it had become 
notably the fashionable quarter of the city. The three-story double brick 
dwelling of the Marstons — afterward occupied by the Holland minister, 
Van Berckle — the McEvers mansion on the north-eastern corner of Wall 
and William streets, the residence of Gen. John Lamb, Collector of the Port, 
adjoining, the handsome home of the Van Homes, and the imposing 
dwellings of the Buchanans, Whites, Dennings, Smiths, Startins, Cuylers, 
and other prominent families, invested the thoroughfare with peculiar 
attractions. Gentlemen promenaded its sidewalks in black satin small- 
clothes, and white embroidered satin vests, ruffled shirts, and velvet or 
cloth coats of any color in the rainbow. Shoes were fastened with glitter- 
ing buckles, and heads crowned with powdered wigs and cocked hats. 
Ladies appeared in brocaded silks of brilliant colors, the court-hoop was 
in vogue, and the bonnet of the period was jaunty and picturesque in the 

The most prosaic and practical American will find it difficult to repress 
some slight throb of enthusiasm, in recalling the historic incidents which 
had their background in Wall Street, while New York was under kingly 
rule. Here sat that provocative little miniature Parliament of New York, 
which for upward of three fourths of a century presumed to criticise the 
acts of its great English prototype, and to curtail the power of the royal 
governors, not infrequently withholding money necessary for the sup- 
port of the government. Its spirit, intelligence, and independence were 
conspicuously exhibited in every administration. In the case of Lord 
Cornbury it took measures to so guard the public funds that he esteemed 
himself openly insulted. The meagre support granted to Governor 
Hunter was on terms which he could not accept without humiliation. 
Even at that early day, some of the members denied the right of the 
queen to appoint salaries for her colonial officers ; and the general senti- 
ment was in favor of restraining the governor's prerogative. Lieutenant- 
Governor Clarke's first address to the captious body produced an expression 
of sentiment that would have done honor to the best days of Greece and 
Rome. One passage ran thus : " We therefore beg leave to tell your 



Honor that you are not to expect that we either will raise sums unfit to 
be raised, or put that which we shall raise into the power of a governor to 
misapply." Admiral Sir George Clinton became nearly distracted during 
his ten years' administration, from 1743 to 1753. His recommendations 
were slighted, and his demand for an independent support for a term of 
years' persistently denied. On one occasion his executive integrity was 

[Engraved for the Magazine by permission of Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet t, from Original Painting.] 

impeached and he addressed the House in great wrath. The effect was 
like throwing a lighted torch into a magazine of gunpowder. The legis- 
lators closed their doors, locked them, and laid the key upon the table, in 
the ancient form, when grave matters were to be discussed. A series of 
resolutions were adopted, defining the Assembly's rights and privileges, 
and declaring that certain requirements in the governor's message were 
"irregular and unprecedented." Clinton was highly incensed, accused 


the House of putting on airs, of insulting royal authority, and of a want 
of common decency. And he wrote to beseech of England to punish New 
York, as an example to all America. Sir Danvers Osborne hanged himself 
within a week after his arrival in New York. It was supposed his dread 
of the consequences of attempting to coerce the action of the Assembly 
unsettled his reason. The government was administered for some years 
by Lieutenant-Governor James De Laney, a native New Yorker, whose 
genius and culture, whose boldness and sagacity, and whose tact and 
statesmanship, won for the community one of the greatest of triumphs. 
The ministry yielded the long contested point in the spring of 1756, and 
agreed to annual support bills for the future. " No other colony," writes 
Bancroft, " was tinctured with such fearlessness of monarchical power as 
New York — at this time the central point of political interest in English 
North America." 

On the passage of the Stamp Act in 1765 James McEvers was appointed 
stamp collector for New York. He was a bachelor, residing with his 
brother, Charles McEvers, in an elegant new mansion in Wall Street, 
corner of William. The popular indignation at this parliamentary measure 
was such that he declined to receive the stamps or distribute them, and 
sent a formal resignation of his commission to Lieutenant-Governor 
Colden, then at the head of the government of New York. Meanwhile 
the famous Stamp Act Congress assembled in the city hall. No other 
in the succession of spirited events which have rendered Wall Street his- 
toric ground was more heroic under the circumstances, or far-reaching in 
its influence than this first attempt at Union of the colonies. It was a 
Congress without precedent, an institution unknown to the laws, an 
experiment at systematizing an opposition to the established government 
in which all America was to be united, and its seat was coolly fixed in the 
capital of the central province, in direct antagonism to the will of the 
king's officers, civil and military, who declared the whole proceeding 
unconstitutional, treasonable, and illegal. It met in the very face of the 
headquarters of the standing army, commanded by a general with military 
powers as ample as those of a viceroy, organized itself with measured 
precision, and continued its deliberations unmolested for three weeks. Mas- 
sachusetts and South Carolina contributed largely to the force and elo- 
quence of the occasion ; Connecticut, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, Dela- 
ware, New Jersey, Maryland, and New York were well represented; New 
Hampshire had no delegate, but agreed to abide by the action of the 
Congress ; and Georgia sent an express messenger nearly a thousand 
miles by land to obtain a copy of the proceedings. This Congress took a 



broad view of the situation, and believed itself responsible for the future 
liberties of the whole continent ; its fixed purpose was to demand the 
repeal of all parliamentary acts laying duties on trade, as well as the 
Stamp Act. Three memorials were penned, one to the king, one to the 
House of Lords, and one to the House of Commons, every line of each 
breathing an element of decision totally irreconcilable with the existing 
condition of affairs. The one to the king was drafted by Judge Robert 

R. Livingston, o f 
New York, William 
Samuel Johnson, of 
Connecticut, and 
William Murdock, 
of Maryland ; the 
one to the House 
of Lords was draft- 
ed by Philip Liv- 
ingston, Speaker of 
the New York As- 
sembly, Edward 
Tilghman, of Mary- 
land, and John Rut- 
ledge, of South Car- 
olina; the one to 
the House of Com- 
mons was drafted 
by James Otis, of 
Boston, T h o m a s 
McKean, of Penn- 
sylvania, and Thom- 
as Lynch, of South 
Carolina. It was in 
the midst of t h e 
wild panic created 
in New York by the rumor that a ship laden with stamps had anchored 
in the bay, that the members of this Congress in Wall Street affixed their 
signatures to the papers by which the blessing of Union was conferred 
upon the future nation, or, as they expressed it, the colonies became " a 
bundle of sticks which could neither be bent nor broken." 

The day following the adjournment of Congress, Lieutenant-Governor 
Colden wrote to the British Secretary that, notwithstanding " McEvers 



was terrified," he (Colden) was " resolved to have the stamps distributed." 
But, alas ! " the whole city of New York rose up as one man in opposi- 
tion." The memorable first of November was ushered in by the tolling of 
muffled bells, and flags at half-mast. Placards threatening the life of the 
Lieutenant-Governor if the stamps were used, appeared upon every street 
corner. Colden remained within the fort, " fortified as if he had been at 
Bergen-op-Zoom, when the French besieged it with a hundred thousand 
men," wrote one of his counselors. In the evening a vast torchlight pro- 
cession animated the streets, and Colden hanging in effigy upon a mova- 
ble gallows was borne aloft by the formidable mob, which shaped its course 
through Wall Street, and halting in front of the house of McEvers gave 
three cheers. It then proceeded to within eight or ten feet of the fort, 
knocked at its gate, and planted the gallows, with the effigy swinging 
thereon, under the very eyes of the garrison. The reading public is famil- 
iar with the riotous events of this night, and the imperative demand of the 
people in the days following, that resulted in the final surrender of the 
stamps to the custody of the mayor and corporation of the city. " A 
prodigious concourse of people of all ranks " attended the ceremony of 
the transfer, Mayor John Cruger, in whom the citizens had the utmost 
confidence, giving Colden a certificate of receipt. The packages were 
then conveyed from the citadel to the city hall, in Wall Street, the crowd 
cheering at every step vociferously. Tranquillity was thereby restored to 
New York. 

It would be instructive as well as interesting to follow the masterly 
papers that emanated from the Stamp Act Congress across the seas, and 
note their effects upon the parliamentary mind. They were read, and then 
re-read. They provoked all manner of scathing criticism. The Congress 
itself was derided as " a federal union, assembled without any requisition 
on the part of the supreme power." Earl Pitt replied : " It is the evil 
genius of this country (England) that has riveted among them the Union, 
now called dangerous and federal." We all know how the question of the 
repeal of the Stamp Act agitated the kingdom, as it was argued and re-ar- 
gued by the statesmen of the realm during the winter following, and of the 
victory achieved in the end. The news reached New York, May 20, 1766, 
and the whole city ran riot with gladness. Such was the gratitude and 
good feeling, that in June the city petitioned the Assembly, in the City 
Hall, to honor with a statue the great champion of the repeal, William 
Pitt. Money was appropriated, the skilled services of Hilton, the celebrat- 
ed London statuary, secured, and in due course of time a white marble 
figure of great beauty was erected in Wall Street, at the intersection of 



William (then called Smith Street). The statue was in the attitude of one 
delivering an oration, the right hand holding a scroll partly open, where 

might be read " Articuli Mag- 
na-Charta Libertatum." On 
the south side of the pedestal 
the following inscription was 
cut in a tablet of white marble : 
" This statue of the Right 
Honorable William Pitt, Earl 
of Chatham, was erected as a 
publick testimony of the grate- 
ful sense the Colony of New 
York retains of the many em- 
inent services he rendered to 
America, particularly in pro- 
moting the repeal of the Stamp 
Act." This statue remained 
standing in its original position 
until 1789, but having been be- 
headed and disfigured by the 
house of gen. john lamb, in wall street. British during their occupation 

of the city, it was finally removed by a city ordinance. It is now pre- 
served in the refectory of the New York Historical Society. 

The decade from 1765 to 1775 was one of variable excitements, and 
Wall Street was the troubled heart of them all. It was in the city hall 
that the great Tea Meeting startled the inhabitants in 1773 (December 17), 
when General Lamb read to the assembled throng the Act of Parliament 
relating to the payment of the duty on tea, and called for an expression 
of opinion, as to whether obedience should be rendered. The prolonged 
shouts of " No ! No ! No ! " three times repeated, jarred the old edifice 
from floor to rafter, and left no doubt as to the sense of the meeting. This 
was but a few hours after three hundred and forty chests of the condemned 
tea had been consigned to the briny depths of Boston harbor. Had the 
tea-vessel destined for New York not been diverted by contrary winds, 
history might have had still further revolutionary proceedings to chroni- 
cle. It so chanced that spring came in advance of the tea; but not a 
pound was allowed to come into the city. The ship and its cargo were sent 
ignominiously back from whence they came, in the most public manner, 
the bells ringing from every steeple in New York during the sublime cere- 
mony. Another vessel, whose captain denied the presence of tea in his 



hatches, was conducted to the usual place and overhauled. Eighteen chests 
being discovered, were without disguise or secrecy thrown into the bay. 

Presently the whole country was exasperated over the martyrdom of 
Boston. It was among the men who daily passed up and down Wall 
Street that the wise plan of a Continental Congress had its inception. 
Boston thought only of bringing England to terms through the suspension 


of trade. New York said, " The cause is general, and concerns a whole con- 
tinent equally interested with you and us." 

Boston, seeing New York firmly bent on a Congress, and nothing but a 
Congress, in which the question of resistance might be settled, graciously 
assented. The New York Committee of Fifty-One nominated five delegates 
to represent the city, and its nominees were elected at the polls. These 
delegates were Philip Livingston, John Alsop, Isaac Low, James Duane, and 
John Jay. The three former were merchants of fortune, and citizens of 
high position. Philip Livingston was the grandson of the founder of Liv- 


ingston Manor, and a graduate from Yale College. He was, at this time, 
some sixty-two years of age, of fine presence and polished manners, known 
and respected by the whole community. As a member of the Common 
Council, and of the Assembly, he had long been a familiar figure in Wall 
Street. His portrait will be regarded with exceptional interest. John 
Alsop was one of the original founders of the Chamber of Commerce, a 
gentleman of distinction and great loveliness of character. His only 
daughter afterward became the wife of Rufus King. Isaac Low enter- 
tained the Massachusetts delegation at breakfast on their way to Phila- 
delphia, and John Adams has left a pleasing description of the style of life 
in this luxurious home. Mrs. Low was a lady of great personal beauty. 

James Duane was a lawyer, some forty years of age, who subsequently 
distinguished himself in public service. He had already risen to eminence 
in his profession, and been retained in important suits that interested 
large masses of the people. He became the mayor of the city in 1784, and 
presided over the famous mayor's court, which through his high judicial 
reputation became the most important forum. His wife was the daughter 
of Robert Livingston, the third proprietor of the Manor, and niece of 
Philip Livingston. John Jay was also a lawyer, and the youngest of 
the five delegates. He was but twenty-nine, yet bore himself with the 
dignity and calm serenity of a veteran. He was tall, slight, graceful, 
shy, and proud ; an able writer, a ready speaker, and an accomplished 
scholar. His wife was another niece of Philip Livingston, the daughter of 
Governor William Livingston, of New Jersey. He had already identified 
himself with the old court-room in Wall Street, in his legal practice ; and 
during his subsequent career of a quarter of a century of usefulness to the 
country at large, and to his own State and city in particular, he was asso- 
ciated with this interesting locality in connection with some of the most 
significant and memorable events in American history, notably during the 
four years prior to the inauguration of the first President (Wall Street 
being the seat of the government of the Union), the four most precarious 
years of our national existence, in which he performed the initiatory duties 
of Secretary of State to the infant government ; organizing its foreign 

^ytZsZ^J^^ft (X^^l-O- 

[The portrait which graces the front page of the Magazine represents Jay at a later date — when 
about forty years of age — and expresses, perhaps, more of that refinement of intellect and calm 
serenity of character for which he was distinguished than any other picture extant. It is from 
A. B. Durand's engraving of Stuart and Trumbull's painting.] 



Of John Howard Payne, the Actor, the world knows but little ; yet in 
the early part of the present century he was a prominent figure in the 
American Theater, not only as a writer of plays, but as himself a player. 
Upon our stage he was the first of a long line of Infant Phenomena ; his 
popularity in his own country 
equaling almost that of the cele- 
brated Master Betty in England, 
whose contemporary he was. 

York, Payne 
schooling in 

a native of New 

received his early 

Boston, where he 
was distinguished by his efforts 
in declamation ; his friends and 
school-fellows believing him to be 
a prodigy of eloquence, even be- 
fore his ambition to excel upon 
the stage was fired by the por- 
traits of the young English Ros- 
cius in his different characters 
which he saw in the shop win- 
dows of Boston, and by the 
stories of Betty's marvelous suc- 
cess brought to America by every 
English mail. 

With little or no professional training Master Payne, at the age of 
seventeen, but looking much younger, made his first bow to the public as 
an actor, at the Park Theater, New York, on the 24th of February, 1809. 
Like Forrest, and scores of the young debutants who have followed him, 
he appeared in Holmes' " Douglas " as Young Norval, that putative son of 
the frugal swain, who for so many years, and in so many theaters on both 
sides of the Atlantic, has been described so often as feeding his flocks 
upon the Grampian Hill. The cast of this play, to be found in none of 
the Histories of the American Stage, is here reproduced from a file of bills 
of the Old Park. 




Young Norval ........ Master Payne. 

(His first appearance in public.) 

Old Norval Mr. Huntington. 

Lord Randolph Mr. Tyler. 

Glenalvon Mr. Rutherford. 

Lady Randolph ........ Mrs. Twaites. 

Anna Miss White. 

Payne's success was instant and complete. Mr. Ireland in his " An- 
nals of the New York Stage," describes him as playing the part with all 
the skill of a finished artist, combined with the freshness and simplicity of 
youth ; and Mr. Dunlop, who was an eye-witness of the performance, 
says, " The applause was very great. Boy-actors were then a novelty, 
and we have seen none since that equaled Master Payne." The New 
York daily and weekly journals were exceedingly warm in his praise ; and 
in the letter of a special New York correspondent to a leading Boston 
paper was the following enthusiastic notice : " In force of genius and 
taste in belles lettres, there are few actors on any stage w T ho can claim 
any competition with him." During this first engagement he played 
Zaphna in " Mahomet," Oct avian in " The Mountaineers," Selim in " Barba- 
rossa, " Tancred'm. "Tancred and Sigismonda;" and for his benefit, March 
15th, Romeo to the Juliet of Mrs. Darley, when, notwithstanding a heavy 
snow-storm, the receipts were upward of fourteen hundred dollars 
($1,400) — a very large sum for those days. 

On the 3d of April, 1 809, Payne appeared for the first time in Boston, and 
as Voting Norval, at the Federal Street Theater. He was introduced by 
a poetical prologue from the pen of his kinsman, Robert Treat Paine. He 
here appeared for the first time in " Hamlet," and his success and popu- 
larity in all his roles were greater even than in New York. Among the 
enthusiastic critiques of the Boston press a few are worthy of reproduc- 
tion : " His elocution is remarkable for its purity, and his action and 
deportment are eminently well suited to the passion he represents." 
" The house was crowded, and the most brilliant circles that we have for 
a long time witnessed at the theater, realized the high expectations 
which had been raised of the exquisite performance of this favorite child 
of Thespis." 

The favorite child of Thespis played again short engagements in New 
York in May and September, his receipts averaging five hundred dollars 
($500) a night. He drew large crowds in Philadelphia, but Baltimore was 
the scene of his greatest triumphs. Of his success there in October, 1809, 
Wm. Wood, in his " Personal Recollections," gives a full account. On 
the occasion of his benefit the receipts reached the extraordinary amount 


of eleven hundred and sixteen dollars ($1,116), in a house which at ordi- 
nary times, at the regular prices, and when filled to its utmost capacity, 
held but eight hundred ($800). Ridiculous sums were paid for admission 
to the theater, ranging from five ($5) to twenty-five dollars ($25), one 
gentleman giving as much as fifty dollars ($50) for a single ticket. 

After playing in Philadelphia, Payne made successful tours through the 
South and North, hailed as the American Juvenile Wonder, and attracting 
enormous audiences wherever he went. His characters, besides those men- 
tioned above, were Hastings in *' Jane Shore," Frederick in " Lovers' 
Vows," Rolla in " Pizarro," and Edgar in " King Lear." He is said to 
have "been the first Hamlet ever seen on the Albany stage, playing the part 
there 5th of April, 1810. On March 1st, 181 1, he appeared for the last 
time at the Park Theater, New York, and, for his own benefit, as Edgar to 
the King Lear of George Frederick Cooke. In Boston, in March, 1812, 
when he was first billed as Mr. Payne, and can, perhaps, no longer be con- 
sidered an Infant Prodigy, he played Hamlet and Tancred to the Ophelia 
and Sigismonda of Mrs. Duff, then, without question, the leading tragic 
actress of America. 

How much of Payne's success on the stage was due to his absolute 
merits as an actor, and how much to the curiosity he excited as a precocious 
lad, doing, or attempting to do, work that only the most finished and ma- 
ture of tragedians had ever undertaken before in America, it is, of course, 
difficult now to determine. He certainly was associated, and in equal 
parts, with some of the most distinguished men and women in his profes- 
sion, and with them he shared the honors and the applause. It must be 
confessed, however, that he did not grow in popularity as he grew in years, 
and that his later engagements were less successful, in a pecuniary way, 
than those of his youth. He seems to have become careless and indiffer- 
ent, to have devoted less time to study and preparation, and it is believed 
that he was dissatisfied with the profession, and with his position in it, 
even before he went abroad in 181 3. 

Payne, as a lad, is described as being " remarkably handsome, his coun- 
tenance full of intelligence, and his manners fascinating." Perhaps the 
best of the juvenile portraits of him that have been preserved to us is that 
from the miniature by Wood, which accompanies this article. 

Payne had some difficulty in securing a hearing from the London man- 
agers until Benjamin West, then President of the Royal Academy, and 
other influential Americans in England, became interested in him and 
secured him an engagement at Drury Lane. He appeared there June 4th, 
181 3, as Young JVorval, and under many difficulties. The actress cast for 


Lady Randolph refused at the last moment to appear, and another was hur- 
riedly secured, with whom he had no chance to rehearse. Indeed, he never 
even saw his stage mother until he met her on the stage and in the regular 
business of the play. He was unheralded, had no preliminary puffing to 
help him to his success, and yet his success was secured. He was received 
with great applause. His press notices were very complimentary. He 
was favorably compared to Master Betty ; and West, who had not been to 
the theater since Garrick's day, openly declared that the young American 
Roscius far exceeded his expectations ; that he thought his acting extremely 
graceful, and his voice very fine. 

Payne subsequently performed in Liverpool, Birmingham, Manchester, 
and Dublin, everywhere drawing crowded houses. In Ireland he was asso- 
ciated with the great Miss O'Neill, playing Petruchio to her Katherine, at 
Cork and elsewhere in the Irish Provinces. 

In Paris, Payne met and formed an intimacy with Talma, which lasted 
as long as Talma lived ; and there he first turned his attention to dramatic 
literature, translating from the French the at one time popular play of 
"The Maid and the Magpie," which he sold to the managers of Covent 
Garden for one hundred and fifty pounds (^150). This opened to him a 
new field of labor, and although he occasionally appeared in the English 
Provinces, his connection with the stage thereafter was that of poet rather 
than player. 

Payne was the author, translator and adapter of more than fifty (50) 
plays, a list of which will show the variety of his subjects and methods, and 
perhaps the versatility of his genius : 

Tragedies. — "Brutus;" "Virginia;" " Oswali of Athens;" "Richelieu, or The 
Broken Heart." 

Comedies. — "Charles the Second;" "Procrastination;" " Married and Single;" 
" Plots at Home; " " Woman's Revenge ; " " All for the Best." 

Dramas. — "Spanish Husband;" " Therese, the Orphan of Geneva ; " " Norah, the 
Girl of Erin ; " " Adeline, or Seduction ; " " The Two Galley Slaves ; " " The Rival Mon- 
archs;" " Paoli ; " "Solitary of Mount Savage;" "AH Pasha;" "The Inseparables;" 
" Maid and Magpie ; " " Accusation ; " " The Guilty Mother ; " " Man of the Black 
Forest ; " " Madame DuBarri ; " " The Festival of St. Mark ; " " The Bridge of Kehl ; " 
"The Judge and the Attorney ; " " The Mill of the Lake ; " " Mazeppa; " " Rovido the 

Operas. — " Clari the Maid of Milan ; " " The White Maid ; " " The Tyrolese Peasant ; " 
" Visitandines ; " " England's Good Old Days." 

Farces. — " Fricandeau, or the Coronet and the Cook ; " " The Post Chaise ; " " 'Twas 
I ; " " Mrs. Smith ; " " Love in Humble Life ; " " The Lancers ; " " Grandpapa ; " " Peter 
Smink ; " "Not Invited." 


Of these only " Brutus, or The Fall of Tarquin," the best of his produc- 
tions, holds the stage to-day ; and even " Brutus," strong and full of human 
interest as it is, has rarely been seen of late years. It was written in Lon- 
don in 1818, and was suggested by Nat Lees' " Lucius Junius Brutus," 
although entirely different from that play. Payne conceived and wrote the 
titular part for Edmund Kean, intending, in the beginning, to play Titus him- 
self ; but Stephen Kemble, Manager of Drury Lane Theater, where it was 
first produced in December, 181 8, expressed himself as shocked at the 
impropriety, and even indelicacy, of any actor appearing in a play of which 
he was the author. 

" Brutus " had an unprecedented run of over fifty (50) consecutive 
nights, doing much to restore the failing fortunes of the theater, and to 
revive the popular interest in Kean, whose attractiveness was on the wane. 

In America Brutus was in its day a favorite character of Cooper, For- 
rest, the younger Booth, and of other tragedians. Its first American pro- 
duction was at the Park Theater, New York, 15th of March, 18 19, with 
Mr. Pritchard as the Roman Father. The Elder Booth was fond of the 
part, and Payne himself is said to have witnessed a performance of the 
tragedy in Washington, in 1850, with Booth as Brutus, and Edwin Booth, 
then a lad of seventeen, as Titus ; a remarkable combination of talent 
before and behind the footlights. 

Payne returned to America in 1832. In New York he was tendered a 
banquet at the City Hotel, and on the 29th of November of that year, 
at the Park Theater, he received the first complimentary benefit ever 
offered to any actor by the citizens of New York. A large and influential 
committee organized the testimonial, and the prices of admission were 
raised to one dollar ($1) for gallery, and five ($5) for boxes and pit. 

Forrest played Brutus to the Titus of John R. Scott ; Kemble Pc- 
truchio to the Katherine of his daughter Fanny Kemble ; and George 
Barrett, Wallack, Richings, and Mrs. Sharpe appeared in Payne's comedy 
of " Charles the Second." Payne himself was not in the cast, his career 
as an actor in America having ended when he went to Europe nineteen 
(19) years before. 



Several years ago the English reviews and journals had a lively 
discussion upon the rightfulness and good taste of putting to use the 
word talented. The Quarterly pronounced the judgment that a person 
who availed himself of it was " ripe for any atrocity." It proved that 
the word was of good old English usage, though it had for a consid- 
erable period of time dropped out. It is allowed now without rebuke. 
The advertising columns of English papers have made us familiar among 
the " wants " with that of " a decayed gentlewoman," not, however, as might 
be supposed, of the services of an undertaker, but of genteel lodgings on 
an economical scale and price. English purists have pronounced the word 
located — used for defining the place or the territory taken up for residence 
and occupancy — a vulgar or unwarranted Americanism, the word being 
allowed in England for other, though not for this purpose. But the Eng- 
lish have in free use a phrase, of similar construction with the above 
words, which is not familiarly employed by us, and which, as associated 
with some brooding political mischief in England, Scotland, and Ireland, 
suggests to us objectionable relations. The owners of large extents of 
what we call "real estate," are there described as "landed gentry." The 
term, which we should regard as more fitly applicable to a fish which the 
angler had drawn from the water to the shore, or to a passenger disem- 
barked from a vessel, is made to pass over from land property as a designa- 
tion of the owner of it. Doubtless a chief reason for the non-use or the 
lack of familiarity of the term with us is because we have no such class of 
gentry in the United States holding such large areas of territory by the 
same tenure, use and disposal of it as prevail in the mother country. Leav- 
ing the trivial question as to the grammatical quality of the phrase 
" landed gentry," and passing by a more significant theme as to the rela- 
tion between gentility and nobility with the entailed ownership and descent 
in families of seigniorial rights in large portions of territory, an incidental 
subject offers itself here for some brief remarks. 

A very interesting and suggestive theme for historical discussion and 
comment might be found in following out into general or detailed treat- 
ment this question : — How has it come about that in the United States we 
have no such class among us as the English " landed gentry " in the full 
local use and associations of that term ? It may be emphatically affirmed 



that no expanded region of this globe — continent or island — was ever en- 
tered upon by emigration or conquest which more temptingly prompted 
or facilitated the possession and occupancy of it in huge private domains, 
temporarily, or for an indefinite future, by a class of " landed gentry " for 
seigniorial ownership and entail. 

More than this is to be said. For such was actually the method and 
the tenure by which large regions of our territory were entered upon and 
held by European invaders, conquerors and colonists. The Pope presented 
the whole New World to the sovereigns under whose patronage it was un- 
veiled. The Council of the Indies distributed its islands and portions 
of the continent, in provinces and residenzias, by varying tenures and pro- 
prietary rights to the more greedy claimants, who in turn made distribu- 
tion under subordinate holders of generous sections of territory. Not 
only lands discovered but equally " lands to be yet discovered " were thus 
assigned to individuals and families, as feudal possessors. The unknown 
depths as well as the fringes of the continent had been thus appropriated 
and assigned by Spain, when the French monarch interposed to obtain 
his share in the real property left by Adam, who had died intestate. 
Never were more tempting or more magnificent opportunities offered for 
the rooting of such a class of men as a " landed gentry," than to the first 
European colonists of this continent. As a matter of fact, too, from time 
to time, and under varying circumstances in different regions of the con- 
tinent, all the conditions of such holdings of territory by individuals and 
their heritors have been realized. But it will appear that all such pos- 
sessory titles and methods of tenure were rooted in foreign authority, 
never in our local independent legislation, and that such survivals of 
the system as exist are radically modified and reduced in essential 

The seigniories established in Acadia and Canada by the French mon- 
archs renewed upon the soil of the New World the old feudal tenure of 
territory, with rights of jurisdiction and service from holders under them. 
But such Old-World usages were never transplanted in their full integrity 
under the modifications of changing sovereignties; only a shadow of them 
survived conquests and treaty disposals, and they could not withstand the 
conflict with the fresher elements of social and commercial life. William 
Penn was certainly a " landed gentleman," so was Lord Baltimore, Lord 
De la Ware, Carteret and Oglethorpe and many others, if mere patented, 
chartered or proprietary rights could certify the title and all that goes 
with it. We have had upon our territory men who could rival Alexander 
in his grasp for possession and dominion. But it was the British Govern- 


ment, not our own, that had to regard the heirs of Penn as annuitants in 
compensation for the spoil of their domain. 

Probably the nearest approach which has ever been made upon what 
is now the territory of the United States to a close copy of the English 
class of " landed gentry," was in the system initiated in New York, under 
the Dutch regime. An interesting quality in the facts in that case is 
found in the striking contrast which it presents contemporaneously with 
the method of disposing of land in New England. Territorial rights 
vested in the Dutch trading companies were transferred by portions in 
splendid domains, of islands, rivers, lakes and forests, lavishly, and 
hardly definitely bounded, comprehending more land surface than many 
an English county. The patroonship of these domains carried with it 
rights to hold petty courts, with all the relations of tenants, rent days, 
etc. Manor houses of imposing architecture, sumptuously furnished, with 
deer parks, fishing weirs, mills, and sometimes with fortifications, and an 
army of black slaves, reproduced in some of the fairest regions of New 
York and New Jersey all the prestige and state which we associate with 
the baronies and halls of England. So far as New York can be said to 
have an aristocracy, one founded, as all entailed nobility is said to be, on 
the ownership of broad acres, it all starts from this root. Trade, manu- 
factures, commerce, cannot legitimately produce an aristocracy, because 
sordidness is thought to qualify all thrifty enterprise, and reverses and 
losses in two or three generations disperse all funded wealth in personal 
goods. The entail of domain through many generations in a family, of 
course will not insure worth, talent, character or deserved distinction in 
the line of inheritors. But it will provide a basis for recuperation and re- 
flected honor when a true scion appears. These entailed estates in New 
York raised the first owners of them into a state of independence of, and 
put them into relations of defiance with, the successive governors who ad- 
ministered the province from the central authority. The political attitude 
and sympathies of these " landed gentry " subjected them to all the hazards 
and complications connected with the war of the Revolution. Pitiful was 
the fortune of a once affluent and lordly family found on the losing side 
in that catastrophe. Confiscation of property, and expatriation under 
bitter obloquy came with aggravations to some signal sufferers. Fortunate 
were a few under the circumstances when a division among the members 
of a family, its branches and alliances, in the manifestation of loyal or 
patriotic preferences, admitted of compromise, patronage or partiality in 
the adjustment of the spoils. The names of some of the counties and the 
towns in New York State are memorials of the old " landed gentry." 


There is not, however, in New England an instance which I can now 
recall in which town or county bears a name attached after this fashion 
from an entailed domain. There are towns in the State of Maine, as a 
district of Massachusetts, such as Pownal, Waldoboro', Hallowell, Gardi- 
ner and others, bearing individual names of persons to whom were made 
large territorial grants ; and there are towns in Massachusetts; like Lawrence 
and Lowell, commemorating the leaders in our great manufacturing enter- 
prises. But the conditions and the methods under which all the New 
England colonies were planted were so radically unlike those attending the 
Dutch occupancy and administration of the New Netherlands, as to with- 
stand from the first the rooting in them of a so-called " landed gentry." The 
General Courts of the respective New England colonies held the territorial 
domain of each of them, as bounded by the patent, in a mass. Grants of 
land were, indeed, made to individuals in parcels, in exceptional cases, for 
special services; as, for instance, to Norton, minister of the first church of 
Boston, for his sermon against the principles and conduct of the Quakers. 
But as a rule, as population increased, as settlements struck into the wil- 
derness or penetrated to valleys and river bottoms, the court would assign 
a portion of territory of six square miles, or larger, to a number of associ- 
ates, generally named in the grant, who might enter upon it in company, 
and then reserving some for common property for meeting-house, school, 
burial ground, highways, pasturage, and ministerial lot, distribute the 
area, meadow, upland and woods among themselves. As there v/as no law 
of entail, or exclusive privilege of primogeniture, a class of technical 
" landed gentry," was precluded, except as every farmer who tilled his own 
acres was one of such a class. There are many estates in New England 
which have come down in the families of proprietors who held " Indian 
deeds" of them. And there are dwellings still standing in which have 
been born, have lived and died five or six generations of such families. 
But I do not recall a single instance in New England in which aristocrat- 
ical descent or prestige has run down in a family through fixed territorial 
possession, after the fashion of a " landed gentry." Many very happy in- 
stances of a grateful revival of old-time reminiscences have of late years 
presented themselves in New England, and especially in Massachusetts. 
Men of country birth, who have accumulated large wealth in commerce, 
trade, or manufactures, or fortunate speculation, have indulged themselves 
in reclaiming their ancestral homes in rural regions, in adding to their 
acres, in beautifying their domains, and in building and endowing acade- 
mies and public libraries. These are a class of " landed gentlemen " 
which every country tov/n welcomes to its citizenship, and who bring into 


honor the name of some worthy parson, deacon, military officer, or yeo- 
man on its earliest records. 

In the marvelous rush of enterprise which, within the last score or two 
of years, has opened and occupied our western territory, even to the shores 
of the farther ocean, there have been splendid opportunities offered for the 
private possession of enormous reaches of territory which, so far as land 
tenure is concerned, might well entitle their owners to be called " landed 
gentry." But these owners seem to prefer to take a title from their cattle, 
and to call themselves herders or ranchers. 

I have here only briefly, and in a most superficial way, dealt with a sub- 
ject which offers itself for most suggestive and instructive treatment and 
illustration by names and family and local history. What princely do- 
mains for their heritors would be those superb estates once held in the val- 
ley of the Hudson by the Van Renssellaers, the Schuylers, and the Living- 
stons, and in the valley of the Mohawk by the Johnsons ! 

There is a current story that when the Green Mountain patriot, Ethan 
Allen, was held a prisoner in England, his fidelity was put to the test by a 
Cabinet Councillor, who represented to him the sure failure of the Amer- 
ican rebellion, and promised him, if he would come over to the loyal side, 
enough land in Vermont to make him a Duke. The patriot is said to have 
replied : " Your Lordship's offer reminds me of a similar offer made to the 
holiest Being who ever walked the earth, by one whom we will not name. 
And all the while the tarnal old cuss didn't own a square foot of the ter- 
ritory any more than you do." 

y&t/2*<t^ C~* o&&™ 


It is no easy matter to eradicate deep-rooted prejudice. President 
Buchanan's is a remarkable case in point. Called to the Pre